JSHlHi 




r 



ESSAYS 



ON THE 



PROGRESS OF NATIONS, 



IN CIVILIZATION, PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY, WEALTH 
AND POPULATION. 



ILLUSTRATED BY 



STATISTICS OF MINING, AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, COMMERCE, 
COIN, BANKING, INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, EMIGRATION 



iNDE^JJ^|TION. 




BY EZRA OTSEAMAN 



NEW YORK: 
CHARLES SCRIBNER, 145 NASSAU STREET. 

1852. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1852, by 
EZKA C. SEAMAN, 
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia. 



Stereotyped and Printed by 

C. W. BENEDICT, 
201 William Street, N. Y. 



TO THE REV. GEORGE DUFFIELB, D.D. 

SIB,— 

The kind interest taken by you in the prosecution of my 
inquiries, and in the first publication of a portion of these Essays — 
the profound attention you have given to many of the subjects 
treated in them, and the deep interest you have taken in the diffu- 
sion of useful knowledge, have induced me to inscribe this volume 
of Essays to you, as a token of the high respect which is enter- 
tained for your character and services, as a great moral and reli- 
gious teacher, by the 

AUTHOR. 



PREFACE 



A portion of these Essays were published in the year 1846 ; a 
supplement to the original work was published in 1847, and a 
secoud supplement in 1848. The tariff of 1846 having been 
passed since the original work was published ; great changes hav- 
ing been made in the commercial policy of Great Britain ; Cali- 
fornia and New Mexico having been ceded to the United States 
by treaty ; a new census having been taken by the United States, 
and also by several countries of Europe ; the work has been 
revised and enlarged in view of these changes. 

The population of the countries of Europe and America, is 
given according to the most recent enumerations, with the pro- 
gressive increase ; the amount of the commerce of the United 
States, and of the principal commercial nations of Europe, at 
different periods, is stated according to the latest commercial 
reports which have been published ; and the productive industry 
of the United States, and of several countries of Europe, is stated 
and compared together, as far as is practicable in such a work, 
with the information at present attainable. The most of the mat- 
ter contained in the original work and the supplements, has been 
condensed, corrected, and re-arranged ; the chapters divided into 
sections for convenience of reference ; a large amount of new 
matter added, and many branches of the subject treated of not 
contained in the former work, making it, in a great degree, a new 
work, rather than a new edition of the former work. 

It is more theoretical than the former work, with fewer details 
of statistics ; (hough it contains the results — the mere aggregates — - 



VI TOE FACE. 

of a much greater amount of facts and statistics. It comprises 
the leading principles of political economy and social philosophy, 
and the facts from which they are deduced, united in a systematic 
series of essays, logically arranged, showing the connection of the 
whole, and the bearing of each upon the development of the 
faculties of man, upon productive industry, civilization and the 
progress of nations. 

The object of the Author has been to connect political economy 
with statistics ; to bring the rules and principles of the former, to 
the test of the established facts of the latter ; and to try them, as 
far as practicable, by the severe test, and certain standard, of the 
principles of mathematics. This is the only mode by which they 
can be reduced to certainty, and by which errors, false assump- 
tions, fallacious reasoning, and erroneous conclusions, can be de- 
tected and corrected. 

Political economy is claimed to be a science, but it is in a very 
unsettled and imperfect condition at present. The rules laid down 
as principles are inconsistent with each other, and many of them 
are founded on assumptions which are erroneous and untrue. 
Modern society and its institutions are so complicated, and so 
many causes operate at the same time to produce effects, that it is 
often very difficult to determine what causes have contributed most 
to produce them. The whole subject of political economy is so 
complicated, that the only mode of even approximating to the 
truth, is to observe and collect carefully the facts showing the pro- 
gress of nations during a series of ages ; to note their condition at 
different periods, and their relative progress ; to apply the induc- 
tive system of philosophy, and from the effects observed, endeavor 
to deduce the causes which produced them. Such is the mode in 
which almost all scientific truths have been discovered — that is, by 
observation, experiment, and the deductions of* reason. The course 
of events in different countries, under different institutions, and 
various systems of policy, are but experiments, which should bo 
carefully observed and noted, to enable us to learn from the experi- 
ence of other nations, as well as our own. Until that mode is 
pursued to ascertain the principles of political economy, statesmen 



PREFACE. Vll 

and nations will continue to grope their way in uncertainty and 
error, and be often misled by rules laid down as principles which 
are founded on false assumptions. 

The object of the Author has been to show the effect on the 
progress of man and of nations, of civil, political, and religious 
liberty ; of the development of the intellect ; of educating the 
whole people ; of the general diffusion of knowledge and science ; 
of the discoveries, inventions, machinery, and improvements of 
modern times ; of the use and necessity of immaterial as well as 
material capital ; of adapting the division of employments to the 
condition and wants of the country ; of making production free, 
but regulating the foreign commerce of a country in such a man- 
ner as to secure to its citizens a field of employment, to encourage 
and promote their industry ; of the use of the precious metals, 
and of banking institutions and paper money ; of foreign debts 
and colonial bondage ; of associations, municipal and other corpo- 
rations, local powers, and confederated systems of government ; 
of associating, uniting, and organizing numerous individuals, their 
capital and labor, by means of corporations, for great enterprises 
and undertakings, which a few persons are incapable of accom- 
plishing ; of the union of civil and ecclesiastical power ; of despo- 
tism in any form ; of ecclesiastical hierarchies, and all attempts to 
enforce uniformity of opinion in matters of religion or government ; 
of large standing armies, the centralization of power, and its con- 
centration in the hands of one man, or of an aristocratic few. The 
object has been, to inquire into the causes and principal elements 
of individual and national progress, and the institutions which tend 
to promote it, as well as those which have a contrary tendency. 
How far the Author has been successful in his efforts, it is sub- 
mitted to the judgment of an intelligent and generous public to 
determine. 

Nearly all the works on political econcmy used in the schools, 
advocate the free-trade side of the question ; and though there are 
many reports, addresses, and speeches, and some substantial works, 
which controvert those doctrines with great ability, yet there is no 
complete work on the subject of political economy, taking that 



VI11 PREFACE. 

view of the question, and presenting the leading facts from which 
its principles are deduced. This work is designed for common 
school libraries, for mechanics' and other public libraries, and for all 
classes of learners and inquirers into industrial, social, and political 
questions. It is hoped it may be found useful as a text-book, in 
connection with other works on political economy, for students in 
academies and colleges, who should be made acquainted with all 
the views and phases in which the subject can be presented. They 
should examine both sides of every question. 

To express an opinion in favor of discrimination for the benefit 
of American industry, in laying duties on imports, is said by the 
advocates of free-trade to have a political bearing, and to involve 
partisan politics. On the contrary, they claim that the doctrines 
of free-trade are scientific, and the expressions of opinions in 
accordance with them are proper, and not subject to a similar 
charge. To discuss one side of the question is claimed to be 
scientific and proper; but a cry is raised against the discussion of 
the other side of the same question, as involving party politics, 
which they allege should be kept out of the schools, out of all agri- 
cultural conventions, and out of all other conventions and meetings 
of the people, except those of a purely partisan character. They 
seem to think that the schools and students should be supplied 
with books inculcating the doctrines of free-trade : that is esteemed 
proper ; but to supply them with books on the other side of the 
question, would be promoting partisan politics, and therefore per- 
nicious. It is to be hoped that such sophistry will soon be dis- 
carded, and that both sides of every industrial, political, and 
economical question, will be examined with equal care. Accurate 
information upon the subjects treated in this volume, is necessary 
to every statesman, as a guide to enlightened legislation. 

The most of the work was prepared for publication during the 
years 1850 and 1851, and much of it stereotyped previous to the 
reception of the information relative to the coup d'etat of Louis 
Napoleon of December 2d, 1851. This accounts for what is said 
in the fifth chapter, in relation to the constitution of France. The 
publication has been delayed in order to obtain the principal results 



PREFACE. IX 

of the late census of 1850. Through the kindness of Mr. Ken- 
nedy, the superintendent of the census, and of Mr. Irving, his chief 
clerk, the Author has been. favored with much information collected 
with the census. He has also been favored during the progress 
of the work, with important information from several other officers 
of the government, who have greatly facilitated his inquiries. 
The works most frequently consulted, in addition to official docu- 
ments and reports, have been " Hunt's Merchants' Magazine," 
" The American Almanac," " British Almanac and Companion," 
" Annuaire of France," " McCulloch's Statistics," " Commercial 
Diction aiy and Universal Gazetteer," " Porter's Progress of the 
Nation," " Hallam's Middle Ages," " Jacob on the Precious 
Metals," " Brande's Encyclopaedia of Science and Art," " Gibbon's 
Rome," " Mosheim's Church History," and " Murray's Geography." 
The facts and statistics have been collected and arranged, and 
the estimates and deductions made with great labor, care, and 
attention ; and the Author hopes and trusts, that they may be 
useful to the public, and that the statistics, in the form in which 
they are condensed and combined, may comprise information valu- 
able to the reading community of all parties and sects, whether 
they do or do not agree with the Author in his deductions and 
estimates. 

Washington, July, 1852. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER I. 



On the laws of nature, and their, operations and effects 
UPON the condition, transactions, and welfare of indi- 
viduals ; AND UPON THE PROGRESS OF NATIONS, 1-33. 

Sec. 1. Importance of studying and understanding the laws of nature. 
Sec. 2. The Laws of nature deduced from the elements and condition of the 

material and intellectual worlds ; and defined. 
Sec. 3. Necessity of intellect, and the importance of its development and 

cultivation. 
Sec. 4. Moral law of nature, as distinguished from the physical law. 
Sec. 5. Utility defined. It is the principal test to determine the moral law 

of nature, and moral virtue. 
Sec. 6. Further illustrations, in reference to medicine, agriculture, theology, 

law, etc., of the importance of understanding the laws of nature. 
Sec. 7. On the general and special providences of God ; and the general use 

of natural causes and physical agents to effect his purposes. 
Sec. 8. Inherent weakness of the human mind, and the influences of natural 

and external causes upon it. 
Sec. 9. Means used by monarchical governments, and by the Pope and 

Catholic priesthood, to form the opinions, and govern the people. 
Sec. 10. Means used to form the opinions and govern the people of France 

during the Revolution of 1789 ; and the causes which produced that 

revolution. 
Sec. 11. Effect of habits, pursuits, exercise, etc., upon the constitution of man ; 

and upon the formation of national character. 
Sec 12. Effect of gunpowder, fire-arms, and the mechanic arts, in changing 

the character of war. 



Xll CONTENTS. 

Sec. 13. Nations, like individuals, with but little industry, seem to be 
impelled by fate. 

Sec. 14. Effect of inventions and machinery upon the productive industry, 
wealth, power, and population of Great Britain. 

Sec. 15. Population, revenues and power of France, from 1789 to 1815, com- 
pared with those of Great Britain : Napoleon's error upon the subject. 

Sec. 16. Inventions and machinery produced the overthrow of Napoleon. 
Their effects are the natural effects of physical causes, and must con- 
tinue until the end of time. 

Sec. 17. The physical laws of nature constitute the basis of the laws of 
trade; and in their effects they have prostrated not only individuals, 
but the credit of many of the States, and many :>f the banks of the 
United States. 



CHAPTER II. 

Laws of nature continued — on the constitution and na- 
ture OF MAN, AND THE END OR PURPOSE FOR WHICH HE WAS 

CREATED EDUCATION AND EXERCISE NECESSARY TO DEVELOP E 

AND IMPROVE HIS MENTAL AND MORAL, AS WELL AS HIS PHYSI- 
CAL FACULTIES, AND FIT HIM FOR THE FINAL END OF HIS EX- 
ISTENCE, 34-53. 

Sec. 1. As the education, habits, condition, and government of a people 
have an influence upon their improvement, those topics are appro- 
priate to the subject of these Essays. 

Sec. 2. The mind being dependent on physical organs, its capacity depends 
very much upon the greater or less perfection and discipline of those 
organs. 

Sec. 3. Mind, not the result of organization, but a distinct substance or 
principle ; its characteristics, faculties, and power. 

Sec. 4. Physical organs and conditions, and also the organs of the mind, 
transmitted from parent to child, which tends to form national char- 
acter. 

Sec. 5. The pain, and much of the physical and moral evil to which man is 
subject, arise necessarily from his constitution, and from the mode, 
and end, or purpose of his existence. . 

Sec. 6. Man was designed for an industrious, rational, social, moral, re- 
ligious, and selfish being. 

Sec. 7. The leading passions enumerated and described. 

Sec. 8. A moderate and rational gratification of the natural appetites and 
passions of man, is in accordance with the end or object of his crea- 
tion. 



CONTENTS. Xlll 



Sec 9. On education ; its different kinds, history, and importance. 
Sec. 10. On school district libraries ; their origin and importance. 
Sec. 11. Education and exercise are necessary to develope the mental and 
moral, as well as the physical faculties of man. 



CHAPTER III. 

On t CIVILIZATION DEFINITION AND SUCCESSIVE STEPS IN THE 

PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION GRAZING, MINING, MECHANISM, 

AGRICULTURE, AND COMMERCE DEPENDENCE OF AGRICULTURE 

INVENTIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS, 54-65. 

Sec. 1. Civilization is progressive. 

Sec. 2. Civilization defined. 

Sec. 3. Industry, property, and education, lie at the foundation of civiliza- 
tion. 

Sec. 4. Successive steps in the progress of civilization. 

Sec. 5. On the use of the metals; they necessarily precede both agricul- 
ture and a division of employments. 

Sec. 6. Origin, basis, and advantages of commerce. 

Sec. 7. Successive steps in the progress of civilization recapitulated. 

Sec. 8.. Effect of the application of science, of the mechanic arts, and of in- 
ventions and discoveries, on the progress of civilization. 



CHAPTER IV. 

On the priesthood, and ecclesiastical government ; and 
the influence of protestantism, catholicism, mahometan 
fatalism, and mormonism, upon the human mind, and upon 
civil government, the progress of improvement, and 
civilization, 66-90. 

Sec. 1. Influence of the priesthood on the human mind, on education, on 
government, and on the progress of improvement. — Ecclesiastical ty- 
ranny. 

Sec. 2. Supposed end and object of the Scriptures, of Christianity, and of 
church government. 

Sec. 3. Origin and progress of ecclesiastical government. 

Sec. 4. There is no necessary connection between the doctrines of a church, 
and its form and powers of government. Government of Protestant 
churches. 

Sec. 5. On the government of the Roman Catholic church ; its form and 
character. 



XIV CONTENTS. 

Sec. 6. Character and usages of the early Christians, and tne changes which 

they underwent. 
Sec. 7. Origin and character of Mahometanism, and of the Popish Inquisi- 
tion. 
Sec. 8. On fatalism, and its influence on the Mahometan character. 
Sec. 9. Origin and character of the sect of Mormons. 



CHAPTER V. 

On the mode, means, and influences by which individuals 
and nations are governed the causes and chief instru- 
ments of despotism, and of freedom and independence 

the different forms of government, their origin and 

effects and .the effects of political parties, of our 

mode of elections, and of certain combinations and asso- 



Sec. 1. On the mode, means, and influences by which individuals and 
nations are governed- 

Sec 2. On the causes which have led to, and the chief instruments of 
despotism ; and the causes of liberty and independence. 

Sec. 3. Democracy defined. It can not be sustained in its purity, among 
a very ignorant people. 

Sec. 4. Aristocracy defined, and the character and influence of the different 
classes stated. 

Sec. 5. On the centralization of power, and the origin and importance of 
local power. 

Sec. 6. Origin of the representative system of legislation, and the import- 
ance of two chambers. 

Sec. 7. Character of the Anglo-Saxons and of the Normans, and the origin 
and progress of the laws, institutions, and government of Great 
Britain. 

Sec. 8. Character of the House of Lords of Great Britain. The power and 
prosperity of that country not owing to a hereditary, landed, clerical, 
or legal aristocracy. 

Sec. 9. On party combinations, and the frauds perpetrated by them. 

Sec. 10. Evils of the system of elections by general ticket, and a remedy 
suggested. 

Sec. 11. Effect of Anti-masonry, Anti-slavery, native Americanism, Catho- 
licism, and Mormonism upon our elections. 

Sec. 12. On the progress of civil liberty, and of reform in matters of govern- 
ment. 



CONTENTS. XV 



CHAPTER VI. 

On the nature and constituents of wealth, and how accu- 
mulated ; ON VALUE, EXCHANGEABLE VALUE AND PRICE ; 
CAPITAL AND MATERIALS, AS DISTINGUISHED FROM PRODUCTS FOR 
CONSUMPTION ; PRODUCTION, THE RESULT OF THE COMBINED 
ACTION OF LABOR AND CAPITAL, BOTH MATERIAL AND IMMATE- 
RIAL, UPON RAW MATERIALS ; WEALTH ACCUMULATED BY INDUS- 
TRY AND FRUGALITY', PURSUITS PERSONIFIED, THEIR RELATIVE 
IMPORTANCE, 125-151. 

Sec. 1. Nature and character of our wants, and the nature and utility of the 
things which are necessary to supply them. 

Sec. 2. The utility of luxuries is partly real, but mostly factitious, — it is re- 
lative also. 

Sec. 3. On values ; their character and basis. Many of them more or less 
factitious. Value and price of things fluctuate. 

Sec. 4. Wealth and its basis, divided into material and immaterial, real and 
factitious. 

Sec. 5. Definition and uses of capital, distinguished from materials to be 
manufactured, and from products for consumption. 

Sec. 6. Coin, being an instrument of commerce, should be ranked as fixed 
capital. 

Sec. 7. Production and productive industry defined. 

Sec. 8. Use of capital; immaterial capital more difficult to acquire than 
material capital, and also more necessary to render labor effective. 

Sec. 9. Importance of a division of employments, and the limits to such 
division. 

Sec. 10. What constitutes a field of employment, and the importance of 
securing it. 

Sec. 11. On the production and accumulation of wealth. 

Sec. 12. Markets are among the principal stimulants of industry, and 
causes of wealth. Colonial policy of Europe ; the importance of 
securing the markets of every country to her own citizens, so far as 
they are capable of supplying them. 

Sec. 13. The different employments and pursuits personified. 

Sec. 14. Effect of the mechanic arts and of commerce on the mind and char- 
acter of man, and upon the character and enterprise of nations. 

Sec. 15. Effect of the mechanic arts and manufactures upon markets and 
prices, and on agriculture. 



XVI CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 



On the metals THEIR use THE discovery and history of 

WORKING THEM, AND THE PROGRESSIVE PRODUCTION OF THEM, 

152-174. 

Sec. 1. General history and use of Ue metals. 

Sec. 2. Introduction of the manufacture of iron into Great Britain, and the 

production, importation, exportation, and consumption of iron in that 

kingdom. 
Sec. 3. Production, importation, and consumption of iron in France, the 

United States, and Ireland. 
Sec. 4. Estimates of the production of iron and other metals (exclusive of 

gold and silver) in the several countries of Europe, at different 

periods. 
Sec. 5. On the use, production, consumption, and trade in copper. 
Sec. 6. Tin ; its use and production. 

Sec. 7. On lead ; its use, production, consumption, and trade. 
Sec. 8. On zinc ; its use and the trade in it. 
Sec. 9. Coal; its use, production, consumption, and trade. 
Sec. 10. On the production, consumption, and trade in salt. 
Sec. 11. General reflections on the importance of the metals, and the effect 

of their increased production on industry and commerce. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE AND THE 
MECHANIC ARTS ; AND THEIR EFFECTS UPON THE HEALTH, CON- 
DITION, AND INCREASE OF MAN, 175-210. 

Sec. 1 . Origin and condition of the useful arts, and of agriculture among 

ancient nations. 
Sec. 2. Improvements in agricultural tools and implements in modern 

times. 
Sec. 3. Civilization commenced in warm countries; house-building was 

among the first of the mechanic arts learned by man. 
Sec. 4. Glass-windows, chimneys, stoves, the steam-engine, fuel, cold and 

heat — and their influence on the comforts and industry of man. 
Sec. 5. Invention of saw-mills in the fifteenth century ; and the mode of 

building, and condition of dwellings before that time. 
Sec. 6. In all civilized countries, more people suffer for want of comfortable 

dwellings, clothing, bedding, and fuel, than for want of food. 
Sec. 7. The mariner's compass, and its influence on navigation. 



CONTENTS. XY11 

Sec. 8. Progress of improvement in the mechanic arts and manufactures, 
and their effects upon the comforts of man, and the increase of popu- 
lation. 

Sec. 9. On paper — its invention, uses, and manufacture. 

Sec. 10. On the production, manufactures, and trade in wool and woollen 
goods. 

Sec 11. On the production, manufacture, and trade in the manufactures of 
flax and hemp. 

Sec. 12- On the production, manufacture, and trade in silk and silk goods. 

Sec 13. On the production, manufacture, and trade in cotton and cotton 
goods — the prices of cotton — the number of power looms and fac- 
tories employed in the manufacture of wool, cotton, linen, and silk, in 
Great Britain and Ireland, respectively — and the number of spindles 
in use in different countries. 

Sec 14. On the production, uses, and manufacture of leather — and the trade 
in hides, leather, and manufactures of leather. 



CHAPTER IX. 

On the origin, introduction, uses, and production of the 
principal products of agriculture, 211—239. 

Sec 1. On the cereal grains, or bread corns. 

Sec 2. The production and consumption of wheat. 

Sec 3. Rye — its production and use. 

Sec 4. Production and use of oats. 

Sec 5. Production and use of barley. 

Sec 6. Production and use of buckwheat and millet. 

Sec 7. Production and use of rice. 

Sec 8. Production and use of maize, or Indian com. 

Sec 9. Production and use of potatoes. 

Sec 10. Production of grain in the United States, Great Britain, Ireland, 

and France. 
Sec. 11. Production of grain in Russia, Austrian Empire, Spain, and other 

countries of Europe. 
Sec 12. Trade in grain and flour at different periods. 
Sec 13. General reflections on the agricultural products of Europe, and their 

increase. 
Sec 14. The introduction, production, and consumption of sugar. 
Sec. 15. The production and consumption of coffee. 
Sec 16. The introduction and consumption of tea. 
Sec 17. Physical and moral effects of tea and coffee. 
Sec 18". The production and consumption of wine. 
Sec 19. The production and consumption of tobacco. 



CONTEXTS. 



CHAPTER X. 
On the precious metals, coin, and bank notes, 240-2*7 1. 

Sec. 1. The utility of gold and silver, and the properties which fit them 
for measures of value and for currency — though they do not consti- 
tute an invariable standard of value. 

Sec. 2. Quantity of pure silver and gold, and of alloy, in the coin of Great 
Britain, and the United States, at different periods. 

Sec. 3. Mr. Jacob's estimates of the amount of coin in the Roman Empire 
and in ancient Europe. 

Sec 4. Production of gold and silver from 1492 to 1850 — and Gregory 
King's estimate of the supply in 1500 and 1696. 

Sec- 5. Wear and loss of coin — consumption of gold and silver in the arts — 
coin exported to Asia, and the amount in Europe and America at dif- 
ferent periods, from 1500 to 1840. 

Sec. 6. Origin and progress of banking — and the estimated amount of 
paper money in circulation, in the several countries of Europe, 
and in America, at different periods. 

Sec. 7. Banking capital, coin, and paper money, in the United States, from 
1810 to 1849 — exports and imports of coin, and the influence of 
foreign commerce on banking. 

Sec. 8. Amount of money to each person in each portion of the United 
States, and in each country of Europe — also the amount in Europe 
and America to each pereon, from 1500 to 1840. 

Sec. 9. Depreciation of paper money — failures of banks — losses and evils 
resulting — and remedies suggested. 

CHAPTER XI. 

On supply and demand, the wants of man, and a proper divi- 
sion of employments, 2*72-299. 

Sec. 1. On supply and demand — the increased production of the present 
age — and the capacity of Great Britain and the United States, to 
produce certain articles sufficient to supply the wants of the world. 

Sec. 2. The division of employments, and the industry of a nation should be 
adapted to the wants of the people, and of the commercial world ; 
and to the resources and condition of the country. 

Sec. 3. How much of each class of provisions, breadstuff's, and vegetables, 
do our people need ? 

Sec. 4. How much salt, fish, tea, coffee, spices, sugars, dried fruits, and rice, 
do our people need, and consume annually ? 



CONTENTS. XIX 

Sec. 5. What kinds, how much, and of what value of clothing, do they need 
and consume annually ? 

Sec. 6. What fuel, lights, soap, and household furniture, and of what value 
do they need ? 

Sec. 7. What kind and value of dwelling houses, outhouses, grounds, shade 
trees, etc., do they need, to promote their comforts and enjoyments ? 

Sec. 8. Annual expenditures for books, newspapers, and other periodicals, for 
education, and for horses and carriages kept for pleasure. 

Sec. 9. Cost to the consumers, of the tobacco, and the intoxicating drinks 
consumed annually. 

Sec. 10. Recapitulation of the annual consumption of the people, — the value 
annually produced — the value accumulated — and reflections on the 
imperfect division of employments in our country — the surplus of 
some articles wasted, and the deficiency of others, supplied by imports 
from abroad, which might have been furnished at home. 

Sec. 11. What proportion or per cent, of the adult males should be em- 
ployed in agriculture in different climates — what per cent, have been 
employed in agriculture, and what per cent, in other pursuits, in diffe- 
rent parts of the United States, and in Great Britain and Ireland — 
and the values produced annually by each division. 

Sec. 12. General reflections on the effects of an improper division of em- 
ployments, not adapted to the condition and wants of a people. 

Sec. 13. Utility of competition — injurious effects of excessive competi- 
tion — and the importance of concert of action among producers, 
in order to limit production to the wants of the commercial world — 
and to direct labor and capital from employments in which there may be 
an excess of production, to others, in which there may be a deficiency. 



CHAPTER XII. 

On prices, and their fluctuations, 300-3G6. 

Sec. 1. Necessity of a standard or measure of value in making exchanges 

— use of gold and silver coin as such standard. 
Sec. 2. Causes of the changes in value of gold and silver. 
Sec. 3. On the price, or market value of products. 
Sec. 4. Natural limit to the demand for food — no limit but poverty, 

to the demand for objects of ornament, taste, and fashion. 
Sec. 5. Effect of demand and supply on each other, and on prices, where 

there is a proper division of employments, and production is adapted 

to the condition and wants of the people. 
Sec. 6. The prices of labor are governed by the same natural laws that 

regulate the prices of the products of industry. 



XX CONTENTS. 

Sec. 7. On the prices of land, and the causes of the great difference between 
their value in densely peopled countries, and in those sparsely settled. 

Sec. 8. On rents, and what regulates the amount. 

Sec. 9. Interest on money, and profits on capital — what determines the 
amount of profits, and the rate of interest — and the effect of high and 
low rates of interest on the prosperity of a country. 

Sec. 10. Free trade theory of cost and price. 

Sec. 11. Free trade theory of the effect of competition. 

Sec. 12. False assumption involved in the free trade theory of price. 

Sec. 13. False assumption of the facility of labor and capital changing 
from one employment to another. 

Sec. 14. Errors of the theory of free trade arising from false assumptions. 

Sec. 15. Tables showing the prices of wheat in England, from 1120 to 1557. 

Sec. 16. Table showing the average and comparative prices of wheat at 
Oxford, England, from 1583 to 1800. 

Sec. 17. Average prices of wheat in Great Britain from 1801 to 1850. 

Sec. 18. Comparison of the population with the products of wheat and prices 
at different periods; showing the poverty of the people, and the 
famines, plagues, and great mortality which prevailed. 

Sec. 19. Rent of land, wheat produced per acre, and price of labor in the 12th 
and 13th centuries. 

Sec. 20. Value of ships, iron, wool, and wines in Flanders in the year 1470. 

Sec. 21. Table of exports of England in 1354, giving quantities and prices 
— condition of the laboring classes. 

Sec. 22. Prices of rent, wages, provisions, etc., in the 13th and 14th centu- 
ries. 

Sec. 23. Comparative condition of the laboring classes in the 14th and 19th 
centuries. 

Sec. 24. Table of prices in the 16th century. 

Sec 25. Contract prices of provisions and labor at the Royal Hospitals, 
at Greenwich, from 1730 to 1835. 

Sec. 26. Exports from London to France, and the prices of the same in 
1751 — and the official values of goods. 

Sec. 27. Official and declared values of the leading articles exported from 
Great Britain in 1832 and 1834. 

Sec. 28. Official and declared values of British exports annually, from 1798 
to 1845 — and the amount to the United States since 1821. 

Sec. 29. Official and declared values of manufactures of wool, cotton, linen, 
silk, cotton yarn, and twist, and of all other articles of British pro- 
duce, exported annually from 1814 to 1837. 

Sec. 30. Importation into the United States — production and prices of iron 
— and improvements in the manufacture. 

Sec. 31. Prices of copper, tin, and lead, at different times. 

Sec. 32. Prices of hardware at different dates. 



CONTENTS, XXI 

Sec. 33. The "Western produce markets, giving quantities and prices at 
different places. 

Sec. 34. Exports from, and imports into, the United States ; monthly 
prices of flour in New York, and export and import prices, from 
1828 to 1850, of flour, wheat, corn, and butter. 

Sec. 35. Prices of wheat in France from 1829 to 1850. 

Sec. 36. Prices of freights and their variations, and the cost of transporta- 
tion in various modes. 

Sec. 37. Average prices of wheat, Indian corn, oats, and potatoes, in each of 
the United States, from 1840 to 1846, inclusive, (estimated.) 



CHAPTER XIII. 
On commerce, — 367. 

Sec. 1. The nature, object, and legitimate sphere, of foreign and domestic 
commerce. 

Sec. 2. The final result of all proper and natural commercial transac- 
tions, is to effect an exchange of commodities — purchases for con 
sumption should be limited. 

Sec. 3. On what is termed balance of trade — and the principal causes* 
which produce it. 

Sec. 4. Domestic commerce depends on a division of employments. All 
the branches of industry of a country are mutually dependent on 
each other, for markets for their products. 

Sec. 5. The natural tendency of commerce is to conform to the physical 
laws of nature — foreign commerce should be regulated in accordance 
with the moral laws of nature— it is extremely variable. 

Sec. 6. On protective duties and their effects. 

Sec. 7. On free trade, and its effects — and the importance of directing 
and controlling foreign commerce, by commercial regulations and im- 
posts, established in accordance with the moral laws of nature. 

Sec 8. The exports of a country depend mostly on the character, variety, 
amount, and prices of the products of its industry. 

Sec. 9. On what the imports of a country depend — exports, imports, and 
domestic production, being mutally dependent on each other — pro- 
duction and the wants of other nations determine the amount of 
exports — and the value of the exports finally determines the amount 
of imports. 

Sec. 10. Influence of paper money, and the credit system, on exports and 
imports, and on domestic commerce. 

Sec. 11. Depressing effects of debts upon individuals and communities — 
different effects of foreign and domestic debts. 



XX11 CONTENTS. 

Sec. 12. How, and for what purposes and ends commerce should be regu- 
lated. 

Sec. 13. On the foreign commerce of the United States — the balance of 
trade against the country — and the foreign debt, at different periods — 
showing the effect of our respective tariff acts upon the commerce, 
productive industry, and prosperity of the country. 

Sec. 14. On the commerce and commercial policy of Great Britain — the 
value and immense increase of their exports. 

Sec. 15. On the commerce and commercial policy of France — and the value 
of exports and imports at different periods. 

Sec. 16. On the commerce and commercial policy of Holland and Belgium. 

Sec. 17. On the commerce of Austria, Russia, and Cuba. 

Sec. 18. Estimate of the value of the exports, and the amount to each per- 
son, of the United States, — compared with those of the Southern 
Slave States, of the Free States, Northern Slave States, Great Britain, 
France, and other countries. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

On the condition, productive industry, and value of pro- 
perty, op Great Britain, France, and other countries op 
western Europe, at different periods ; of Mexico and 
the South American States ; of the United States, and 
the several States in 1840, — 418. 

Sec. 1. Incomes, value of real and personal estate, coin and agricultural pro- 
ducts, of England and Wales in 1688. 

Sec. 2. Comparative incomes and population of England, France, and Hol- 
land, in 1697. 

Sec. 3. Acres of land, and rental of Great Britain and Ireland at different 
periods, from 1770 to 1843. 

Sec. 4. Tables showing the rental and valuation of the different kinds of real 
property in Great Britain in 1815 and 1843. 

Sec. 5. Several estimates of the productive industry of Great Britain. 

Sec. 6. Gross and net products of the manufacturing and mining industry of 
Great Britain, and the capital invested ; also the foreign debts, stocks 
and investments. 

Sec. 7. Income from, and capital invested in the several departments of in- 
dustry in Great Britain in 1841 ; Mr. Pebrer's estimate of the pro- 
perty in 1833 ; rental and value of property, and amount to each per- 
son at different periods. 

Sec. 8. Productive industry and property of Holland and Belgium. 



contents. xxiii 

Sec. 9. Property and productive industry or incomes of France, and the 
amount to each person at different periods, compared with Great 
Britain. 

Sec 10. Productive industry and condition of Mexico, and the South Ame- 
rican States. 

Sec. 11. Productive industry and condition of Spain and Portugal at different 
periods, compared with England, France, Italy, &c. 

Sec. 12. Mode of estimating the annual income from agriculture in the 
United States, in 1839-40. 

Sec 13. Agricultural products of the United States, in 1839. 

Sec 14. Manufactures and the mechanic arts ; their net products ; capital 
and number of persons employed. 

Sec 15. Mining, fisheries, and the forest, products of, in 1840. 

Sec 16. Estimates of the income from commerce, navigation, and transpor- 
tation, in 1840. 

Sec 17. Mining, manufactures, fisheries, forest, agriculture, and commerce ; 
their net products ; capital and persons employed. 

Sec 18. Values produced in each of the great departments of industry, in 
each State ; and the amount to each person. 

Sec 19. Value of furniture made; and the number, value, and average value 
of houses erected in each of the States, in 1840. 



CHAPTER XV. 

On free trade ; the circumstances which suggested the 
outlines op the system ; its principles, false assumptions, 
sophistries, and tendencies ; the necessity of regulating 
commerce, of organizing capital and labor j and the true 
principles of political economy, 469. 

Sec. 1. Feudal privileges and monopolies in the mechanic arts, manufac- 
tures, and commerce in Europe. 

Sec 2. The system or monopoly extended to all the countries of America ; 
which were held in colonial bondage. 

Sec 3. Dr. Adam Smith's Inquiry into the Nature, Causes, and Wealth of 
Nations ; its character and effects. 

Sec 4. Free production, but not free trade, the true rule. 

Sec 5. Definition of the word fact. The rules of political economy, should 
be deduced from facts. 

Sec 6. Causes of many of the errors into which Dr. Smith fell. 

Sec 7. Great Britain has capital and capacity to manufacture for the world. 
Necessary effects of Free Trade. 

Sec 8. Maxims of Free Trade stated. 



XXIV CONTENTS. 

Sec. 9. The maxims of Free Trade critically examined, and commented 

upon. 
Sec. 10. Importance and mode of organizing capital and labor. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

On roads and other internal improvements ; the means of 
communication and transportation in different countries ; 
and their effects on the intelligence and industry of 

NATIONS, 497. 

Sec. 1. Posts, and Post-Offices — their introduction and progress in Great 
Britain and the United States. 

Sec. 2. Roads in ancient and modern times ; introduction of paved roads ; 
modes of conveyance, and of travelling at various periods, and in dif- 
ferent countries. 

Sec. 3. Turnpike roads, carriages, and coaches ; extent of roads in Great 
Britain and France. 

Sec. 4. Origin and progress of canals. 

Sec. 5. Railroads and locomotives ; extent of railroads in different coun- 
tries. 

Sec. 6. Steamboats, electric telegraphs, and plank-roads. 

Sec. 7. Productiveness of canals and railroads, and their effects on industry 
and the value of property. 

Sec. 8. Effect of steamboats, railroads, and electric telegraphs, in dissemina- 
ting knowledge among men. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN, SYSTEMS OF RELIGION, ASSOCIATIONS, 
POLITICAL PARTIES, AND SAVINGS' BANKS, 512. 

Sec. 1. Condition of society, and castes of the ancient world; the laboring 
classes uneducated. 

Sec. 2. Origin of associations distinct from the government, and of corpora- 
tions. 

Sec. 3. Changes in the organization of churches in the fourth century. 

Sec. 4. Protestant societies or churches, and the influence of different sys- 
tems of religion on the progress of nations. 

Sec. 5. Advantages and power of associations, corporations, and associated 
wealth. 

Sec. 6- The Monks, Jesuits, Missionary, and Colonization societies. 

Sec. 7. Political associations and parties. 

Sec. 8. Societies, or Order of Freemasons. 

Sec. 9. Friendly, or Benefit societies. 



CONTENTS. XXV 

Sec. 10. Savings' banks. 

Sec. 11. The Independent Order of Odd-Fellows. 
Sec. 12. Temperance societies, and Sons of Temperance. 
Sec. 13. Effect of independent associations and churches, on civil liberty and 
civilization. 

CHAPTER XVm. 

On the art of distillation, and on the manufacture, con- 
sumption, PROPERTIES, AND EFFECTS, OF FERMENTED AND DIS- 
TILLED LIQUORS, 533. 

Sec. 1. On fermented liquors, and the art of distillation. 

Sec. 2. Chemical properties and component parts of alcohol, ether, and 
several other gases and substances. 

Sec. 3. Effect of ether, chloroform, nitrous oxyd-gas, and alcohol, on sensa- 
tion and on the mental faculties. 

Sec 4. On poisons, and their operations. 

Sec. 5. Is it, or is it not immoral to use intoxicating drinks as a beverage ? 

Sec. 6. Consumption of intoxicating drinks in the United States, in 1810, 
1840, and 1850. 

Sec. 7. Consumption of intoxicating liquors in Great Britain and Ireland, 
Prussia, and Sweden. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

On the general laws which govern the PROGRESS OF POPU- 
LATION ; AND ON the population of the old world, 546. 

Sec. 1. On the general laws which govern the progress of population. 

Sec. 2. Population of the Roman Empire, and of the Roman provinces and 
countries of Europe, at different periods. 

Sec 3. Population of Italy at different periods. 

Sec. 4. Population of Spain and Portugal. 

Sec. 5. Progress of the population of France. 

Sec. 6. Progress of the population of England and Wales, Scotland and Ire- 
land, and the emigration. 

Sec. 7. Population of the Netherlands, or Holland and Belgium. 

Sec. 8. Population of Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Switzer- 
land. 

Sec. 9. Progress of the population of Russia. 

Sec. 10. Population of Austria, Germany, and Turkey. 

Skc. 11. Population of Asia. 

Sec. 12. Population of Africa. 

Sec. 13. By what causes population is affected. 



XXVI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XX. 

On the population op the new world, 578. 

Sec. 1. Population of the colonies (now the United States), at different 
periods. 

Sec. 2. White, free-colored, and slave population of the several States, at 
each census, from 1800 to 1850. 

Sec. 3. Emigration to the United States. 

Sec. 4. Ratio of the mortality, and of the natural increase of the white popu- 
lation of the United States, every ten years. 

Sec. 5. Population of the British North American colonies, at different 
periods. 

Sec. 6. Progress of the population of Cuba and Porto Rico. 

Sec. 7. Progress of the population of Mexico. 

Sec. 8. Population of the other Spanish American States and nations. 

Sec. 9. Progress of the population of Brazil. 

Sec. 10. Indian population of the United States, and the condition and indus- 
try of some of the tribes. 

Sec. 11. Indians of the British provinces. 

Sec. 12. Population of America at different periods. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

On the property and productive industry of the united 
states, (continued from chapter xiv,) 614. 

Sec. 1. On the wealth of the several States at different periods, and the 

amount of property to each person. 
Sec. 2. Improved lands and live stock of the several States. 
Sec. 3. Agricultural industry and products of the several States in 1849. 
Sec. 4. Manufacturing, mechanical, and mining industry of the several 

States in 1850. 
Sec. 5. Estimate of the income from capital and industry in the United 

States, during the year ending June 1, 1850 ; and the amount to each 

person. 



CHAP TEE I. 

ON THE LAWS OF NATURE, AND THEIR OPERATIONS AND 
EFFECTS UPON THE CONDITION, TRANSACTIONS, AND WEL- 
FARE OF INDIVIDUALS ; AND UPON THE PROGRESS OF 
NATIONS. 

Sec. 1. Importance of understanding the Laws of Nature. 

Inasmuch as the destiny of man and the progress of nations 
are in a great measure shaped and controlled by the laws of 
nature, or, in other words, by the general providences of God, it 
becomes necessary to inquire into, and to study those laws. 
That climate, and the situation, condition,- and resources of a 
country in regard to soil, mines, mountains, timber, navigable 
waters, and small streams and springs, have a great influence 
upon man, and upon the progress of communities and nations, 
is obvious to every intelligent mind. Large bodies of water are 
not only convenient as aids to commerce, but they are absolutely 
necessary to produce a constant and sufficient quantity of evapo- 
ration to furnish with regularity clouds, rains, and dews to moisten 
the earth, render it fit for vegetation, and enable it to support 
animal life ; and hence the central portions of large continents, 
lying at a great distance from seas and lakes, are very generally 
barren wastes. It is necessary to study all these things and con- 
ditions, in order to learn their influences upon the health, means 
of subsistence, comfort, and wants of individuals and communi- 
ties ; and upon their progress in productive industry, commerce, 
civilization, wealth, numbers, and power. In no other mode can 
we account for the different degrees of advancement which have 
been made by the nations of the earth respectively in different 
ages. Man should study and understand the laws of nature, to 
enable him to use to the best advantage, and to improve his facul- 
ties and the physical advantages which surround him ; to use 
dame nature and her laws and products, as well as all the elements 
of the material world, as instruments to furnish himself with the 
necessaries, comforts, and enjoyments of life, and to protect him- 
self, as far as possible, from the physical evils and ills to which 
he is subject. A knowledge of the laws of nature is neces- 
sary to enable him to direct his industry in such manner as to 



Z _ ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

render it effective and useful, in order to supply his wants, pro- 
mote his comforts, and secure his well-being. 

As man by the use of the telescope and other mechanical aids, 
can see objects which are beyond the reach of the natural vision, 
so, by the aid of science, he can extend his intellectual vision to 
things, laws, and results, beyond the most distant conceptions of 
the uncultivated mind. A complete knowledge of the laws of 
nature, and of all their principles, comprises the whole circle of 
the sciences — intellectual, moral, social', and political, as well as 
natural. The study and knowledge of the laws of nature, or 
many of them, including all the physical, and mechanical, and a 
portion of the mental sciences, lie at the very foundation of all 
human improvement and progress. 

Sec. 2. The Laius of Nature deduced from the elements of 
the material and intellectual worlds ; and defined. 

The series of worlds comprising the Universe, are composed 
of matter of various kinds ; each possessing distinct properties, 
affinities, and powers, by which the several kinds act and react 
upon each other with perfect uniformity, form combinations, and 
produce dissolutions, and cause the motion of the heavenly bodies, 
and the action of what we usually term the elements, upon the 
face of the earth. Man was constituted by the Supreme Being 
mostly of the same materials as the material world, partakes 
of its properties, and is subject to, and adapted to the same 
general laws ; and while some things are congenial to his nature, 
and necessary to sustain life, others are destructive to his exist- 
ence as an organized being. There seems to be a living principle 
pervading organized beings, which is the basis of life, and the 
active agent which is the builder of all organic structures, vegeta- 
ble as well as animal ; and in addition to this, man is endowed by 
his Creator with an intellect, adapted to his physical and organic 
constitution and nature. Though the intellect or mind is an' 
intelligent and active principle of itself, capable of originating 
action, possessing freedom of action, or freedom of will, as it is 
usually termed, yet it is perfectly dependent upon, and can act 
through the medium of physical organs only. 

The earth and all its products are spread before mankind, to- 
be equally enjoyed by all ; this constitutes a community of inte- 
rest among the whole human family; hence equality to some 
extent, of natural, not acquired rights, such as a right to life, 
liberty, and to pursue one's own happiness in a proper manner, 
lies at the foundation of justice ; and hence the duty of each to 
respect the rights of his fellow beings. This community of inte- 
rest, and the moral duty of man to man, would form but a feeble 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 3 

bond of union among mankind, if the Deity, in the formation of 
man, had not placed in him a desire of conjugal union, and fixed 
in his constitution a principle of sympathy for his fellow beings, 
and his family and associates in particular, which acts as an 
instinctive propensity of his nature, impelling him to social inter- 
course as a means of enjoyment ; also impelling him to do good 
and relieve distress. This sympathy is the source, if not the 
very essence of what some call moral sense ; and constitutes the 
basis of the domestic affections, of our social feelings, and of 
every feeling of benevolence, charity, and philanthropy. This 
instinctive propensity, or feeling of sympathy, results partly from 
our intellectual, and partly from our physical or organic constitu- 
tion and nature ; or more probably from the intimate union and 
combination of the two, and constitutes our moral nature and the 
principal bond of union between man and man. Certain rela- 
tions, therefore, exist between man and his Maker, between man 
and man ; between man and the material world, of which he con- 
stitutes a part, and between the intellectual and physical, or 
organic part of man. All these relations, and the properties and 
powers of matter and of spirit upon which they depend, have 
been nicely adapted to each other by the infinite wisdom and 
benevolence of the Deity ; they comprise the physical, organic, 
spiritual, and moral laws of the universe, and constitute what are 
usually called the laws of nature. The laws which govern the 
living principle (including both animal and vegetable life) being 
fixed, certain, uniform in their operations, and analogous to the 
laws which govern grosser matter, will be generally included in 
these essays under the terms physical law of nature. 

Sec. 3. Necessity of intellect, and the importance of its develop- 
ment and cultivation. 
All natural laws and physical agencies being governed by 
powers and properties inherent in matter, and not by intelligence, 
their constant tendency inaction is to change and vibrate from one 
extreme to another — from heat to cold, and from cold to heat ; 
from wet to dry, and from dry to wet, etc., etc. ; one extreme 
tending to produce the opposite extreme. These constant changes 
are necessary to furnish a sufficiency of water upon all parts of 
the surface of the earth to promote vegetation ; and though some 
of the direct effects of these changes are prejudicial to the health 
of man when he is much exposed to them, yet they are equally 
necessary to the life of man as to vegetables, by reason of their 
supplying him with water as well as with vegetation. Man needs 
the benefits resulting to him from these frequent changes pro- 
duced by natural laws ; but in order to secure his health, he finds 



4 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

it necessary to resist, as much as possible, the direct effects of 
these changes upon his system, and to maintain by means of 
clothing, dwellings, and fires, a uniform temperature, a uniform 
and dry atmosphere, and uniformity, to a considerable extent, in 
his diet, drink, exercise, sleep, and all his habits. 

Mind or intellect is therefore necessary to direct all the move- 
ments of man, to enable him not only to avoid and resist the per- 
nicious effects upon him of the elements of the material world 
and to use these elements as instruments and agents to promote 
his comforts ; but also to prevent the appetites and passions of 
his physical nature from running into excesses, and eventually 
undermining his health and constitution, bringing on debility and 
disease, or leading him into vice and crime. A just medium, 
which can be maintained only by a constant exertion of intellect, 
avoiding extremes in all cases, un juste milieu, as the French 
express it, is not only the path of virtue, but it is the only mode 
to secure the general welfare and happiness of man. 

Intellect of a high order, comparatively speaking, (or capable 
of becoming so by cultivation,) was given to man to restrain, 
regulate, and give direction co his appetites, and to stimulate him 
to activity and industry, as well as to direct and govern all his 
actions. Intellect is not only the balance-wheel which regulates 
all his movements, but when cultivated, it is one of the great 
mainsprings which propels him on to activity, industry, and enter- 
prise. Though literary men are often indolent and inefficient, 
the mazes of literature seemingly serving to bewilder and distract 
their minds, yet men of science are generally very active and 
enterprising. 

The mind of man is constituted with capacities for develop- 
ment and improvement to an almost unlimited extent, by means 
of its own activity ; and it is generally supposed that he is placed 
in this world as a state of probation, to exercise and develope his 
faculties, and fit him for a higher and more important state of 
existence. Longevity to a certain extent, is necessary to effect 
this object ; and in order to promote longevity, it is necessary 
for man to develope his physical as well as his mental faculties, 
and to provide himself with all the physical comforts in his 
power, to secure him against the diseases and ills of life as far as 
practicable. 

Man should study the constitution and nature of things, and 
the laws of the material world, so as to make them instruments 
and agents to promote his welfare, and not become the victim of 
their operation, and be swept by them down the current of time, 
without much influence over his own destiny ; as is the case with 
every savage and barbarous people. He should study them in 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 5 

order to avoid natural causes and agencies which he cannot con- 
trol, and to learn to use material things, not only for food, cloth- 
ing, dwellings, and fuel, but also to make use of them, and of the 
laws of nature, as instruments and agents to aid him in his labors 
to increase the fruits and products of the earth, and enable him 
to supply himself with all the necessaries and comforts of life, 
which tend to promote his health, physical welfare, and happi- 
ness. 

It has been stated, that while some things are congenial to the 
nature of man, and necessary to sustain life, others are destruc- 
tive to his existence as an organized being. Caloric is necessary 
to the existence of animal as well as vegetable life, but too much 
of it, causing an excessive degree of heat, will destroy life. Some 
combinations of matter, and conditions of the atmosphere, so filled 
with carbonic acid gas and heated with caloric, as to be prejudicial 
to health, and destructive to animal life, tend in a high degree to 
promote the growth of vegetation, and indirectly, and in the final 
result, promote animal life and the welfare of man. Thus, even 
those elements and laws of nature, whose immediate effect is to 
destroy the life of man when exposed to them, in their general 
and ultimate effects, tend to provide the materials to furnish him 
with food, clothing, fuel, and a shelter, and to promote his general 
welfare. 

Man's intellect and understanding was given to him to enable 
him to judge of, learn from experience, and understand, the pro- 
perties, tendencies, and effects of all the elements of matter, and 
of all their various combinations ; that he might avoid such 
elements, combinations, and qualities as are injurious and dangerous 
to him, and whose evil tendencies he cannot control, and use such 
materials, and in such combinations and quantities, and in such 
mode and conditions of the human system, as to promote his 
health and general good. In hot climates, he promotes and 
secures his general health and welfare, and that of his family, by 
planting shade trees, and building a house to protect them from 
the burning heat of the sun during the day. In very cold 
climates, he is constantly struggling with the cold instead of the 
heat, and is obliged to build a house or hut as warm as possible, 
and to provide himself with a large amount of fuel and of cloth- 
ing, of leather, furs, and skins, or of cloth made of wool, to pro- 
tect himself from the severity of the cold. In changeable, and 
what are usually termed temperate climates, he finds it necessary 
to resort to all these means, and to use these and many others, 
some to protect himself from the excessive heats of summer, 
and others to defend him against the cold of winter : and in all 
climates, he must use means to protect himself against rains, 



OX THE LAWS OF XATURE. 

storms, dews, winds, and bad air ; and must also provide himself 
with a sufficiency for every day's use of wholesome water as well 
as food. 

Man is born in perfect helplessness and ignorance, and yet he 
is required to conform to the laws of God as unfolded in the 
volume of nature ; and must learn them before he can do so. 
His whole life should therefore be a constant effort to learn these 
laws ; to prevent the physical appetites and propensities of his 
nature from running into excess and vice ; to resist and avoid the 
influence of the elements and combinations of matter which are 
dangerous, or injurious to him ; to subdue and regulate properly 
his own appetites and passions ; and to subdue the earth, and con- 
vert its products into useful instruments and materials for securing 
and promoting his health, enjoyment, and general welfare. Hence 
one of the first and most important duties of parents, is to give 
their children as much instruction as is in their power, and 
adapted to their station and condition, to fit them in the best 
manner to discharge their duties, provide for and satisfy their 
own wants, and for the great business and duties of life upon 
which they have entered. 

Sec. 4. Moral Law of Nature distinguished from the Physical 
Laics of Nature, 
It must have been designed by the Deity, and probably forms the 
basis of His moral law and government, that man should be sub- 
ject to a constant struggle with the physical laws of nature, and 
required to make great efforts to support life and satisfy his own 
wants, and provide for his own comforts, as a suitable discipline 
to develope his faculties, and fit him for a higher state of exist- 
ence. The moral law and government of God may be called the 
moral law of nature. It requires man to develope his faculties ; 
to struggle against the physical laws of nature ; to use natural 
agents as a means of providing for his own wants and comforts ; 
and to act under all circuin stances in such a manner as to pro- 
mote his own general welfare and happiness and that of his fellow 
beings, and particularly of those depending upon him, to the 
greatest extent possible. This conclusion is deduced from the 
consideration, that the Deity, being an omniscient and benevo- 
lent being, must have established all the physical, as well as the 
spiritual and moral laws of the universe which comprise the law 
of nature, in such a manner as to promote the general welfare 
and happiness of man, when he conforms to them, as far as is in 
his power. Moral virtue may therefore be defined, perfect obedi- 
ence to the moral laws of nature, or in other words to the will of 
God ; and the distinction between right or wrong lies in conform- 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 7 

ily, or non- conformity, to this great rule. By acting in accord- 
ance with the moral laws of nature, mankind will not only avoid 
many evils, but promote their own welfare and happiness to the 
greatest extent of which their constitution and nature will admit. 
The principle of sympathy for his fellow beings was implanted 
in the organic and physical constitution of man, in order to give 
him a physical propensity to act in accordance with the moral 
law and government of God, so far as to do his duty to his fellow 
beings. 

Sec. 5. Utility the principal test to determine the Moral Law 
of Nature. 
The word Utility implies active agency, or effective means to 
produce some result, or promote some end or object ; and hence 
the different senses in which it is used by different persons and 
authors. Some use it in a very loose and vague sense ; calling 
that useful which may be used as an effective means to advance 
their selfish and temporary ends and objects, and gratify their 
passions and sensual appetites, even at the expense of their own 
ultimate good and general welfare, and of the rights and welfare 
of their fellow beings. To use the word in this loose and vague 
sense, is an abuse of language. It is generally used in common 
parlance to designate the capacity of things to satisfy the wants 
of man, without reference to the character of those wants — 
whether natural, or artificial and factitious. It is sometimes used 
in a limited and more strict and philosophical sense, and applied 
only to means which tend to promote either the general welfare 
and happiness of the human family, or the well-being of one or 
more individuals, in a manner entirely consistent with the ulti- 
mate end and object for which they were created, and with the 
rights and general welfare of others. In this strict and philoso- 
phical sense (which is the only one that is accurate), it always 
designates an active agency, effective means or capacity, that is 
real and substantial ; while in its ordinary use in common parlance, 
it often designates utility that is factitious only. In this strict 
and philosophical sense, the utility of an act, thing, custom, 
habit, institution, or law, consists in its natural tendency to pro- 
mote the general welfare and happiness of man, or of some par- 
ticular individual class or community, without injuring or infring- 
ing the rights of others. In this sense, no act or thing can be 
useful any farther than it is in accordance with the moral laws 
of nature, as explained in the last section. Utility, in this strict 
and philosophical sen^e, is a test of the moral quality of actions, 
because it is evideuce that they are in accordance with the moral 
laws of nature. It is also one of the chief tests of the character 



8 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

and value of all human laws and institutions. The words expe- 
dient and expediency should be used in the same strict and 
philosophical sense. Whatever act, course of policy, custom, 
institution, or law, is useful in this sense, is also expedient, and 
whatever is not useful, is not expedient. 

To determine the utility or expediency of an act, institution, 
custom, or law, we should look to its general tendency, and to its 
ultimate natural consequences ; and not to any partial or temporary 
tendency or effects, which may be the result of peculiar circum- 
stances. We should also look to its general effects upon the 
community, or upon all the persons affected by it ; and should 
not call that useful which necessarily injures one by benefiting 
another ; like the traffic in intoxicating drinks, and keeping gam- 
bling-houses, and places of vicious amusement. A murderer is 
executed by the government in pursuance of a general law ; not 
because the execution is or can be of any utility to the criminal, 
but it is done for the protection of the community, to deter others 
from committing like crimes ; but although the sole tendency of 
the execution may be to protect and benefit the community, yet 
the general tendency of the general law upon the subject, was to 
protect the person who became a murderer, just as much as to 
protect any other member of the community. The rule is sim- 
ilar in relation to the acts of individuals ; utility, general utility, 
is the test ; which is never inconsistent with the rights of any 
individual, nor with equal justice to all. It comprises whatever 
promotes the general welfare and happiness in the aggregate, of 
any one or more persons, and is not injurious to the community, 
nor to the rights of any individual. In this view of the subject, 
an act may be in accordance with the law of nature, and with, 
the will of God, and therefore a good act, though all its direct 
utility and benefit is confined to the actor, or to him, his family 
and friends ; even in this case the act may be said to promote, in 
a remote degree, the general welfare and happiness of the com- 
munity in the aggregate, inasmuch as the welfare and happiness 
of the community comprises that of each and every member of 
the community. 

Sec. 6. Illustrations of the importance of understanding the 
Laws of Nature. 
In order to promote health, vigor, and activity, to secure his 
system from disease and his person from accidents which may 
endanger his limbs or destroy his life, it is necessary for man to 
study and understand the laws of nature ; as is well illustrated 
in Combe's treatise on the Constitution of Man. In order to be 
eminently successful in any department of industry or business, 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 9 

whether agricultural, mechanical, manufacturings mining, or com- 
mercial, or the transportation of property or persons, it is neces- 
sary to observe carefully the laws of nature ; and to conform 
strictly to the nature of things and of man, as well as to the ten- 
dencies of business. 

The farmer should not only look carefully to the markets to 
see what products are in demand and bring the best price, but he 
should attend carefully to the climate in which he lives, and to the 
situation and soil of liis farm, and to what crops and what mode 
of cultivation it is best adapted. The mechanic also, and manu- 
facturer of every kind and character, should thoroughly under- 
stand the nature, properties, strength, and durability of the 
materials he works in, as well as the climate of the country in 
which they are to be used, in order to adapt them to the use of 
man, and make them promote his comforts and physical well 
being to the greatest extent possible. The physician also should 
study nature and her laws, as his only guides in the management 
and cure of diseases ; and every person who has a proper regard 
for his own health, should follow the same guides, and observe 
carefully the effect of every kind of food and drink upon his own 
health and constitution, in order to regulate his diet in the manner 
most conducive to health and activity of both body and mind. 

Theology also derives aid from the laws of nature, and particu- 
larly from psychology, or the nature and capacities of mind, 
which constitutes a branch or department of the law of nature ; 
and whether we regard John Calvin, Dr. Paley, or Bishop But- 
ler of England, the late Dr Edwards of Massachusetts, or many 
other eminent divines, their permanent influence over the doc- 
trines and creeds of their respective Churches for ages, depends 
much on the extent and accuracy of their knowledge of the 
laws of nature, and their capacity to use such knowledge to aid 
them in understanding and expounding the Holy Scriptures. 
The following is an extract from a work of Samuel E. 13. Morse, 
A. M., a professor in the University of the city of New York : 
" Upon this freedom to choose according to the dictates of reason 
and conscience, granted to mau by his Maker, denied by Roman 
Catholics and claimed by Protestauts, is built the fabric of reli- 
gious liberty. Difference of opinion being allowed, controversy 
of course ensues, and converts are made, not by force of arm3, 
but by force of truth, supported by appeals to reason and con- 
science. Zealous according to the strength of his belief in the 
dogmas of his sect, the Protestant calls to his aid the treasures 
of science. He believes that the divine author of truth in the 
bible, is also the author of truth in nature ; the Protestant 
is therefore the consistent encourager of all learning, of all inves- 



10 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

tigation. Every discovery in science, he feels, brings to religious 
truths fresh treasures. Free inquiry and discussion, all intellec- 
tual activity, legitimately belong to Protestantism. It is by thus 
opening wide the doors of knowledge, and letting in the light of 
natural science upon what it believes to be the revealed truth 
of the Bible, that Protestantism has been able gradually to bring 
out the principle of religious liberty, and in its train, the invalua- 
ble blessing of civil liberty.' 1 

The learned jurists who reported the Code Napoleon, in their 
preliminary discourse, make the following remark : " Le droit 
est la raison universelle, la supreme raison fonde sur la nature 
ineme des choses. Les lois sont, ou ne doivent etre que le droit 
recluit en regies positives, en preceptes particuliers."* In accor- 
dance with this wise precept, the principal part of the Laws of 
Nations, and also the Roman civil law, from which our princi- 
ples of equity jurisprudence are borrowed, are deduced from and 
founded on the laws of nature ; on the nature of things, and the 
nature and condition of man. In the absence of revelation on 
this subject, this is the only proper and safe foundation on which 
to found human laws and human institutions. Unfortunately for 
the Anglo-American, as well as the British people, the founda- 
tions, and great leading principles and characteristics of the com- 
mon law of England, were established upon the usages and 
customs of feudalism, and the decisions and precedents of courts 
of justice in an ignorant and semi-barbarous age ; and during the 
last five centuries it has undergone very little change, except 
what has been effected by judicial legislation, constantly resorting 
to subtle distinctions and ingenious sophisms, to obviate some evil, 
or supposed evil, and without professing to make or acknowledg- 
ing any change whatever, new principles have been constantly 
introduced, as the wisdom, the prejudices, or the weakness of 
influential judges dictated, until it has become a stupendous fabric 
of discordant materials, in which the law of nature is often 
entirely disregarded. 

The learned Sir James Mackintosh, in the third chapter of his 
Eistory of England, makes the following remarks in reference to 
the common law : " A proneness to uninstructive acuteness, and to 
distinctions purely verbal, tainted it from the cradle. It has been 
the ancient and unremitted complaint of the most learned law- 
yers, that it has been overloaded with vain and unprofitable 
subtleties, which, in the eager pursuit of an ostentatious precision, 
has plunged it into darkness and confusion." This has resulted 
from a disregard of the laws of nature. f 

^ Natural right is universal reason, founded on the nature of things. Laws 
should be natural right reduced to positive rules and precepts. 
I See this subject of the Common Law in sec. 6 of Chap. V. 



OX THE LAWS OF NATURE, 11 

Sec. 7. On the General and Special Providences of God; and 
the use of Natural Causes to effect his purposes. 

The general providences of God are generally understood to 
be, the natural and necessary sequences and effects produced bv 
the action and re-action of the elements of matter and of spirit, 
in accordance with a system of laws established by Him, which 
constitute the laws of nature. So far as the mind of man is 
governed by causes external to itself, it is subject to those general 
laws ; but so far as it acts from its own inherent impulses and 
powers, it appears to be a free agent, and to act according to its 
own habits and caprices, exempt from those general laws. 

The special providences of God, on the contrary, are supposed 
to be, effects produced by special interpositions of His power, 
different from what would have been produced by the undisturbed 
operation of his general laws. Special providences may bo used 
as a means of rewarding or punishing individuals or nations for 
obedience or disobedience of his moral laws and government ; and 
also to save man in particular instances from the evil conse- 
quences which would otherwise result to him from his violation, 
ignorantly, of the laws of nature ; or to save him from the violence 
of the elements beyond his control. But however strongly we 
may believe in special providences in particular cases, if w 
at the history of man, and contemplate his ignorance, his vices, 
follies, and crimes, we must come to the conclusion, that almost 
all- action is directed and governed, as well as originated either by 
natural causes and physical agents, in pursuance of fixed laws, 
or by the free agency of man, influenced by, and to some extent, 
subject to, physical laws and impulses ; and that the Deity him- 
self generally uses. human agents and natural means, not super- 
natural ones, to effect his purposes. This is made still more evi- 
dent by the fact of his using a visible Church and human agents 
as his ministers to spread the gospel and propagate Christianity, 
instead of doing it by the direct and supernatural agency of inspi- 
ration. 

Were it not for the free agency of man, whereby he has power 
to contravene the physical as well as the moral laws of nature, 
special providences would seem to be unnecessary. Everything 
in the universe might be governed by general laws. The general 
laws and providences of God, we can, to a limited extent, inquire 
into and learn ; but the special interpositions of divine power 
are beyond the scrutiny of man. That the Deity acts princi- 
pally by and through the means of natural causes and physical 
agents, and thereby governs mankind, not only physically, bub 
morally and spiritually, as well as the whole material world, has 



12 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

been shown pretty clearly, if not demonstrated, by the learned 
and philosophical Dr. Edwards. 

Sec. 8. Inherent weakness of the human mind, and the influences 
upon it of external causes. 

To maintain the position I have stated, of the general use of 
natural causes and agents as the means of action, it is not neces- 
sary to carry the doctrine so far as has been done by Dr. Edwards, 
and many others of the necessitarian school ; who maintain that 
the mind and the will of man has no self-determining power, and 
cannot originate action, and do any particular act of itself, with- 
out being directed and governed by some motive or cause external 
to the mind itself; that belief of anything must be the effect of 
evidence, and every act of the mind must be produced by causes 
external to the mind itself, acting upon it ; that all human actions, 
and all the operations of the human mind, are directed and 
governed by a chain of causes that produce a physical necessity, 
from which it cannot escape ; and that all these causes are 
brought into operation by the ordinary working of the laws of 
nature established by the Deity, and were, and must have been, 
designed by him at the time of the creation. In this mode 
they deduce the philosophical conclusion, that every act of 
man, as well as every occurrence in the physical world, is the 
necessary result of the ordinary operation of God's laws, and 
must have been not only foreseen, but foreordained by him. 

This is nearly the same as the doctrine of fatalism, and is 
carrying the effect of physical causes to a very great length ; so 
far as not only to annihilate entirely the freedom of the human 
will, and of the human mind ; but to destroy also nearly all the 
faculties of the mind, and render it utterly incapable of either 
determining, directing, or controlling its own action. If this view 
of the subject is correct, the mind possesses only the power of 
communicating or transmitting the impressions it may have 
received from external causes (which is nothing more than the 
resisting or reacting power of matter) ; and even admitting it to 
be an active principle or agent, if it cannot act without being 
excited to action by external causes, its powers of action would 
seem to be no greater than those of electricity, magnetism, 
caloric, or any of the imponderable substances which pervade 
the universe. If this is true, man is but a machine, and can act 
only as he is excited by natural causes ; he can move only in the 
direction given to him by such causes ; and can hardly be called, 
with propriety, a free or moral agent. 

If we were to confine our attention to the torpid state of the 
human mind in Mahometan countries, and in all Asia, and the 



ON THE LAWS OP NATURE. 13 

isles of the ocean, except China and Japan, and reflect that 
scarcely any change has been made in those countries for more 
than thirteen centuries, except those which have been the result 
and effect of the opinions, principles, religious creeds and doc- 
trines that originated with Mahomet in the seventh century ; 
and that the manners, customs, castes, opinions, prejudices, 
habits, pursuits, and condition of the mass of the people have 
been the same from age to age, for nearly two thousand years, 
we might be inclined to believe the most extreme doctrines of 
the necessitarian school of divines. Such facts are calculated to 
lead men to the conclusion that the human mind possesses no 
independence ; no freedom of will, no inherent powers of action ; 
no self-determining power ; that it is directed and governed 
entirely by a chain of external causes, and by a physical necessity 
from which there is no escape ; and that the extraordinary 
capacity of Mahomet was the effect of a supernatural agency 
and power, conferred upon him by some evil spirit. 

But if we turn our attention to the northern and western parts 
of modern Europe, and particularly to Great Britain, France, 
G-ermany, Netherlands, and to the Anglo-American States, and 
contemplate the reformation commenced by Martin Luther, the 
writings of Grotius, and many others, the career of Columbus, 
of Peter the Great of Russia, and of Napoleon Bonaparte, the 
many valuable discoveries and inventions, and the vast improve- 
ments made within the last four centuries, and more particularly 
during the last eentwy, we shall find a mass of evidence of the 
great power and capacity of the human mind; of its independence, 
its freedom, and poicer of originating action, of determining, 
guiding, and directing its own movements; and even of resisting 
the influence of external causes and agents, of inquiring after 
original truths; and acting according to its own ideas of duly, 
propriety, justice, or expediency. 

It is very certain, however, that man has comparatively little 
control over the operations of his own mind and the formation of 
his own opinions. While the ignorant and the weak-minded 
(who are unable to weigh evidence with accuracy) are the sport 
of circumstances, and may believe or disbelieve anything accord- 
ing as the mind may be influenced by interest, 23assion, prejudice, 
education, or superstition ; a well cultivated and well balanced 
mind, can neither believe without evidence, nor disbelieve what 
is attested by competent proofs. In any view which may be 
taken of this subject, conceding to men of eminent ability the 
largest amount of intellectual power, capacity, freedom of will, 
and ability to act and reason independent of, and free from the 
control of external causes which can be reasonably claimed for 



14 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

them ; yet, inasmuch as the mind can act only by and through 
the medium of pl^sical organs, as its agents or instruments and 
informants ; as it is dependent on the brain as a physical organ, 
in and by which it thinks, reflects, compares, judges, reasons, 
and wills ; and as it is dependent on the nervous system as a 
physical organ, by means of which it acquires a knowledge of the 
external world, as well as of the wants, sufferings, and appetites 
of the body ; it is very certain that the greater portion of the 
human family are almost entirely directed and governed by wants, 
appetites, and causes of a physical character, by motives and 
passions not originating in the mind, and by the circumstances 
and conditions in which they are placed ; and that they possess 
very little power to resist such appetites, passions, and motives, 
and to change by invention and well directed industry, their con- 
dition and circumstances in life. Perhaps it would not be extra- 
vagant to say, such is the power and influence of circumstances, 
and of external causes over the mind of man, and the operation 
of the metaphysical laws of suggestion and association, that nine- 
tenths of the mental action of the most original minds, and ninety- 
nine hundredths of that of inferior and uncultivated minds, is not 
only originated, but determined, directed, and governed by causes 
external to the mind itself; whicii even the most powerful 
and best informed minds are often too feeble to resist. How 
important, therefore, that young persons should be kept from 
vicious associations and the formation of bad habits, that their 
minds should be developed and strengthened by cultivation, and 
exercise, well filled with proper and correct principles, opi- 
nions, and ideas, by which they may be constantly influenced and 
guided, and may not be subjected to the sole control of physical 
appetites, and the current opinions and prejudices of the ignorant, 
the harangues of demagogues and fanatics, and other accidental 
circumstances and extraneous influences. 

Sec. 9. Means used to form the opinions and govern the people. 

The great mass of mankind never seem to learn anything, 
(except the most simple truths,) from either experience or ob- 
servation : but learn from, and are mostly guided, by imitation, 
precedent, and *the instruction of others. They do not seem to 
possess the power of learning causes by analyzing, nor of com- 
bining facts, generalizing, and deducing new truths from their 
own experience, or from facts which have come within their own 
observation or reading ; and hence, in most countries, they follow 
on by imitation from lather to son, from generation to generation, 
for thousands of years, in the same track and routine, without 
change or improvement ; and are seemingly impelled by circum- 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 15 

stances, and wafted on like the clouds of the air, without exercis- 
ing much, if any influence, over their own destiny. And this 
perfect submission to circumstances, under the impression that 
they must fulfil the same destiny as their ancestors, and have no 
power to improve their condition by any efforts of their own ; 
this abject devotion to ancient customs and precedents, is often 
dignified with the title of conservatism. 

There is scarcely one in a hundred of the uneducated classes, 
of any age or country, who can reason at all, except to an 
extremely limited extent. Inasmuch as they have no knowledge 
of even the elements of any science ; no clear conceptions of 
even the nature of numbers and quantities, in an abstract point 
of view ; and have never been taught to reason correctly ; they 
learn from imitation, precedent, and instruction only ; and have 
scarcely any ideas, except what they derive directly from and 
through the senses, together with some vague opinions which they 
have learned from tradition and the oral instructions of their 
priests. Such people in all countries, are under the influence 
and control of the educated classes ; of the aristocracy, the clergy, 
the members of the learned professions, and the military and civil 
officers of government, who literally think for them, and form and 
guide their opinions, and direct their movements ; whether they 
are slaves, serfs, villains, or dependent and poor tenants, pea- 
sants, or poor artizans. Hence the policy of Austria, Prussia, 
and other arbitrary governments is to keep their subjects in igno- 
rance, and to endeavor to think for them, and form their opinions, 
as the most effectual mode of making them submissive, quiet, 
contented, and obedient, in bearing all the burthens, and perform- 
ing all the duties which their masters impose on them. The 
same policy is pursued by the American slaveholders towards 
their slaves, and for the same purposes ; and the policy of the 
Pope and the Catholic priesthood towards the mass of the people, 
is not materially different. The Bible is kept from them ; 
they are denied the right to read and exercise their own indivi- 
dual judgments in matters of religion, but must allow their priests 
to read, think, and judge for them, and to form their opinions ; 
and no efforts are made by the priests to establish common 
schools, or to teach the common people anything beyond the 
catechism, and the ceremonies and dogmas of religion, and abso- 
lute unconditional submission in all things to their priests and 
rulers. Their whole efforts in matters of education are directed 
to founding colleges, and high schools, for training up young men 
for the priesthood, and instructing and breathing their opinions 
into the children and youth of the aristocracy, and the wealthy 



16 ON THE LAW'S OF NATURE. 

classes, in order to form their opinions, and govern them, and 
through them, to govern the mass of the people. 

The conduct and acts of such a people are not directed by the 
independent operations of their own minds, nor are their opinions 
formed by the operation of their own reasoning powers, but all 
their acts and opinions are the result of causes external to their 
own minds, operating upon them ; hence they are governed in 
part by natural causes, by their own physical appetites and pas- 
sions, and partly by the educated classes, who infuse opinions 
into their minds, and thus influence and direct them. 

Sec. 10. Causes of the Revolution of France of 1789, and the 
means used to excite the people. 

After the commencement of the French revolution of 1789, 
the prostration of the nobility and clergy, and the confiscation 
of their property, the people- were as utterly unable to think for 
themselves, and to reason correctly, as they were before, and 
were henceforth governed by the Jacobin clubs, and other affiliat- 
ed clubs and societies. These clubs and societies were organ- 
ized at Paris to discuss political questions, and had their branches 
and auxiliary societies in almost every province ; by means of 
which they communicated their opinions and proceedings through- 
out the kingdom with great rapidity ; and thus formed the opi- 
nions of nearly the whole nation, and in some measure thought for 
them. These clubs at Paris were governed by a few men of 
learning, talents, address, and eloquence ; mostly needy youngish 
professional men, aspiring to place and power ; who had nothing 
to lose, as they supposed, by revolution, or any kind of excess. 
Robespierre, Danton, Marat, and some other ambitious dema- 
gogues, were the great master-spirits of the clubs, and the prime 
movers of the bloody scenes of the reign of terror of the revolu- 
tion. When the National Assembly suppressed the Jacobin 
clubs, mobocracy soon ceased. 

Among the principal causes of the commencement of this 
mighty revolution, were the privileges of the nobility and clergy, 
the extravagance of the government, the embarrassment of the 
national finances, and the necessity of imposing on the people 
new taxes and still heavier burthens. These causes were entire- 
ly natural, but not sufficient of themselves to produce any mate- 
rial effect upon the minds of an illiterate and unthinking multi- 
tude. They, however, gave occasion and furnished the means 
for the Abbe Sieves, and other talented political writers, to ex- 
cite the minds of the people by their writings and discussions, and 
to move them to collect together in tumultuous assemblies, rise 
in mobs, and act in concert, in order to obtain what their advisers 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 17 

and leaders taught them were their rights. The great mass of 
mankind have teen oppressed with heavy burthens and taxes, 
imposed on them by their rulers and priests, in all ages of the 
world, and in almost every country ; but they have generally sub- 
mitted quietly to their masters, and have never rebelled, or com- 
bined to overthrow or change the government, ' except when 
aroused and excited to action by some of the educated classes. 
The officers and soldiers of the French army, which served in the 
American revolution, acted, on their return home, as instructors 
of their fellow-citizens, to teach them their rights, or what they 
supposed to be their rights. And, inasmuch as the people were 
illiterate, ignorant, and almost incapable of reasoning, and were 
governed entirely by their own appetites and passions, and the 
exciting opinions of the leaders of the Jacobin clubs, when their 
passions were once aroused, they could not be influenced by any 
opinions of even their leaders or favorites, not in accordance 
with their own passions ; and hence their leaders were suspected 
of treachery, whenever they counselled moderation, and were 
cried down, condemned, and guillotined, one after another. 

Many of the historians of the French revolution, including 
M. Thiers, have attempted to apologise for all its horrors and 
crimes, by representing them as the inevitable result of natural 
causes, which no human exertions could avert or prevent ; that 
even such spirits as Robespierre, Danton, Marat, and their vilest 
and most violent and bloodthirsty associates, were the mere in- 
struments of fate, and in the commission of their crimes, only 
obeyed the laws of necessity, the laws of nature, and submitted to 
impulses which they had no power to resist. If this apology were 
true, they were not free, and therefore not moral agents, and the 
whole responsibility of all their crimes would rest with the Author 
of all things, who thus fixed their fate, and imposed on them this 
stern necessity. This mode of reasoning, in accordance with the 
doctrines of fatalism, and the extreme portion of the necessitarian 
school, annihilates the independence, freedom, and power of the 
human mind, and reduces man to a mere machine, moved and di- 
rected entirely by external causes ; and therefore it cannot be true 
to its fullest extent ; though nine tenths of it perhaps is true to 
the letter. 

The people had been kept in ignorance and been oppressed for 
centuries ; the American revolution, and the impulse its history, 
its result, and the condition and institutions of the Ameri- 
cans, gave to many of the authors and political writers of France, 
soon caused a diffusion among the people of a few leading ideas 
and opinions about liberty, equality, and a republican form of 
government, the purport and effect of which they did not fully 



18 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

understand. They then realized, for the first time, that they 
were wronged and oppressed ; and were taught by their leaders, 
the orators of the clubs, that extreme measures were necessary to 
rid themselves of the nobility and clergy, and finally of the king 
and royalists, who, they were told, were their oppressors and natural 
enemies. The great mass of the revolutionists and anarchists 
believed these principles and measures of their leaders to be 
just and necessary ; I may say, honestly and sincerely believed 
them, and felt that such things as mobs, insurrections, violence, 
banishment, confiscations, revolutionary committees, trials, and 
executions, were necessary and just, under the circumstances in 
which they were placed. These new political ideas excited a 
strange delusion ; a sort of political fanaticism in the minds of 
nearly all the lower classes of the nation, which lasted for years, 
and seemed to hurry them on to the commission of every kind of 
excess. The mass of the people were governed solely by this 
spirit of delusion, and the passions engendered by it ; a small 
portion were governed by avarice and a desire to plunder ; and 
even the leaders, the worst of them, did not fully understand the 
tendency and final effect of their measures, and were governed 
partly by this spirit of delusion, and partly by ambition for place 
and power. 

In this view of the subject, the French revolution, with all its 
civil contests, mobs, excesses, and horrors, and all the wars 
growing out of it, except the wars of Napoleon, were wars of 
opinion ; wars of principle ; as strictly so as the American revo- 
lution, or the wars growing out of the Reformation of the six- 
teenth century ; and though the opinions and principles for which 
the French revolutionists contended were in many respects false, 
delusive, dangerous, and pernicious in their tendency, yet they 
arose mostly from natural causes, operating on the human mind. 
If opinions alone can have such a wonderful influence over the 
conduct and acts of men, how extremely important, in a republi- 
can form of government, that all the people who exercise the 
elective franchise should be properly educated ; and that their 
opinions should be correct on all subjects connected with govern- 
ment and the good order of society ? The condition and history 
of Mexico, and of all the Spanish American Republics, during the 
last twenty-five years, furnish evidence, that an elective govern- 
ment, approximating to a democracy, cannot be sustained in a 
country where the great mass of the voters are illiterate, ignorant, 
incapable of reasoning upon the subject of government ; and who 
depend on priests, office-holders, and aspirants to place and 
power, to instruct them and think for them. 



I 

ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 19 

Sec. 11. Effect of Habits, Pursuits, Exercise, §c. upon the. 
Constitution of Man. 

It has been frequently remarked, that habit is a sort of second 
nature; it actually modifies and in some measure changes the 
organic structure and constitution of man. Climate, mode of living, 
diet, pursuits and habits, all have an influence not only upon the 
health, strength, activity, and longevity of man, but they actually 
change the formation and constitution of his physical organs. 
The pursuits of a blacksmith, shoemaker, and almost every other, 
when followed for a series of years, by exercising some organs 
and muscles more than others, tend to enlarge them, to change 
their formation and structure, and cause others to dwindle for 
want of sufficient exercise. (Vide Sec. 11 of Chap. 2.) The 
mind acts not only as a guide and governor, but also as a stimu- 
lant to the body ; and ideas and opinions existing in the mind act 
as stimulants to excite it to action ; so that the activity of every 
person's intellect is increased, as the aggregate amount of his 
knowledge increases. As the mind acts by and through the 
brain and nervous system as physical organs, the more active par- 
ticular faculties of the mind may be, the more it exercises and 
increases in size and power the particular organs on which its 
action depends. 

Man is not only influenced in all his acts and career through 
life, by his opinions, habits, pursuits, worldly condition and cir- 
cumstances, but the physical structure and formation of the 
organs of his material frame, and his moral and intellectual as well 
as physical nature, are all in some measure changed by the same 
causes. By the laws of the animal economy, all these physical 
peculiarities, and to some extent, the mental and moral qualities 
which depend upon them, are transmitted from parents to chil- 
dren, through successive generations. And this, together with 
uniformity of climate, similarity of education, diet, and modes of 
living, is the reason why the people of every nation, not only 
have a general similarity of features and complexion, but also ac- 
quire what is usually called a national character. (See on this sub- 
ject S^c. 2 of Chap. 2.) In this mode, causes which originated 
in the human mind, have produced physical effects, at first, 
perhaps, simple in their character, which have in their turn been 
the efficient cause of other effects ; and have thus been the ori- 
ginal cause of a chain of effects, or of antecedents and conse- 
quents, which have had a very important influence upon the wel- 
fare of a large portion of the human family for centuries ; and 
will continue to produce their effects until the end of time. 



20 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

Sec. 12. Effects of Gunpowder, Fire-arms, and the Arts, in 
changing the character of War. 

Gunpowder and firearms have changed the whole character 
and operations of war. The precise time when they were invent- 
ed does not appear to be known with certainty. G-unpowder 
was in use in some parts of Europe in the latter part of the thir- 
teenth century ; cannon were invented and in use soon after, be- 
tween the years 1313 and 1350; though small arms were 
unknown until nearly two centuries afterwards, and were first used 
by the Spaniards about the year 1521. The use of cannon alone, 
without small arms, enabled Cortez, with a little handful of sol- 
diers, to conquer the natives of Mexico, the most civilized and 
powerful of all the nations then on the Western continent. 

In ancient times, when men fought with spears, javelins, and 
other weapons wielded by hand, very little science was necessary 
to command and marshal an army in the field of battle ; but 
great physical strength, experience, skill, and bravery, in the 
rank and file of the army, were necessary to ensure success. 
Maxim in, an ignorant Thracian peasant, without any knowledge 
of science of any kind, but a giant in size and strength, (being 
about eight feet high,) by reason of his great strength, activity, 
and valor, gained the confidence of the Roman Emperor, Seve- 
rus, and of the army; was raised to the highest military command ; 
was an efficient general ; and was finally, in the year A. D. 235, 
proclaimed by the army Emperor of the Roman world. His 
acquirements would fit him for only the lowest grade of military 
command at the present age of the world ; and he influenced his 
army in battle more by his personal example in attacking the 
enemy furiously, and slaying them with his own powerful arm, than 
by any great efforts of mind, or exercise of military science in 
conducting or marshalling them. What a wonderful contrast 
between him and Napoleon Buonaparte as military commanders ! 
The former used physical power, and the force of example to in- 
fluence his men, and was unfit for a commander in modern times ; 
the latter, by his mighty intellect, and accurate military science, 
directed all the movements of his men with as much precision as 
an architect can plan and frame a building, and, when not over- 
whelmed with superior numbers, he conducted them to certain 
victory. 

In ancient warfare, the party on the defensive could not gain 
much advantage over his antagonist by choosing his ground, and 
attacking his enemy from hills and heights, and from behind 
breastworks, trees, fences, buildings, or cotton-bags ; but when 
they fought hand to hand both parties were nearly on an equality. 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 21 

*o far as situation was concerned, and everything depended on phy- 
sical strength, skill, experience, and personal bravery. In modern 
warfare, with the use of fire-arms and heavy ordnance, the party 
on the defensive, having an opportunity to fortify heights, hill 
sides, and the mouths of rivers and harbors, and to throw 
up breastworks to shelter themselves from the enemy's fire, 
can select their ground, occupy narrow passes, defiles, and 
commanding positions, and have great advantage over their 
assailants, which they did not, and could not possess, when men 
fought hand to hand, with swords, pikes, battle-axes, javelins, 
arrows, &c. Much also now depends on fleets and vessels, not only 
as powerful movable engines to assail the enemy, but also to 
transport troops, provisions, arms, and munitions of war, to act 
in concert with, aid, and support land forces. All the operations 
of war are now very complicated and expensive, depend mostly 
on mechanical power, require vast expenditures on the part of the 
government, and great science, experience, and ability, in the 
commanding officer, and in all the superior officers ; but no very 
great skill, experience, or extraordinary physical power, on the 
part of the rank and file of the army, is necessary. In ancient 
times it required as many years as it apparently now does months 
to make an efficient soldier. All the operations of ancient war- 
fare, on the contrary, were simple ; and veteran troops engaged in 
an offensive war, maintained themselves mostly by booty, contri- 
butions levied on, and plunder taken from the enemy. Hanni- 
bal, the Carthaginian general, maintained his army in the Roman 
territories seventeen years, without any aid from Carthage, during 
nearly all the time ; this cannot be done in modern times. Na- 
poleon attempted it, and thereby excited the hatred and indigna- 
tion against him of nearly all Europe, and finally failed in the at- 
tempt. The military power of a nation in these days, depends more 
on their wealth, and power to equip fleets and to support fleets and 
armies, than on the number of its citizens capable of bearing arms. 
In ancient times, war was waged entirely by muscular power, 
but at present mostly by mechanical power. It formerly required 
great physical strength, long experience, and skill, in the soldiery, 
now it depends much more on the science and ability of the offi- 
cers. It was formerly maintained by plunder, but now by money ; 
formerly when men fought hand to hand, situation gave little 
advantage to assail the enemy, and the aggressor had nearly equal 
advantages with the defender, to assail his antagonists ; but now, 
the use of fire-arms gives the party on the defensive, a great ad- 
vantage over his antagonist. Offensive warfare is now much more 
difficult, hazardous, and expensive, than in ancient times, and 
defensive warfare much less so. 



22 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

As the success of war formerly depended on muscular 
strength, skill, and experience in war, qualities which savages and 
barbarians usually possess, the barbarians of Northern Europe 
were enabled to overrun and overturn the western Roman empire 
in the fifth century ; and the hordes of barbarian Tartars have 
frequently conquered the more civilized nations of southern Asia ; 
but the history of the last century shows the influence of the 
mechanic arts, of machinery, productive industry and wealth, as 
well as the use of gunpowder, and fire-arms, upon war, and fur- 
nishes evidence that civilized nations can never be again conquered 
by savages or barbarians. 

As mechanical power is now chiefly used in war as a substitute 
for muscular power, and wealth and productive industry are 
necessary to supply it, great monied capitalists have, for half a 
century past, exerted more influence upon questions of war and 
peace, than great military chieftains ; and the peaceful farmer, 
mechanic, and artisan, and the lords of the spindle and loom, have 
more influence upon the power, as well as over the destinies of 
nations, than Praetorian guards and standing armies. 

Grunpowder is also of great practical utility, and has produced 
very important results as a mechanical power, in aiding man to 
blast rocks, and work in quarries of stone, mines, &c. Its bene- 
fits in these particulars, cannot be easily calculated. Without its 
aid, the progress of man in cutting canals, mill races, and rail- 
roads through ledges of rocks and solid stone, and working in 
stone quarries and mining operations, would not probably be more 
than one tenth part as great as it is at present. 

Sec. 13. Nations like individuals, with hit little industry^ seem- 
to he impelled by fate. 
Nations much more than individuals are seemingly impelled by 
the. hand of fate ; by a succession and chain of natural causes ; by 
circumstances for the most part beyond their immediate control. 
By industry, economy, frugality and enterprise, guided by good 
judgment and wisdom during a long succession of years, if attended 
with good fortune, individuals may materially alter and improve 
their condition, and overcome the adverse circumstances which 
may have surrounded them during the early part of their lives ; 
but even then, the principal part of their lives must be a scene of 
toil and anxiety ; and they really improve the condition of their 
posterity, much more than they do their own- Though individuals 
are occasionally elevated suddenly by a concurrence of circum- 
stances, or natural causes ; by some freak of fortune, of fate or 
accident; yet they can usually do very little to elevate themselves, 
or change their condition in life, and station in society, except by 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 23 

the constant toil and vigilance of years. Nations being made up 
of individuals, the great mass of whom in most countries are very 
Ignorant, and have comparatively little wisdom, sagacity, pru- 
dence, or economy, and a great many of them not much industry 
or energy, must necessarily make much slower progress in im- 
provement, wealth, and power, than some portions and classes of 
the community, who compose them. Hence the pursuits and 
habits of industry, and the modes of doing business and perform- 
ing every species of labor, as well as the modes of living, and the 
customs and condition of the people, remain the same, unchanged, 
in some countries, for centuries in succession ; and the people 
seem impelled, by the hand of fate ; by a succession of natural 
causes ; by the circumstances and condition in which they are 
placed, and over which they can exercise very little immediate 
influence. 

Sec. 14. Effect of Inventions and Machinery upon the indus- 
try, power, and population of Great Britain. 

Though the lawsi)f nature are uniform in their operation, yet 
man by his inventive powers and his own efforts and industry 
during a series of years, can alter the face of nature, and convert 
the -ores and mineral substances in the bowels of the earth, and 
other material things, and nature's products, as well as nature's 
laws, into instruments and mechanical powers, to augment the 
productiveness of his own industry, and the products of the earth. 
The more labor saving machinery he can invent and bring into 
use, the more easily he can subdue the earth ; convert its resources 
and products to his use ; increase the products of agricultural as 
well as mechanical industry, and facilitate their transportation and 
exchange ; and the more capital he can accumulate ; and this 
again aids him, in rendering his industry still more and more pro- 
ductive, and enables him to increase his capital and wealth, and 
to multiply his comforts with still greater and greater rapidity. 
Capital is not only wealth of itself, but it is one of the principal 
elements, instruments and agents, by which man makes his indus- 
try productive, whereby he creates value, produces what is neces- 
sary to supply his own wants, and accumulates wealth. 

When great labor-saving machines, like the Spinning Jenny, 
Steam Engine, and Power Loom, are invented, which increase the 
productive industry of man ten or twenty fold ; and such inven- 
tions come into general use in a nation, and without consuming 
any food or clothing, accomplish as much labor as several millions 
of persons could by hand ; what an immense change it will pro- 
duce in half a century, in augmenting the products of industry ; 
multiplying the comforts and diminishing the diseases and ills of 



24 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

life ; developing the resources, and increasing the capital, wealth, 
and power of the nation ! Such and similar causes, and inven- 
tions acting and reacting upon the British nation for about three 
quarters of a century, have increased the comforts of the British 
people ; decreased their ills of life ; diminished the ratio of mor- 
tality ; and been the principal causes of doubling the population ; 
and augmenting their capital, productive industry, commerce, 
wealth, revenues, naval and military power, about five fold, dur- 
ing that period. The inhabitants of Great Britain did not double 
in five centuries, from the year 1000 to the year 1500 ; they 
scarcely doubled during the next 250 years, from 1500 to 1750 ; 
but since the year 1790, they have doubled in 50 years, and sent 
out swarms of emigrants beside, to people other countries. The 
laws of nature have not changed, but the inventive genius and 
industry of the British people have materially changed their con- 
dition, and thereby diminished the ratio of mortality, while the 
condition of three quarters of the human family has remained 
unchanged. The strong contrast between the condition of Great 
Britain and Ireland at this day, is owing mostly to the fact that 
the Irish have continued to be an agricultural people, in conse- 
quence partly of the physical condition of the country, the want 
of fuel, minerals, and water power, and the character and igno- 
rance of the people ; and partly by reason of the selfish and 
tyrannical restrictions imposed upon their manufactures, by the 
British Parliament. 

Every yard of cloth made prior to the year 1738, and nearly 
every one made before the year 1767, was made of materials 
picked and carded by hand, spun by hand with a distaff and 
spindle, or on a one thread wheel, and woven in a hand-loom. In 
that year, James HargTeaves, of England, invented the Spinning 
Jenny, which was a great improvement upon the Spinning 
Machine invented by Wyatt and Paul in 1738, and enabled one 
person to spin, at first eight, then sixteen, and finally, one hun- 
dred and twenty threads of cotton weft, or filling, at once ; but 
it was not fitted to spin warp. The genius of Sir Richard Ark- 
wright soon supplied the deficiency, and in 1769, invented the 
Spinning Frame ; that wonderful piece of machinery, which spins 
any number of threads at once of any degree of fineness and 
hardness ; leaving to the person tending it, only the labor of fill- 
ing the machine with cotton, and joining the threads when they 
break. This machine in its present improved state, and also the 
mule, enables a person to spin cotton, about thirty times as fast, 
taking all numbers, coarse and fine, as could be done with the old 
one thread wheel. 

In 1785, Dr. Cartwright, of England, invented the power loom- 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 25 

to weave by water, or steam power, by means of which and the 
improvements made thereon, a person can now weave about 
twelve or fifteen times as fast as with the old fashioned hand 
loom, in use before the invention of the fly shuttle in 1738. 

The original machine for carding with cylinders was invented 
by Lewis Paul, and patented in 1748 ; but it was very imperfect, 
and of but little practical value, and not much used, until it was 
improved in 1772 by John Lees, and soon afterwards by Sir 
Richard Arkwright, who constructed it in pretty nearly the same 
form and mode as the carding machines now in use. In 1775 
Mr. Arkwright took out a second patent for a series of machines, 
comprising the carding, drawing, and roving machines, all used 
in preparing silk, cotton, flax, and wool for spinning. The ma- 
chinery for spinning was much improved by the invention by 
Samuel Crompton in 1779, of the Mule ; which combined the 
advantages of the Spinning Jenny of Hargreaves and the Spin- 
ning Frame of Arkwright. Other machines were invented prior 
to the year 1800, for opening, cleaning, picking, and spreading the 
cotton, and fitting it for carding ; and all these series of machines 
were improved, brought to a tolerable state of perfection, and in 
general use among the manufacturers of Great Britain before the 
year 1806, and the most of them before the year 1790. To use 
the clear and forcible language of Mr. Baine in his history of the 
cotton manufacture, " It is by iron fingers, teeth, and wheels, 
moving with exhaustless energy, and devouring speed, that the 
cotton is opened, cleaned, picked, spread, carded, drawn, roved, 
spun, wound, warped, dressed, and woven." 

The same number of persons, including those engaged in the 
manufacture and repair of the machinery used, can at this time 
make about twenty times as much cotton cloth per year, as they 
could have done by the old process in use prior to these inven- 
tions, and prior to the invention of the fly shuttle in 1738. All 
these great inventions, together with that of the Steam Engine, 
and the Cotton Gin, were made and brought into use during the 
eighteenth century ; and though many of them have been gradu- 
ally improved and perfected during the present century, yet no 
very great improvement or alteration has been made in the ma- 
chinery and mode of making cloth in Great Britain during that 
time, and it may be safely asserted that before the year 1806, the 
same number of persons could make at least three fourths as much 
cloth, cotton, woollen, linen or silk per annum, as they can at 
this time, (1S45,) and fifteen times as much as they could have 
done prior to the year 173S. 

The Steam Engine was greatly improved and adapted to ordi- 
narv use as a. motive power, by James Watt, about the year 



26 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

1767. It came into pretty general use in Great Britain prior to 
the year 1790, and has been of incalculable service and value to 
mankind ; and more especially so to Great Britaiu, in working 
her mines, and particularly in raising coal from the mines ; as 
well as in moving machinery to manufacture cotton, wool, silk, 
linen, iron, cutlery, &c. 

The continental nations of Europe, being the most of the time 
from 1790 to the close of the year 1815, involved in the wars 
growing out of the French revolution, did but little to introduce 
the use of machinery, and to improve their system of manufac- 
ture, until after the end of those wars ; so that Great Britain en- 
joyed the full benefit of the monopoly of the markets of the 
greater part of the commercial world for her manufactures, with 
scarcely a competitor, for more than a quarter of a century, and 
at higher prices than before the invention and introduction of 
machinery. The immense advantage derived by the British 
people from the use of machinery, high prices, and this great 
monopoly, gave such activity to their industry of all kinds, and 
made it so productive and profitable, as to enable all classes, the 
commercial and agricultural as well as the manufacturing and 
mining, to pay high wages for labor, and yet to create and accu- 
mulate capital and wealth from 1790 to 1816, with a rapidity 
unknown in any other age of the world ; notwithstanding the enor- 
mous burthens imposed on them to support the war. 

The number of persons, including their families, engaged in the 
cotton manufacture in Great Britain in all its branches, in 1840, 
including those engaged in making and keeping in repair the ma- 
chinery used, has been estimated by McGulloch at about one 
million five hundred thousand ; and if their labor is twenty times 
as productive as the labor of the same number of persons prior to 
1767, it is equal to the industry of thirty million persons, includ- 
ing their families and children, without the aid of modern machin- 
ery. The saving is therefore equal to the labor of a population 
of twenty-eight millions five hundred thousand. The labor saved 
by machinery and the Steam Engine in the manufacture of wool, 
silk, linen, mining, raising coal, making iron and cutlery in Great 
Britain and Ireland, is probably as much more, or equal to a po- 
pulation of twenty-eight millions five hundred thousand ; making 
the total saving in the United Kingdom in 1840, by means of 
machinery of recent invention, equal to the productive labor of 
a population of fifty-seven millions. 

The quantity of cotton manufactured in Great Britain in 1840, 
was a little over four hundred million pounds ; and from 1810 to 
1815, during the last struggle with Napoleon, about one hundred 
million pounds, annually. If we estimate the saving by means of 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 27 

machinery, at three fourths as much for each laborer from 1810 to 
1815, as from 1840 to 1845, it would, from 1810 to 1815, be 
equal to the labor of three fourths of one fourth of fifty-seven 
millions of inhabitants, or more than ten millions. 

Let it be remembered that I have taken into the account the 
labor of making the machinery, and keeping it in repair ; and 
that it labors for man unceasingly, without fatigue ; consumes 
nothing but a little oil ; eats nothing, drinks nothing, and requires 
no clothing ; that it is the most valuable servant man ever had, 
and requires no expensive comforts to be provided for it. If a 
people who have not the use of machinery are taxed to support 
the government, and carry on war, to the amount of one eighth 
part of their gross earnings and incomes, it is the largest amount 
that can possibly be collected of them for a series of years in suc- 
cession ; and it takes at least seven eighths of all their earnings 
and incomes, in the aggregate, to support them from year to 
year ; while a people, having machinery and extensive manufac- 
tures, like Great Britain, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and 
some other states and countries, produce so much, that they are 
able to live on less than three fourths of their earnings and in- 
comes, in the aggregate ; and may contribute one fourth, and 
even more than that, in case of necessity, to the support of the 
government. Inasmuch as the productive power of the machi- 
nery of Great Britain and Ireland, from 1810 to 1815, was equal 
to that of ten million persons, and yet consumed nothing ; it en- 
abled the nation to levy and collect taxes, to support the war as 
much as if the population had been increased 80,000,000, or 
eight times the ten millions, without the machinery. 

To give the reader an idea of the effect of the machinery, and 
productive industry, upon the wealth, power, and revenues of 
Great Britain, and the ability of the nation to wage war, at differ- 
ent periods, I have made the following table, showing the popu- 
lation, national debt, and annual public revenues of the United 
Kingdom, at several different periods from the year 1600 to 
1815. The statements of the revenues are mostly taken from 
Mr, Alison's History of Europe, and are made in pounds sterling : 



Date. 


Population. 


National Debt 


Fuplic Revenues. 


10 (JO 


6,500,000 




£460,000 


168S 


7,850,000 


£664,263 


2 ; 001,SS5 


1748 


10,350,000 


78,293,312 


6,923,000 


1783 


12,600,000 


283,4S4,S70 


11,962,000 


1801 


J 5.370 000 


528,839,277 


34,113,146 


1815 


19,000^000 


864,822,441 


72,210,512 



Mr. Alison slates the public revenues from taxation, directly 



28 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

and indirectly, at over £68,000,000 sterling for each of the 
years 1813 and 1814. Such enormous taxes as the people of 
Great Britain paid from 1800 to 1815, were never paid, and 
never could have been paid by any other people. Nothing but 
the great and unrivalled power of their machinery, their extensive 
manufactures and commerce, the monopoly of the markets of 
half the world for their manufactures, and high prices enabled 
them to do it ; and to loan to the government about £20,000,000 
annually, beside, to carry on the war. And in spite of these 
immense burthens, which would have crushed any other people to 
the earth, and reduced the people as well as the government to 
bankruptcy, they flourished and increased in wealth as well as in 
population faster than during any other fifteen years in their 
whole history as a nation. 

One of the principal causes which led to, and produced the 
French revolution, and the fall of the monarchy, was the heavy 
debt of France, and the financial embarrassments of the govern- 
ment. Napoleon, President Jefferson, and many other statesmen 
of that day, looking upon the immense and rapidly accumulating 
debt of the British nation under the policy of Mr. Pitt, and the 
enormous burthens imposed on the people, thought it impossible 
for them to sustain themselves very long under such burthens, 
and that a revolution, and dissolution of the British government 
within a short time, was inevitable. They regarded the govern- 
ment as upon the brink of ruin ; as impelled forward by natural 
causes, from which there was no escape ; and looked upon its 
ruin as certain. They reasoned from the experience and history 
of other nations, and their reasoning, if applied to any other 
nation, in any age of the world, would have been correct. Their 
only error was, in not properly calculating and appreciating the 
power and productive energy of the machinery of Great Britain ; 
equal, as I have estimated it, so far as ability to pay taxes, and 
support war, was concerned, to eighty millions of inhabitants. 

As the people were accumulating wealth and capital, by their ' 
manufacturing and mining industry, and their commerce, with 
unexampled rapidity; nearly all the loans to the government 
were made by British capitalists, to whom nearly the whole 
national debt was due, and the stability of the government was not 
affected by it. The only effect of it was, to give to the capital- 
ists a perpetual mortgage upon the productive industry of the 
laboring classes, which was then less oppressive, while they enjoyed 
a monopoly of the use of machinery, and of the cotton manufac- 
ture, and wages were high, than it has been during the last 
twenty years, since the introduction of machinery into France, 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 29 

the United States, and into all the nations of central and northern 
Europe. 

Sec. 15. Population, Revenues, and Power of France from 1789 
to 1815, compared with those of Great Britain. 

Let us now take a summary view of the condition of France, 
and see the extent of her population, revenues, and power, com- 
pared with Great Britain. In 1789 her population was about 
25,500,000, and her annual revenue a trifle less than £20,000,000 
sterling. Prior to 1S06 her territory had been increased, and 
her population amounted to about 28,000,000, beside the Nether- 
lands which had also been added to the French empire and 
swelled its population to 34,000,000, while that of Great Britain 
and Ireland was then less than half as great. The whole revenues 
of the vast Empire of France in 1802 were but £22.942,000 ster- 
ling ; in 1803 £23,062,000; in 1804 £23,342,000; in 1808 
£26,500,000; in 1809, £29,000,000; in 1S10 £29,700,000; 
and including the revenues derived from the Roman States, they 
amounted in 1811 to £36,200,000; in 1S72 to £35,300,000, and 
in 1813 to but £33,000,000 sterling. It appears, that the reve- 
nues of the French nation, during the whole war, from 1800 to 
1S15, were only about one fourth part as great as those of the 
British, in proportion to the population ; and yet the French peo- 
ple were exhausted and impoverished by the war, while the 
British were growing rich, and accumulating capital, with great 
rapidity. 

Napoleon counted up his millions of subjects, and reasoned in 
this way ; the Empire has over 34,000,000 of inhabitants, 
besides its dependencies, and the British Isles less than 
17,000,000 ; the French people are valiant, warlike, and ambi- 
tious of military glory, while the British have been pretty uni- 
formly unsuccessful in all their military campaigns in America as 
well as in Europe, during the last forty years, and have been 
successful only in fighting the enervated and half civilized 
inhabitants of India ; and surely, under such circumstances, over 
34,000,000 of people with my superior talents as a military com- 
mander and conqueror, can overcome half that number who are 
only a nation of shop-keepers. His error was, in not understand- 
ing and not taking into account the power of machinery, and its 
immense effect in increasing the productive industry and power 
of the British people. Nearly all his ideas of government, and 
of war, (except so far as the use of gunpowder and fire-arms had 
modified and changed military operations,) were drawn from the 
history of the ancient Romans, and the wars of the Caesars ; he 
did not, nor did any statesman of that period, seem to understand 



30 ON TIIE LAWS OF NATURE. 

the prodigious influence which the machinery invented during the 
previous fifty years, had, in increasing the power of the British 
nation. His calculations were all founded on the assumption that 
he was contending with about sixteen or seventeen millions of 
people, in no respect superior in power in proportion to their 
numbers to the French ; when in fact he was contending with a 
people, whose actual revenues, from taxation, were more than 
twice as great as those of France, and whose ability to raise means, 
by loans and taxation, to maintain fleets and armies, and to carry 
on military operations, were about three times as great. 

Alison, in the 77th chapter of his history of Europe, says the 
expenditures of the British nation, during the year 1815, the last 
year of their great struggle with Napoleon, reached the unpa- 
ralleled sum of £110,000,000 sterling; about £3S,000,000 of 
which was raised by loans, and no less than £11,035,232 of it 
paid in the shape of subsidies, to other nations of Europe, to aid 
them in carrying on the war ; that " such was the exhaustion of 
the finances of the great powers of Europe, from the unparalleled, 
efforts they had made during the two previous years, (1813 and 
1814,) that they were unable to put their armies in motion with- 
out this pecuniary assistance ; and that it might truly be said, 
that the whole military force" of Europe was this year arrayed in 
British pay against France." Large subsidies had also been 
granted by the British to other nations of Europe, during previous 
years, to aid them in carrying on the general war against Napo- 
leon ; and all these subsidies, and three quarters of the revenues 
and loans of the British nation, were furnished by means of the 
machinery, and the increase of the products of manufacturing 
industry, and the commerce of the British people, in consequence 
of their machinery. 

Sec 16. Inventions and Machinery produced the overthrow of 
Napoleon. 
The effects of the inventions of Sir Richard Arkwright, James 
Watt, James Har greaves, Samuel Crompton, and Edmund Cart- 
wright, and some others of Great Britain, and of Eli Whitney 
of Massachusetts, upon the productive powers of man and upon 
the manufacturing industry, commerce, and increase of wealth and 
power of Great Britain, were the natural and ordinary physical 
effects of natural causes ; and in the great chain of causes and 
effects which operated upon and controlled the destinies of Europe, 
and produced the final overthrow of Napoleon at Waterloo, the 
inventions of each of those celebrated men probably had more influ- 
ence than the genius and the military talents and efforts of the 
Duke of Wellington. Their effects will be felt throughout the 



ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 31 

civilized world, as lonjy as civilization shall last. Th*y have been 
the principal, yea almost the sole means of so increasing the com- 
forts of life, as to reduce the ratio of mortality of Great Britain 
nearly one third, and to reduce it very sensibly in almost every 
country of Europe, as well as in America. They enabled the 
British people to monopolize for a long period, nearly half the 
commerce of the civilized world ; to involve almost every nation 
in debt to them, and to make them in some measure dependent 
upon them, and tributary to them, for their manufactured goods 
and fabrics. The same causes continue, and by their natural opera- 
tion, tend to throw the balance of trade in favor of Great Britain, 
and against every other nation and people; and to involve them 
more and more in debt to the British manufacturers and merchants, 
to drain them of the precious metals to pay the interest en their 
debts ; and to impoverish them as debtors, and to enrich the British 
as creditors. The same causes have produced a very great increase 
of the population of the British Isles. During the period of 
twenty-five years from 1750 to 1775, they did not increase over 
10 per cent., and they never increased as much as that during 
any prior twenty-five years, in their whole history ;. but during 
the last fifty years, they have increased from 15 to IS per cent., 
every ten years. In 1775, the whole population of Great Britain 
and Ireland was only about 11,700,000 ; in 1S41, it amounted to 
over 26,500,000, and is now (1845) about twenty-eight millions ; 
while if none of these inventions had been made, it would not at this 
day, have amounted to over fifteen and a half, or sixteen millions ; 
and the revenues, wealth, and power of the British nation would 
probably have been about one fourth part as great as they are 
now. 

What would have been the effect upon Europe, and the civil- 
ized world, if these inventions had been made a quarter of a 
century later, and their effects had not been developed, until after 
the close of the career of Napoleon ? Is it not probable, yea 
almost certain, that he would have conquered the British Isles, 
established an universal empire in Europe, and extended it over, 
the principal part of the civilized world ? On the other hand, 
what would have been the effects upon the United States of 
America, if these spleodid inventions had been made in England, 
and had developed their effects upon the productive industry, 
commerce, population, wealth, and power of the British Isles, 
half a century sooner ? Is it probable that we should have gained 
our independence when we did ? Or should we have been held 
in subjection as colonies by the power of Great Britain, until, in 
the progress of time, her government is revolutionized, that we 



32 ON THE LAWS OF NATURE. 

might take advantage of her anarchy, confusion, and weakness, to 
throw off the yoke of bondage, and establish our independence ? 

Sec. 17. The 'physical laws of nature, constitute the oasis of the 
laws of trade. 

When Mr. Biddle and his associates by very adroit manage- 
ment, and profuse promises, obtained in (1835,) from the legis- 
lature of Pennsylvania, a charter for his misnamed United States 
Bank, with a capital of $35,000,000, free from the control of 
Congress, and from the inquisitive and troublesome investigations 
of government directors, and Congressional committees ; he estab- 
lished a son in the cotton trade in Liverpool ; launched out mil- 
lions annually to buy up cotton and state stocks ; and apparently 
expected to control the money, stock, and cotton markets of the 
United States, and the exchanges between the new and the old 
world ; to raise and depress cotton and stocks at pleasure ; and 
to compel the British and French, and others to pay such prices 
for cotton as he might dictate. But unfortunately for Mr. Bid- 
die's calculations, on the one hand, the Southern planters had 
been for years turning nearly all their attention to the culture of 
cotton, and had increased its production beyond the wants of the 
civilized world, and a rapid decline in price was a natural and 
necessary consequence ; and on the other hand, many of the 
States had projected great and visionary schemes of internal im- 
provement, and embarked in expensive works, which could yield 
very little income in the then existing state of the country, and had 
made large loans to carry into effecc their projected schemes, the 
interest on which it was impossible for them to pay, and a shock 
of the public credit, and fall of state stocks was a necessary and 
unavoidable consequence. In addition to these natural causes, 
the large importation of foreign goods under the free trade com- 
promise act of 1833, the accumulation of a foreign debt of over 
$200,000,000, and a rapid exportation of specie to pay the heavy 
balances of trade against our country, and the interest on our 
debt, contributed also as natural causes to excite alarm, to de- 
press the prices of cotton, state stocks, lands and other property, 
to drain the banks and the country of specie, and to create a 
panic ; and in the final result, not only the cotton and state stocks 
owned by Mr. Biddle's bank fell in price, but hundreds of its 
heavy borrowers and debtors, who had speculated in cotton, stocks, 
and lands, were ruined, and the Bank itself, with its immense 
capital, was prostrated as quickly and easily as any country bank 
of an hundred thousand dollars capital. 

The same causes produced the suspension of nearly all the 
banks of the United States, in May, 1837 ; and similar causes, 



OX THE LAWS OF NATURE. 33 

that is, excessive importations and large exports of coin to pay 
the balance of trade against Great Britain in 1847, caused the 
most severe commercial crisis, and the greatest amount of bank- 
ruptcy in that country, which ever occurred in any country, in a 
single year. 

Such are the tendencies of the physical laws of nature, which aid 
the industry of man, have a powerful influence upon the prices of 
commodities, and form the basis of the laws of trade. In fact, 
commerce is so far governed by the laws of nature, that its ten- 
dencies and effects are irresistible ; and the only way to escape its 
effects, when they are injurious, is to avoid the causes which pro- 
duce them. 

The only practicable mode of avoiding the injurious effects of a 
balance of trade against a country, is to prevent such balance, by 
regulating its foreign imports, with a view to adapt them to the 
condition of the country, to the wants of the people, and to the 
value of their exports, and means of payment. 

All these questions have been discussed, and these facts alluded 
to, as illustrations, to show the effect of the laws of nature upou 
the destiny of nations as well as of individuals ; to slow that 
nature's laws aid the diligent, the industrious, the frugal, the 
saving, and the intelligent, and make the capital accumulated by 
industry and frugality, a powerful agent and engine to increase still 
further the productive industry of man ; and to show how man 
can influence his own destin}*, and change his own condition, and 
how far he is governed by the stern laws of physical necessity, 
over which he can exercise no influence whatever. 



CIIAPTEE II. 

Laws of nature continued. — On the constitution and 
nature of man, and the end or purpose for which he was 

created education and exercise necessary to develope 

and improve his mental and moral as well as his physical 
faculties, and to fit him for the final end of his ex- 
ISTENCE. 

Sec. 1. Education, Habits, and Government of a People, have an 
influence upon their improvement. 

As the mind which controls the body, is constantly influenced 
by its opinions, as well as by the education, habits, passions, and 
pursuits of the individual ; and by the institutions, form of govern- 
ment, and social system under which he has been bred — it is ob- 
vious that all these things have an influence upon the develop- 
ment and improvement of the miod, and upon the progress of 
communities and nations in productive industry, civilization, and 
wealth. This influence is in accordance with, and produced by 
the ordinary operation of the laws of nature. The term civiliza- 
tion, in fact, comprises the intellectual, moral, and physical edu- 
cation of man, and the improvement of the social system and 
government under which he lives. It is, therefore, appropriate 
to discuss all these topics as introductory to the general subject 
of these essays. It is also appropriate to their general object, to 
examine and treat of the constitution and nature of man, and the 
end or purpose for which he was created, in order to determine 
the true end and aim of education, as well as to ascertain what is 
in accordance with the moral laws of nature, and therefore useful, 
expedient, and virtuous. 

Sec. 2. The Mind being dependent on physical organs, its capaci- 
ty depends on the perfection and discipline of those organs. 
To constitute man, both a living principle and an intellectual 
principle have been superadded to the grosser matter of the ma- 
terial world — as explained in section 2 of Chapter I. This liv- 
ing principle is the basis of all organization, and of all living or- 
gans. The mind, as has been remarked, depends upon phy- 
sical organs, that is, upon the brain and nervous system, as in- 
struments, in ; through, and by means of which it acts. These 



ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. do 

physical organs are not only the medium through, which the mind 
receives impressions from, and ideas of external objects, and by 
which it conveys its influence by volition to the muscular system, 
but the brain is also the vehicle in and by the aid of which the 
mind thinks, wills, recalls previous impressions and ideas, com- 
pares, judges, deduces conclusions, and goes through with any 
complicated process of reasoning. This being the case, the ca- 
pacity , power , and fertility of the intellect; its quickness of per- 
ception and of action, retentiveness of memory, and power of com- 
paring, judging, ami reasoning with accuracy , depend upon the 
physical organs and instruments, by means of which it arts. 
Though ideas, principles, sensations, and truths are not innate 
or inherent in the mind, yet the faculties and capacities by 
means of which it acts, becomes conscious of sensations, conceives 
ideas, and deduces principles and truths by a process of reasoning, 
are innate; that is, inherent in the mind itself, in connection 
with its physical organs ; and cannot be developed without 
organs of some kind, as instruments of action. Hence the necessi- 
ty of a spiritual body at the resurrection ; and hence the power 
and peculiar characteristics of every man's intellect, depend 
upon the organization, and the greater or less degree of perfection 
of the physical organs of the mind, by means of which it aces ; 
and hence also the importance of education and exercise to dcvel- 
ope those organs, and to improve the mind. 

Sec. 3. Mind not the result of organization — its faculties and 

power. 
The atheist, and many physiologists insist that the mind and 
all its faculties not only depend upon organization, but are the 
direct result and effect of organization, and cannot have an ex- 
istence without it ; or, in other wordSj that we have no mind, and 
that the faculties usually called mental faculties, are the result and 
effect of an organized compound of the material substances com- 
posing the body. Now the whole comprises all its parts, and a 
compound comprises all the properties of each, and all of the 
simple elements of which it is composed. All the substances 
composing the body, and all matter with which we are acquaint- 
ed, except light, caloric, electricity, and magnetism, which are 
called imponderable substances, possess the property of gravita- 
tion, and also the properties of the chemical affinities, and these 
properties are uniformly the same under all circumstances, 
whether in a simple or compound state. The gravitating princi- 
ple of matter is neither increased nor diminished, by compounding 
or combining it in any mode or manner whatever. Man, how- 
ever, and all animals, possess not only the power of resisting the 



36 ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. 

action of gravitation, but also the power, by means of the mind, 
by the faculty of volition acting upon the muscular system, of 
raising from the ground and carrying great weights, in opposition 
to the principle of gravitation and the laws of the material world. 
This is equivalent to demonstrative proof, that mind cannot be 
composed of the matter of the material world, nor the result or 
effect of the organization of such matter, for all nature's laws are 
uniform, and cannot act inconsistent with themselves ; but man acts- 
inconsistent with the laics of matter, and therefore he must have a, 
principle, spirit, or power within him, not derived from this matter, 
with which his acts are inconsistent. 

Another class of reasoners start up and say, that mind is the 
same as caloric, light, electricity, magnetism, or a compound of 
two or more of those imponderable substances, and thus attempt 
to evade the argument, that mind acts inconsistent with such 
matter, and therefore cannot be composed of it. Let us examine 
this argument. Caloric, light, electricity, &c, though not pos- 
sessed of the principle of gravitation, are governed by fixed laws, 
and operated upon by external substances ; by the laws of affini- 
ty, or attraction, and the more general law of a tendency to es- 
tablish an equilibrium. It is impossible for any of these sub- 
stances to act in and of itself, without being excited to action by 
some affinity, or attraction, external to itself; and when it acts, 
it always acts in conformity with laws fixed and certain in them- 
selves, and in a uniform manner, under the same circumstances. 
Mind, on the contrary, is endowed by the Creator with self-acting 
power, or power to originate action in and of itself, and to act 
without being put in motion by any cause, or motive external to 
itself; audit can act arbitrarily, and according to its own whims or 
caprice, and is not subject in its acts and movements to fixed laics, 
like caloric, electricity, and other imponderable substances. God 
has made it after his own image, a nd made it a cause in and of itself , 
and thus it has the power of originating action, and acting according 
to its own free will. In this consists its freedom of will, and in fact 
its entire will, including the self -determining power of the will. There 
is in chemistry a principle called elective affiuity, and double-elective 
affinity; and in each case, a simple substance is attracted towards 
two other substances at the same time, and is uniformly governed 
by the strongest affinity, and never by the weakest ; but I pre- 
sume no man ever thought of calling this elective affinity, freedom 
of action, or freedom of will, and being governed by the strongest 
motive ; and yet if the mind is governed by a physical necessity 
from which it cannot escape, and which makes all its acts certain, 
because subject to fixed laws, and external causes operating upon 
it, its freedom of action and of will is no greater than that of two 



ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. 37 

substances which are attracted to each other by the chemical 
laws of elective affinity. The mind also compares, judges, reasons, 
and deduces conclusions, but two miuds rarely reason alike. 
Some reason with great accuracy, and are seldom led into error, 
while others are constantly led astray by their passions and pre- 
judices, as well as by their weakness, and can scarcely deduce the 
most trifling conclusion without danger of falling into error. 
Can electricity or magnetism judge, compare, or reason ; and 
does it not uniformly act by the same laws, and always -with the 
same accuracy, and if it could reason with accuracy in one case, 
would it not do so in every case ? These views seem conclusive 
to my mind, that the intellect or mind of man is of a higher ori- 
gin, and possesses more inherent powers and capacities than any 
of the matter or elements of matter of this material universe ; and 
yet it may be a mere centre of action, or an organ builder by 
means of its own powers of attraction, and unable to act to any 
extent without organs, as its instrument of action, which may 
be developed and improved by education and exercise. 

Sec. 4. Physical organs and condition transmitted from parent 

to child, which tends to form national character. 

It seems to be a law of the animal as well as the vegetable econ- 
omy, that like shall reproduce its like, subject to slight modifica- 
tions of climate, and other circumstances, which have an indirect 
influence. Hence if we plant Indian corn, we do not expect to 
reap wheat, nor vice versa. Grains and vegetables do however 
partially change their character by being cultivated for years, in a 
different climate and different soil. So with man, he not only re- 
produces his kind, but hands down to his posterity his peculiar 
•phi/sical organization, his form, strength^ and even his weaknesses 
and diseases; and also the form and organization of his brain 
and nervous system, and his 'peculiar characteristics of mind, and 
traits of character depending upon them. Many of man's diseases 
and weaknesses are brought upon himself by misconduct, licen- 
tiousness, intemperance, luxury, and indolence, or violating the 
natural laws of God in some other mode ; and the physical evils 
resulting are handed down to his posterity. Hence we read in 
Scripture that the sins of the father are visited upon his children 
even unto the third and fourth generation. 

The climate, mode of life, pursuits, habits, and customs of any 
people, have an effect upon their physical constitution, upon the 
organs of sense, and the brain and nervous system, or organs of 
the mind, as well as upon the shape of the head and features of 
the face, and formation of the limbs and body. The more active 
the minds of a people, the greater and more perfect will be the de- 



38 ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. 

uelopment of the brain, and it will be adapted to the character of 
Iheir pursuits, and the kind of menial exercise they usually have. 
All these physical peculiarities are more or less handed down to pos- 
terity from generation to generation, affect the national mind, and 
constitute the national character. Hence ice observe that the lead- 
ing characteristics of almost every nation, in the progress of time, 
to matter what or ichence their origin, have become assimilated to 
•ach other, and constitute tohat is called national character. Some, 
like the Arabs and Tartars, have been entirely stationary, and 
mffered scarcely any change in their national character and con- 
dition for many centuries ; others, like the Turks, have degene- 
rated, and been actually sinking in the scale of civilization ; whilst 
many other nations have been developing their mental and physi- 
cal capacities, as well as the resources of their country, and 
making rapid strides in the high career of civilization, towards that 
state of perfection of our constitution, designed by the Deity. 
( See on this subject Sec. 2 of Chap. I.) 

Sec. 5. The pain and evil to which man is subject, arise from his 
constitution, and from the mode of his existence. 
Mankind were designed by an all-wise and benevolent Creator, 
for as much happiness in this world, as ^is consistent with their 
constitution and nature, being made subject to physical as well 
as moral evil, pain and death, and placed here in a state of pro- 
bation, trial and discipline, for another state of existence. Grod 
could have created man otherwise, but as maintained by the great 
and learned Burlamaqui, in his natural and political law, the 
Deity being all-wise, could not do, that is, there was a moral, if 
not a physical impossibility, in his doing, what was inconsistent 
with itself; he could not desire to effect an object, without using 
the most fit means to attain it ; and could not use means incon- 
sistent with the object in view ; nor inconsistent with other parts 
of his works, and the framework of his moral government, which 
is carried into effect mostly by means of the general operation of 
physical laws. He might have created man a spiritual being, and 
not subject to death, but he could not make him a free agent, a 
rational being, partly spiritual and partly corporeal, subject to 
the physical laws of the earth, to the reproduction of his kind, 
and to the dissolution or separation of the soul and body, and 
give him the necessary senses and sensibility to effect the end in 
view, without at the same time subjecting him to pain and suffer- 
ing, both physical and mental ; and to both physical and moral 
evil. The evils, however, to which the nature and constitution of 
man are incident in this life, are aggravated by reason of his 
faculties, and the capacities of the earth to maintain him, not be- 



ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. 39 

in<z completely developed, and in consequence of his ignorance, 
indolence, vicious habits and passions, and failure to act in all 
cases in accordance with the constitution of his nature and the 
laws of the material world. 

Sec. 6. Man was designed for an industrious, rational, social, 
moral, religious, and selfish being. 

It was evidently intended by the Creator, that man should be an 
industrious being ; that he should subdue and cultivate the earth, 
and develope its resources, in order to supply himself with all 
that is necessary to preserve life, promote health, strength, ac- 
tivity and longevity, and to multiply and people the earth ; and 
as an incentive to do so, he was created with physical appetites, 
and mental passions. It is universally admitted that he was de- 
signed as a rational being, but of what use would reason be to 
him, if he were so far governed by natural causes, that he could 
not be influenced in the least by his own reason ? It is also evi- 
dent that he was designed as a social being, a moral being, and a 
religious being ; and that he should fulfil all the requirements of 
the law of nature. The natural propensity of man to seek the 
society of his fellow man, and to sympathise with and participate 
in the pleasures of his associates, is conclusive evidence that he is 
by nature a social being ; his propensity to sympathise with and 
participate in the sufferings and misfortunes of his fellow man, 
even though strangers to him, and his instinctive inclination to 
relieve them, is evidence that he is a moral being; the whole his- 
tory of the human family, in all aires, and almost all countries, 
shows that next to avarice, religious feeling has influenced a larger 
proportion of mankind, than any other mental passion ; this 
proves that ho is a religious being. 

That he is a selfish being, arises from his own sensations, appe- 
tites, and wants, and the impulses of nature to gratify them. 
Pope says, — 

Self-love the spring of action moves the soul, 
Reason's comparing balance rules the whole. 
Man, but for that, no action could attend, t 
And, but for this, were active to no end. 

^ All these capacities and propensities of his nature are given 
him to be employed, exercised, and gratified, partly as a means 
to develope his faculties and fit him for a higher state of existence, 
as the final end of his being , and partly as an incentive to action, 
to exercise, and industry, as the principal means of attaining this 
great final end and object of his existence. 

Sec. 7. The leading passions enumerated and described. 
Physical appetites and passions have more or less influence 



40 ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. 

over every individual, during every day of Lis life, from birth to 
the grave ; but when his appetites' are satisfied, he is freed in 
some measure from their dominion, and his mental passions havo 
time and opportunity to operate. 

After the gratification of the physical wants and appetites, the 
domestic affections are the first, most constant and powerful pas- 
sions which occupy and influence the human mind ; and incite the 
individual to action, industry, and enterprise, for the purpose of 
providing for his family the luxuries, as well as the wants and 
comforts of life. They are founded on moral and social sympa- 
thy, but mostly on the former. Secondly, social sympathy, or a 
desire for social intercourse, is one of the most universal passions 
which influences the human mind. Thirdly, vanity, or a desire 
for display and ostentation ; such as a display of personal beauty, 
fine dress, ornaments, acquirements in the fine arts, science, rank 
and family lineage, official power and station, valor, strength, 
agility, or other superiority, either mental or physical. Vanity 
is the motive ; fashion and display the objects of this passion. The 
Olympic and other games among the Grreeks, excited the people 
of all the Grecian States, and became fashionable among all 
classes, high and low ; as it gave the youth an opportunity to dis- 
play their physical strength and superiority. War among savage 
and barbarous nations is almost the only mode by which indivi- 
duals, and the young in particular, can display their superiority. 
This is the reason why war is so much more exciting and popular 
among savage, barbarous, and half civilized nations, than it is 
among those that are enlightened, whose vanity and ambition can 
be sufficiently gratified by acquirements, objects and pursuits of a 
civil nature. This is the same passion which led the French, 
during the revolution, as well as the legions of Napoleon, the 
Greeks and Homans, and every other warlike people, in search of 
what is usually called glory, or military fame. 

Fourthly, avarice, or the desire for the possession and accumu- 
lation of property, is the next in order, the most engrossing pas- 
sion which occupies and controls the human mind. 

It is associated with the desire of gratifying hunger, thirst, and 
other physical wants. It is in some respects a mere handmaid to 
the passion for display, fashion or vanity, among civilized ~and 
highly cultivated nations. This is evident from the fact that, 
though savages have physical wants as well as civilized men, yet 
they seem to be entirely destitute of every thing like avarice, or 
a desire to accumulate property, beyond their immediate wants. 
Avarice is the motive ; wealth, display and power, are the objects 
of this passion. 

Fifthly , the natural inclination, as evidenced by the practice of all 



ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. 



41 



nations and people, to worship the Supreme Being. The source 
or cause of this natural impulse, or religious instinct, must be the 
same in all mankind, whether Christians, Jews, Mahometans, or 
Pagans ; the difference in its manifestation arising from educa- 
tion, habit, or accident. There is no reason to doubt that the 
Jews, Mahometans and Pagans are often as sincere and devoted 
to their religious creeds, dogmas, and opinions, as the Christians 
are to the doctrines and precepts of the holy scriptures. "When 
this passion is carried to excess, it begets bigotry, enthusiasm, 
fanaticism, intolerance, and a spirit of persecution. Religious 
feeling is the steadiest and strongest passion which can operate 
upon the mind through life. No other will lead a person so 
readily to sacrifice his interest, or his life. It has had the great- 
est and most permanent influence upon the nations of the earth, 
of any passion whatever. The Jews exhibit the most remarkable 
examples of its constant and permanent influence. It is now 
over 2,500 years since the ten tribes of Israel were conquered, 
and carried into captivity by the Assyrians ; for nearly two thou- 
sand years they have been dispersed among all the nations of the 
earth, an oppressed and often a persecuted people ; yet they have 
in all countries and in all climates preserved themselves a sepa- 
rate and distinct race, and have not sacrificed their religious opin- 
ions and ceremonies for the gratification of avarice, ambition, 
vanity, love, or any other passion, but are essentially the same 
people they were over two thousand years since. 

Sixthly, a desire for power and dominion, usually called ambi- 
tion. This passion seems to spring from, and be founded upon, 
the desire of the mind for freedom of action, freedom of will, and 
freedom from all restraint, together with a desire of the necessary 
power and means of carrying into effect one's will in all cases. 
But this kind of liberty and freedom of action in one person, im- 
plies subjection and subserviency, if not perfect slavery, in the person 
thus subjected to his will. A desire for power and dominion 
over property, is the same as the passion of avarice, and a desire 
to exhibit and display the extent of one's property or power, is 
mere personal vanity. The leading motive with many if not most 
persons, in acquiring either property or power, is to enable them 
to make a great display, and to exhibit what they think their 
superiority over their fellow beings. 

The great lawgivers, savans, writers, statesmen, and conquerors 
of the world, who have struggled to acquire, or increase their 
power and influence, have done so for one or more of the follow- 
ing reasons ; first, to gratify their vanity ; secondly, for fame, 
present or future, on account of great achievements, exhibiting 
their superiority over their fellow beings ; or thirdly and lastly, for 



42 ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MAN. 

the purpose of directing and controlling their fellow beings in 
order to improve their condition, and promote their happiness. 
Personal vanity is often connected with national glory, and I fear 
there are ten aspirants for power to gratify mere personal vanity 
for display, where there is one ambitious of fame ; and ten am- 
bitious of fame, where there is one who seeks and strives to 
improve the condition and promote the happiness of his fellow 
beings. 

Seventhly, a desire for revenge. This is a passion which rages 
in its full violence only in the minds of savages. It is not only 
the most powerful, but almost the only powerful mental passion 
which operates upon the great mass of savages ; who have not 
much ambition for power or fame, not any, or scarce any avarice, 
and very little social sympathy. Revenge is so neutralized and 
softened, among a civilized people, by avarice, ambition, vanity, 
and other mental passions, that its influence need seldom be taken 
into the account, in estimating human motive. 

The excessive gratification of physical appetites generally tends 
to blunt the mind, render it torpid, and incline both body and 
mind to inactivity and sleep ; hut the gratification, as well as the 
operation upon t/ie mind of mental passions, usually render it more 
active and acute, and the person more wakeful and energetic. 
Mental passions thus act as powerful stimulants ; most persons are 
wakeful, energetic and enterprising, and their minds active in pro- 
pprtion to the strength of their passions ; and if by means of mis- 
fortune they become discouraged on the one hand, or on the 
other, accumulate sufficient to satisfy their wants and their ava- 
rice, they henceforward lose their enterprise, and much of their 
activity and energy, of mind as well as body. 

If man had no intellectual passions, nothing but physical appe- 
tites to stimulate him, when his immediate wants were gratified, 
he would relapse into indolence and inertness ; and be reduced to 
a state of degradation, nearly as low as that of many of the brute 
creation : and never could have made the least progress in civili- 
zation or improvement in his condition, above that of the lowest 
grade of savages, 

Sec. 8. A moderate gratification of the natural passions is in 
accordance with the object of creation. 
All the natural propensities, instincts, appetites, and passions 
of man, were given to him by the Creator, for good and wise 
purposes ; and the gratification of them in a proper manner, and 
within moderate and rational limits, must be consistent with his 
nature, and intended to promote his happiness and well-being ; 
but no one can be carried to excess, without weakening and even- 






ON EDUCATION. 43 



tually destroying some other faculty of his nature, and injuring 
his physical constitution. It was designed that all his natural, 
not his artificial appetites and passions, should be gratified to a 
moderate extent, and not that one or two should engross his 
whole mind or attention, to the sacrifice of all the others, and to 
the sacrifice eventually of his health, constitution, and mental 
powers on all other subjects. Excessive indulgence for a consid- 
erable length of time in innocent amusements, and even the ex- 
citement of gay society, relaxes the tone and energy both of the 
mind and the physical system, and unfits them for the sober, ra- 
tional, and necessary employments of life. Moderation is con- 
sistent with the exercise of all the faculties of man, and with the 
gratification of all the appetites and passions of his nature ; but 
excessive indulgence in one or more, necessarily produces the 
neglect and decline of others. The necessary tendency of modera- 
tion, is to produce good consequences ; on the contrary, the 
necessary tendency of excess, is to produce evil consequences. 
Moderation is almost a necessary accompaniment of virtue ; vice 
can scarcely exist, without either excess, or the wrong direction 
of a passion, which might otherwise be deemed virtuous. For 
instance, to desire the punishment of a criminal, is certainly a 
virtuous feeling, though it might be deemed malevolence, by per- 
sons sympathizing with the criminal ; but to desire the punishment 
of good and innocent persons, is of itself a vicious and wicked 
feeling. 

Even avarice, when it exists in a moderate degree, is consistent 
with the nature and end of man, and becomes a vice, only when 
it is in excess, and leads to covetousness and oppression. The 
same may be said of ambition ; it is laudable as long as its ends 
and objects are good ; and vicious when its ends and objects are 
evil. So of dislike, abhorrence, indignation, anger and hatred : 
they are virtues, when excited by vice, misconduct and crime, 
and become vices only when excited by conduct which is correct 
and innocent. 

Hence the importance of a proper education, to regulate the 
intellectual passions, and give them such direction as to make 
ihem useful stimulants to both body and mind. Monarchs, 
Priests, and Chieftains, have made great use of the passions, to 
control the mind, and to govern and enslave mankind. 

Sec. 9. On Education — its different kinds, history, and im- 
portance. 
Education consists of the development and discipline of the 
intellectual and physical faculties, and of the social, moral, and 



44 ON EDUCATION. 

religious feelings, propensities, and passions of man, as well as the 
acquisition of knowledge and science. 

It may be divided into six kinds : 

1st. Intellectual education, or the development and discipline 
of the brain and the intellectual faculties ; consisting of the instruc- 
tion and discipline of the schools, that of books, and that 
derived from observation, examination, comparison, reflection, and 
reasoning. 

2nd. Industrial education ; — which consists of the exercise of 
training the muscles, brain, and nerves of the human system to 
habits of industry, in some particular employment or pursuit, 
whereby any physical effort may be made with greater facility and 
skill. 

3rd. Social education ; — which consists of the manners and 
habits of every individual, in his intercourse with his fellow-be- 
ings ; comprising his powers of conversation, practical knowledge 
of vocal and instrumental music, dancing, and other matters of 
amusement. 

4th. Moral education ; — consisting of a development of proper 
feelings of charity and sympathy for persons in distress ; and of 
the acquisition of principles of justice, and of propriety of con- 
duct, in the intercourse of man with his fellow-beings. 

5th. Religious education; and 

6th. Professional and business education. 

The first, second, fourth, and fifth kinds of education, as above 
enumerated, should be extended to the whole community. The 
great mass of the people will acquire, without much effort or 
expense, all of the third, which is necessary for their purposes. 
The sixth may be confined to the professional classes, merchants 
and business men, and persons who conduct great and difficult 
enterprises and pursuits, in which great numbers of laborers and 
large amounts of capital are employed. Books and the education 
of the schools not only furnish the symbols of thought, and the 
tools or means to exercise, improve, and expand the mind, but 
they also place before it ideas, subjects, and questions for consid- 
eration ; they arouse it from its lethargy, excite it to action, dis- 
cipline it, and induce it to think, examine, compare, analyse, 
reason, and judge for itself. A school education, however, so far 
as it teaches language only, merely communicates to the mind the 
symbols of ideas, and the tools or instruments by which to ac- 
quire knowledge ; but so far as it teaches the true principles of 
natural, mechanical, moral, political, mental, or theological 
science, it communicates the very essence of knowledge itself; — 
and so far as it teaches the learner penmanship and the use of 



ON EDUCATOIN. 45 

numbers, it instructs him in the art of doing business, and pre- 
serving a memorial of his acts. 

Letters and a written language are necessary to fix in a definite 
form, and to preserve and communicate ideas, knowledge, expe- 
rience, memorials of experiments, and discoveries in science ; and 
of inventions, and improvements in the useful arts. It is impos- 
sible for a nation or community to emerge from barbarism, and 
make any considerable progress in civilization, without a know- 
ledge of letters. 

Until a comparatively recent period, education by means of 
schools and books, was confined to the wealthy classes ; and such 
is the case now in all Roman Catholic, Mohammedan, and Pagan 
countries. In 1494, it was enacted by the Parliament of Scot- 
land, that every hour on and substantial freeholder should send his 
eldest son and heir to school from the age of six to nine years ; and 
afterwards to a grammar school. This was in accordance with 
the practice at that period, of all the western and central countries 
of Europe, where Catholicism prevailed. The idea was, that it 
was important to educate the heir, who was to inherit the estate 
and be the head of the family, but the younger sons and the mass 
of the people who were to be mere laborers, did not need any edu- 
cation. 

The first General Assembly of the Reformed Church of Scot- 
land, met on the 20th December, 1560. They determined that 
it was necessary to have a school in every parish, for the in- 
struction OF YOUTH IN THE PRINCIPLES OF RELIGION, GRAMMAR, 
AND THE LATIN TONGUE. 

It is stated by the Rev. Mr. Hctherington, in his History of 
the Church of Scotland, that the compilers of the Book of Dis- 
cipline in 1561, proposed that the patrimony of the Church 
should be appropriated to the support of the now Ecclesiastical 
Establishment, under which designation they included the minis- 
try, the SCHOOLS, AND THE POOR. 

The Presbyterian, and some of the other Reformed Churches 
at an early day, determined, that the rights of private judgment, 

in all matters that respect religion, are universal and inalienable ; 
that every one should search the Scriptures, and be governed by 
them and by his own conscience, — that is, that every one should 
search and interpret the Scriptures for himself, and act in accord- 
ance with his own understanding, interpretation, and private 
judgment of their import. They thus treated education, so far 
as respects reading, as necessary to the performance of a religious 
duty ; and made the schools a part of the new religious Establish- 
ment in Scotland, and equally important and necessary as the min- 
istry. These opinions have been entertained and acted upon by 



46 OST EDUCATION. 

that Church ever since that time, and by Congregational and 
some other Protestant Churches* for more than two centuries 
past. 

In 1616, the Privy Council of Scotland enacted, "that in 
every parish where convenient means could he had for entertain- 
ing a school, one be established, and a fit person appointed 
to teach the same, at the expense of the parishioners ;" and in 
1633 this Act of the Council was ratified in Parliament. 

But this act was only permissive and not mandatory, and was 
very defective. In 1638, the General Assembly of the Presby- 
terian Church of Scotland " directed the Presbyteries to see that 
schools lucre provided in every landward parish, and such support 
secured to schoolmasters as should render education easily accessible 
to the whole population of the kingdom." During the civil wars 
in 1646 a more enlightened Act of Parliament was passed than 
that of 1633 just referred to, which, though rescinded at the re- 
storation (in 1660) was adopted almost verbatim in the celebrat- 
ed Act of William and Mary, in the year 1696. That statute is 
the foundation of the present parochial system of education in 
Scotland. 

As remarked by Mr. Hetherington, that statute provided for 
what had been long and earnestly sought by the Presbyterian 
Church of Scotland — a school in every parish throughout the 
whole kingdom, so far supported by the public funds as to render 
education accessible to even the poorest in the community. 

Thus we see that the influences of the Church operated upon 
the government, until the latter, acting from time to time in ac- 
cordance with impulses received from the former, passed Acts for 
the establishment and support of schools for the education of the 
whole people. 

In 1647 the Plymouth Colony of Massachusetts passed an 
Act " that every township of fifty householders should appoint 
a person to teach all the children to read and write, and that 
every township of one hundred families should support a grammar 
school." 

In the following year (164S) the Legislative Assembly of the 
Colony of Connecticut, passed a statute in relation to education 
of very nearly the same purport as that passed in Massachusetts. 
The Puritans or Congregationalists of Massachusetts and Connec- 
ticut entertained the same opinion as the Presbyterians of Scot- 
land — that education is necessary to the performance of religious 
duty; — and the former seem to have borrowed their ideas and 
. system of education substantially from the latter. This was the 
foundation of the system of common school education in New 
England, which was adopted in the state of New York in the 



ON EDUCATION. 47 

early part of the nineteenth century, and has been more recently 
adopted, and is now in successful operation, in nearly all the free 
states of the Union. 

The Episcopalians of England took a different course. 
In this particular, they adhered to the tenets of the Catholic 
Church — denied the right of each person to interpret the Scrip- 
tures for himself, and to act in accordance with his own private 
judgment ; and claimed that every one should yield his own pri- 
vate judgment, and receive the interpretation of the Church 
(that is, of the clergy) as correct in all cases. Inasmuch as lay- 
men were required to yield the interpretation of the Scriptures to 
the clergy, the church of England have regarded education as 
unnecessary for the laboring classes ; and hence they have made 
no efforts to extend a common school education to the whole 
people. Such being the opinions of the Episcopalians, who con- 
stitute about three fifths of the population of England, no Act has 
ever been passed by the British Parliament to provide for the 
establishment and maintenance of common schools, by the govern- 
ment, or by tax on property. The result is that no effort has 
been made to give the whole population of England a common 
school education. 

While in Scotland and many of our free states, about one in 
four of the whole population attend school a portion of the year, 
in England only about one in eleven attend, and among the Epis- 
copal population of England only about one in twenty attend ; in 
the Roman Catholic countries of southern Europe, perhaps one in 
an hundred of the population attend school, in Russia only one in 
two hundred and fifty, and in Mohammedan countries a still 
smaller proportion. 

Sec. 10. On School District Libraries — their origin and 
importance. . 
On the 20th of April, 1S37, the Legislature of Massachusetts 
passed an act authorizing each legally constituted school district, 
in the State, to raise by tax for the purchase of a library and 
apparatus, a sum not exceeding thirty dollars for the first year, 
and ten dollars for any succeeding year. Any town in its corpo- 
rate capacity, and by virtue of its general authority to maintain 
schools, may raise whatever sum it pleases for the same object. 
By an Act of the 3d of March, 1S42, the Legislature granted 
from the State Treasury, the sum of fifteen dollars to every school 
district, which should raise and appropriate an equal amount for 
the purchase of a district school library ; and if that sum is raised 
by subscription or donation, and appropriated to that object, it 
entitles the district to the bounty of the State. 



48 ON EDUCATION. 

The Legislature of New York passed a similar act about the 
same time, or very soon afterwards, to provide for a school district 
library, in every district within the State. Tn 1838, the Legisla- 
ture of Michigan passed an act authorizing each school district 
to raise by tax, ten dollars per annum, to buy books for a district 
library — and the proceeds of certain fines were appropriated to 
the same object. In 1843, an act was passed providing for town- 
ship libraries in the State of Michigan, to be divided every three 
months among the several school districts of the town ; so that 
one library, by means of the quarterly distribution of books among 
the several districts, may answer for all the inhabitants of the 
township. 

The whole number of volumes in the school district libraries 
of the State of New York, on the 1st day of January 1844, was 
1,038,396— and on the 1st day of January 1S47, 1,310,986— 
amounting at the latter period to about 118 volumes to each dis- 
trict, the districts then numbering 11,052. 

The late superintendent of common schools of the State of 
New York, says in his report, " The object of the law for pro- 
curing district libraries is to diffuse information not only, or even 
chiefly, among children or minors, but among adults, and those 
who have finished their common school education. The books, 
therefore, should be such as will be useful for circulation among 
the inhabitants generally. They should not be children's books, 
or of a juvenile character, or light and frivolous tales and roman- 
ces ; but works conveying solid information, which will excite a 
thirst for knowledge, and also gratify it, as far as such library 
can." 

" Books are here found suited to every age, and almost every 
grade of intellect ; and the instruction and information afforded 
by them to our citizens of adult age, are of incalculable benefit." 

As language of itself doss not constitute knowledge, but only 
the symbols of knowledge, and the medium by which it may be 
acquired, the common schools do very little except to communi- 
cate to the learner the key and the instruments, by means of 
which he may acquire knowledge from books. 

Books and libraries are therefore necessary to complete that 
system of education which is commenced only in the common 
school — and the establishment of school district libraries may be re- 
garded as an era in the history and progress of popular education^ 
second only in importance to the 'establishment of common schools 
themselves. These libraries will unfold to the poor as well as to 
the middle classes, vast sources of valuable information, which will 
tend to expand their minds, to increase intelligence, and the 
productiveness of their industry, and to elevate their character. 



ON EDUCATION AND EXERCISE. 49 



Sec. 11. Education and exercise are necessary to develope the 
faculties of man. 

The mind, as well as the body, is developed and strengthened, 
and all the muscles and organs of the system are increased in 
size, and rendered more perfect by frequent exercise. This is 
verified in the case of the blacksmith, whose right arm, by the 
daily use of heavy hammers, in forging and working iron, becomes 
larger and stronger than the arms of any other class of men. Tt 
is a general rule, applying to all classes of persons, that the limbs 
and organs, or part of the system most exercised, become the 
strongest. But the greater part of employments give a healthy 
exercise to nearly all parts of the human system, and tend to 
increase their strength and activity. 

Even the senses are rendered more acute and accurate by 
exercise, attention, and practice. An experienced banker, accus- 
tomed to examine critically the execution of bank notes and drafts, 
can readily see and detect defects, omissions and differences in 
the execution, or engraving, too minute and slight to be perceived 
by a person of less experience ; and sailors can often perceive dis- 
tinctly vessels and objects at a distance upon the water, which 
are beyond the reach of the vision of landsmen. A skilful 
musician, whose organs of hearing have been disciplined for years, 
will be put in pain by slight discords, which would not be observ- 
ed by ordinary hearers. Perhaps this increased skill depends as 
much on the mind, as it does on the senses. It arises from the 
attention given by the mind to the subject, as well as to the opera- 
tion of the senses. 

The more a person exercises his memory, judgment, or reasoning 
faculties, upon any particular subject, the more acute, accurate, and 
active, the faculty exercised becomes. In as much as all the opera- 
tions of the mind are carried on by means of the brain and nerv- 
ous system, which consists of physical organs, when the mind has 
dwelt long upon any particular subject, the succession of ideas in 
the mind, from frequent occurrence and repetition, become asso- 
ciated together and form trains of thought, so that when the same 
subject is again introduced to the mind, the same succession of 
ideas and trains of thought will be suggessed to it, and follow each 
other in their accustomed order. This association of ideas in the 
mind depends on the same cause, and is governed by the same 
laws, as the characteristic of the muscular and organic system 
usually called habit. No man can be a great general in modern 
times, since war has been reduced to a system, and become a very 
complicated science, unless his mind has been thoroughly disci- 
plined by active service in the field, as well as by extensive read - 



50 ON EDUCATION AND EXERCISE. 

ing and learning in mathematics, fortification, and military tactics. 
Nor can a man become a distinguished diplomatist, lawyer, orator, 
debater or tactician, as a leader of a political party, without expe- 
rience as well as learning in those several departments ; learning 
alone is not sufficient ; practice also is necessary. To make a 
great statesman, legislator, or judge, more mature judgment, and 
more various and extensive acquirements, observation, and 
reflection are necessary, but experience in either of those particu- 
lar departments, is not so important. In those great departments 
of life and some others, extensive acquirements, science, observation, 
reflection, and practical experience in some other department of 
business, seem to supply the place of experience in those in question. 
The science of government can only be acquired by many years 
of intense mental labor. 

The mind as well as the body, can be fully developed and 
strengthened by exercise, and exercise only, and neither of them 
can be fitted for any of the higher employments of civilized life, 
without many years of training, and intense application. The 
muscles of the body, as well as the current of thought, and suc- 
cession of ideas in the mind, must be adapted, by practice and 
discipline, to their respective ends, before any high degree of 
excellence can be attained in any useful employment of life. 
Everything must become habitual, before it can be performed 
skilfully. How infinitely superior is civilized man to savages 
and barbarians, not only in the development and cultivation of 
his intellectual and moral powers and faculties ; but also in 
physical developments, and the adaptation of the muscular system, 
to some useful and productive industry, or business, to which he 
may have been bred ! He may not be superior in strength or 
agility for the chace, or for warlike operations, but superior in 
adaptation to useful labor, in any employment which will enable 
him to provide himself with the necessaries and comforts of life, 
and to fill the station for which he was apparently designed by 
the Supreme Being. 

It is a common adage, that there is no royal road to science ; 
nor is there any short and easy path to attain it. It can only be 
acquired by many long years of patient and toilsome labor, dili- 
gence and attention. The remark has often been made, that the 
sons of great and eminent men, who have raised themselves to 
distinction, by patient industry and energy of character, do not 
generally possess the talents and abilities of their fathers. Being 
generally bred in luxury and comparative indolence, which serves 
to stimulate their pride, vanity, and passion for amusement and 
pleasure, they seldom exert themselves sufficiently to acquire 
much vigor either of body or mind ; and they are often led on by 



ON EDUCATION AND EXERCISE. 51 

the specious attractions of frivolous amusements, until their pas- 
sions for amusement become so strong, that they cannot be 
resisted ; and the mind becomes unfitted to enjoy the sober reali- 
ties of life. 

Luxury and indolence are the grave of talent. A person may 
be born with as much native talent as Julius Caesar, Cicero, or 
Napoleon Bonaparte, and if cradled in luxury, and bred in indo- 
lence, unless he makes a total change of his habits, (which is 
almost impossible,) he must necessarily remain through life, com- 
paratively feeble and inefficient. He may, by means of hi3 native 
genius, elegance of manners and general information, acquired 
without reasoning much, be able to make a speech or address, 
upon the mere surface of things, that may tickle the fancy of a 
popular audience, and be effective for the moment; but to discuss 
great principles with ability, point out their tendencies, trace 
them to their ultimate results, and warn the public of the dangers 
attending them ; or to originate and mature great and important 
measures for the benefit of their country, requires an enlarged 
wisdom, acquired by attentively observing the current of human 
events, much learning, deep reflection, and a well-balanced, 
and well disciplined mind. 

Nor is discipline of mind in one department of science or busi- 
ness, of as much importance in other departments, which are very 
different in their character, as many of the schools and school- 
men pretend. To play chess, many games of cards, and some 
other games of amusement well, requires science and discipline of 
mind as well as experience ; and yet the science and discipline of 
mind thus acquired, serve only to intoxicate the mind, and to 
divert it from, and unfit it for any rational and useful employ- 
ment. If these reflections are correct, they show the importance 
of "training up a child in the way he should go," and forming his 
habits of mind and body, and adapting them not only to the paths 
of virtue, but to the pursuits which he is to follow through life. 
Tbey show also the reason of the great difficulty and hazard of a 
man's changing his pursuits, after he has attained the middle age 
of life. 

The same course of reasoning will apply to our moral, benevo- 
lent, and social feelings. They are quickened, increased, and 
strengthened by frequent exercise, in the same manner as our 
physical and intellectual faculties. Frequent attention to the 
wants and sufferings of the poor and unfortunate, serves to awaken, 
increase, and strengthen our benevolent feelings and sympathies, 
for persons in distress, and to render them more quick and active. 
In order to cultivate the moral faculties, however, it is necessary 
to restrain our selfish as well as our malevolent passions. Modera- 



52 ON EDUCATION AND EXERCISE. 

tion, and the restraint of violent passions and appetites, lie at the 
foundation of all virtue. A person of violent and unrestrained 
passions, may have certain generous impulses, which may be 
called instincts, or propensities, but cannot be properly dignified 
with the title of virtues. One of the noblest acquirements of 
man, consists in the power, which may become a fixed habit, of 
restraining his own passions, and giving a proper direction to his 
moral and social feelings. Even conscience can be cultivated, 
and generally depends upon the education, habits, and opinions 
of the person. 

The frequent gratification of feelings and desires, increases 
their force, and is accompanied by an impulse of nature, which is 
greatly strengthened and increased in violence by repetition, until 
it becomes an habitual attendant upon its associated feeling, or 
desire, and soon becomes so powerful as not to be easily over- 
come, or restrained. Though passion is essentially physical in its 
character, yet it is so dependent upon the will, and upon habit, 
and the principle of association, that it may be disciplined and 
controlled by the mind. Passion may therefore be defined an im- 
pulse of nature, arising by the force of habit, from any feeling or 
desire with which it is associated. The very source or origin from 
whence violent passions arise, consists in the repeated and habi- 
tual indulgence of feelings and desires, which were at first moder- 
ate, and easily controlled. Indulgence is the source of passion and 
vice ; and self restraint, and a proper direction and exercise of 
moral feelings and sympathies, lie at the foundation of virtue. 
Proper exercise and discipline are therefore as necessar}'' to the 
development of our moral, as of our intellectual and physical 
faculties. 

Exercise and discipline being necessary to develope, strengthen, 
and bring to perfection all the moral, as well as the intellectual 
and physical faculties of man, industry, in which I would include 
both mental and physical labor, may be regarded as one of the 
first and greatest of virtues. Indeed, it would seem from the 
very nature and constitution of man, as well as from the original 
command to him, that he should eat bread in the sweat of his 
face, to have been imposed upon every well person as a duty, to 
attend to some business or employment, either of utility to him- 
self or his fellow beings, which may serve to exercise, develope, 
and discipline his organs and faculties. The necessity of industry 
in this view of the subject, seems to have been imposed upon man by 
the Deity for a twofold object ; first, to develope and discipline his 
physical and intellectual organs and faculties, to enable him to pro- 
vide himself with the necessaries and comforts of life, and to main- 
tain his offspring, and, to people, replenish, and subdue the earth; 



ON EDUCATION AND EXERCISE. 53 

Secondly , to develope his intellectual and moral faculties, to Jit him 
for living in a state of society in this world, and for a higher 
state of existence in the world to come. That this life is but a state 
of probation, to develope the faculties of man, and fit him for 
another and better world, is believed not only by Christians, but 
by a large proportion of the Pagan nations of the earth. 

Liberty, industry, and conformity to the moral laws of nature, 
and the perfect development and proper direction and exercise 
of all the faculties of man, are necessary to promote the highest 
degree of happiness in this world, as well as the world to come, to 
which his nature is adapted. This great and important end, so 
far as this world is concerned, consists in civilization ; in the high- 
est degree of civilization of which the nature of man is capable. 



CHAPTER III. 

On civilization DEFINITION and successive steps in the 

PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION GRAZING, MINING, MECHANISM, 

AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE DEPENDENCE OF AGRICUL- 
TURE INVENTIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS. 

Sec. 2 . Civilization is progressive . 
It is not a new doctrine, that the constitution, including not 
only the physical, but so much of the mental faculties and capaci- 
ties of man, as depend on the formation of the brain and other 
physical organs, may be in a state of development and progres- 
sive improvement from generation to generation, and from age to 
age. It is partly from this source, and partly from the fact that 
knowledge is rapidly increasing in the civilized world, that some 
politicians of our country have borrowed the idea of progressive 
democracy. That civilization in the aggregate is progressive in 
this and many other countries, is beyond a doubt ; but in as 
much as it embraces an immense number and variety of faculties, 
powers, principles, and elements variously combined, it may im- 
prove in some respects, and be at the same time declining in 
others. That the principles of the political parties of our country 
are undergoing great changes from time to time, is beyond a doubt ; 
but whether they are improving, or verging towards corruption and 
tyranny, admits of different opinions ; the developments of the 
future can alone determine this question to the satisfaction of all. 
My object is to analyze the elements and principles of civilization, 
together with the elements and principles of our social system, 
habits, customs, institutions, government, and national policy, 
both foreign and domestic ; and to ascertain, as far as practicable, 
what parts of our system, institutions, customs and policy tend to 
advance, and what tend to retard us in the progress of civilization. 

Sec. 2. Civilization defined. 
Civilization consists in the development and melioration of the 
intellectual, physical, and moral faculties, constitution and con- 
dition of man ; and in the improvement of the social system and 
government of the society in which he lives. The highest degree 
of civilization for which man was designed by his Creator, oon- 
~*ts in such a development and improvement of his faculties, 



ON CIVILIZATION. •'■) 

constitution and condition, and such an organization and improve- 
ment of the social system, and system of government under which 
he lives, as tend to secure his rights, and promote his health, 
activity and general welfare and happines, to the greatest extent 
in the aggregate, of which his nature is susceptible. The insti- 
tutions of religion are included under the term social system ; and 
the development of the resources of the country, together with 
the accumulation of capital and of the comforts of life, are in- 
cluded under the terms physical condition. This definition is a 
condensation of the statement and definition of civilization given 
by M. Guizot, the learned French scholar and statesman, in his 
lectures on the general history of the civilization of Europe ; 
except that less importance is attached by him to the physical 
condition of man. 

Sec. 3. Industry, property and education, lie at the foundation 
of civilization. 

Wandering tribes of shepherds are always either savages or 
barbarians, ignorant and degraded ; with the exception of the 
chiefs, they are very poor and destitute ; and the condition of 
wandering hunter is still worse. The latter are generally poorer, 
more destitute, and enjoy less of the comforts of life, than the 
former. Degradation of morals usually goes hand in hand with 
destitution, misery and ignorance. Though it is not universal, 
yet in most cases, long-continued physical suffering, arising from 
destitution, hardens the feelings and produces moral degradation. 
There is no reason to doubt, that physical comforts tend to pro- 
mote good morals ; though luxury usually produces more or less 
social vice. No people can become civilized without fixed habi- 
tations and regular industry, to provide themselves with the com- 
forts of life. Fixed habitations constitute property ; and nearly 
all the property in the world, as well as the necessaries and com- 
forts of life, are produced by the labor and attention of man. 
Though the greatest amount of wealth is not necessary to a high 
degree of civilization, yet civilization and wealth generally ad- 
vance together. Industry and property therefore He at the very 
foundation of civilization ; without which it cannot exist ; and it 
progresses in proportion to the advance a people make in produc- 
tive industry, in cultivation of mind, and in the application of the 
natural sciences to the production of whatever is necessary to 
supply the wants of man. 

The Spartans, Romans, and all the warlike nations of anti- 
quity, despised labor, and looked upon it as degrading, and fit 
only for slaves. Christianity has in a measure sanctified industry, 
and made it respectable. As the Christian religion is a spiritual 



56 ON CIVILIZATION. 

matter, it carmot be understood and realized by a people who 
have not made considerable advancement in the cultivation of 
their minds. It cannot be propagated among savages, and can 
exist in its purity only among a highly civilized people. This is 
verified by the history of the various attempts to Christianize the 
North American Indians, as well as by the whole history of 
Europe during the dark ages. It is impossible to elevate man in 
the scale of existence, and raise him in the grade of civilization, 
in any mode, or by any means, except by improving at the same 
time, both his mental and physical condition. To improve his 
morals, and give him a knowledge of the spiritual religion of 
Christianity, without first raising both his mental and physical 
condition above that of a savage or barbarian, is impracticable. 
Industry and business not only afford the principal means of 
exercising the mind ; but they supply the sole means of support- 
ing schools, scholars and students devoted to the acquisition of 
learning and science, and of supporting a Christian ministry. 
Regular industry may therefore be regarded, as one of the chief 
corner-stones of both civilization and Christianity • and industry 
and education lie at the foundation of all improvement and 'pro- 
gress in the world. Industry cannot be rendered very effective 
without education, and the application of the natural sciences. 
Whatever course of policy tends to promote the cause of educa- 
tion and science, to diffuse useful knowledge, and increase pro- 
ductive industry, must therefore promote improvement, and the 
great cause of civilization. Hence monasteries, nunneries, and 
all the institutions of the mendicant orders, are contrary to the 
spirit of civilization and Christianity, and tend to impede their 
progress. 

Sec 4. Successive steps in the progress of civilization. 

The primary wants of man consist of food, drink, clothing, 
fuel, lodging, and a house, hut, or tent to shelter him from the ele- 
ments. The two first, and the last, are absolutely necessary, with- 
out which he cannot long exist in any climate ; clothing and fuel 
are equally necessary in cold climates, though not so much so in 
warm countries, and in the torrid zone. The first end to be attained 
by man in his progress towards civilization, consists in such a 
development and exercise of his intellectual and physical facul- 
ties, as will enable him to provide himself with whatever is 
necessary to sustain life, and promote health, strength, activity 
and longevity ; to provide himself with food, clothing of some 
kind, lodging, fuel, and a house, hut, or tent to shelter and protect 
him from rains, dews and storms, cold, heat and dampness, and 
the changes of the weather; frequent exposures to any of which 
affect his health, and shorten his life. 



ON CIVILIZATION. 



57 



The first step in his progress, is to tame, domesticate, and subject 
to his use, such animals as will furnish him food and clothing, or 
either, or be useful as beasts of burden and labor, in subduing the 
earth. The wandering tribes of Arabs and Tartars of Asia, and 
of ancient Muscovy, (now Russia,) and Poland, who subsisted 
mostly on the milk and flesh of their cattle and camels, and were 
clothed and sheltered with their skins, were elevated for above 
the lowest grade of savages, who subsist entirely on game, fish, 
and the spontaneous productions of the earth, having no domestic 
animals but the dog, which is useful to them in hunting only. 

The second step in the progress of civilization, is to learn to 
make iron, and to work it into edge tools, and other tools and 
instruments of mechanism, to enable him to work in wood, stone, 
and other materials, and to convert them to his use. This is so 
universally admitted, that most authors and philosophers have 
regarded the knowledge and use of iron, as the principal test of 
civilization. The inhabitants of Mexico and Peru, at the time of 
the discovery of America by Columbus, used agricultural imple- 
ments, tools and instruments to work in wood and stone, made of 
hardened copper. This was a tolerable substitute for iron. 

The natives of America north of Mexico, had some knowledge 
of the Art of Pottery, of shaping clay, and converting it into 
articles of domestic use by burning; and some of them made 
rough axes and tools of stone with which they could hack rather 
than cut down trees, make bows and arrows for hunting, and dig 
up the earth, make mounds and huts, and cultivate to a trifling 
extent, maize or Indian corn, and a few vegetables ; but none of 
them appear to have had any knowledge of iron, or any other 
metal suitable for edge toolsj or for instruments of agriculture, and 
the mechauic arts. 

The next and third step in his progress, is to invent and make 
ploughs, hoes, spades, and other instruments and utensils for dig- 
ging up and cultivating the earth ; to invent and make spinning 
wheels and looms, to spin, weave, and convert flax, wool, cotton, 
hemp, and silk into cloth ; and to invent and make wheeled car- 
riages, wagons or carts of some description, and rough dwelling 
houses partly of wood, but mostly of stone, brick, or clay. 

It appears from the Scriptures, that the Egyptians, Phoenicians, 
Israelites, and the neighboring nations, had the art of making flax 
and wool into cloth at a very early period. A rude species of 
house-building, and the art of making cloth, were invented in most 
countries in very early ages of the world, when little or no use 
was made of the earth except for supporting their flocks and herds, 
and producing a few vegetables and fruits, which grew spontane- 
ously. 

3* 



58 ON CIVILIZATION. 

Sec. 5. On the Metals — they precede both Agriculture, and a- 
Division of Employments. 

A division of employments cannot take place, until man has 
made some progress in making tools and instruments to work with, 
and in the mechanic arts ; for up to this period, he clothes him- 
self in furs and skins, subsists upon the products of his flocks, and 
the spontaneous productions of the earth, fish, and game. It is 
impossible for him to cultivate grain or vegetables to any extent, 
until he has learned to make iron or copper, and to work it into 
something like ploughs, spades, shovels, hoes, and pick-axes, to dig 
up, and subdue the earth, and fit it for the reception of seed, and 
the production of crops. After he has learned to make iron, or 
copper, and work it into tools and instruments of industry; some 
turn their attention to mining and making iron ; others forge it, 
and make it into diverse instruments and edge tools ; others use 
the tools to work in wood, and make utensils and instruments of 
industry ; some engage in house-building, of stone, clay or brick, 
with a very little wood for doors ; some build entirely of wood ; 
and others make wheels and looms, with which the female part 
of the community spin and weave cloth. It is my intention to 
distinguish agriculture from grazing, and to confine the term 
agriculture to its strict sense and meaning, of cultivation of the 
ground in fields, raising grain, vegetables, &c. As agriculture 
cannot by any possible means be carried on, except to a very 
trifling extent, without various tools and instruments, made 
partly of iron and copper, and partly of wood, the wood part of 
which cannot be made without edge tools made of iron, or hard- 
ened copper, it follows as a necessary consequence, that not only 
the art of making iron or copper, but the mechanism required to 
make the tools and implements of agriculture, must precede the 
practice itself of agriculture. Some portion of the mechanic arts, 
therefore, necessarily precede agriculture, which is entirely dependent 
upon them, and cannot exist without them. 

Subsequent to the division of employments, which follows, and 
cannot precede the mechanic arts, the art of cultivating the 
ground, or agriculture in its strict sense, is resorted to by man, 
to provide himself with a more regular and certain supply of 
vegetable food than he could procure from the spontaneous pro- 
ductions of the earth. The famines we read of in Scripture were 
at a very early period, when the cultivation of the earth in 
Palestine was very rare and trifling ; though much more common 
and extensive in Egypt, Assyria, and some other countries. At- 
tention is not given to agriculture by any people, until they set- 
tle down and establish themselves in fixed habitations ; while they 



ON CIVILIZATION*. 59 

remain in tents, and remove from place to place to find pasture 
and water for their herds and flocks, they do not usually acquire 
or claim any permanent or vested interest in any particular por- 
tion of soil, and do not remain stationary long enough to culti- 
vate crops and harvest them. Not only" Abraham and Lot, but 
all the Israelites, before they went to Egypt, as well as while in 
the wilderness, and until after their return to the land of Canaan, 
dwelt in tents, and lived a pastoral, not an agricultural life ; they 
must have understood the art of spinning and weaving, even at 
that early period, and made cloth for clothing, as well as for their 
tents- See on this subject, Gen. ix : 23. do. iv : 19 and 22 — do. 
xli : 42. — do. xxxvii : 4, 23, 31, 34 — do. xxxviii : 14 — do. xxxv : 
3, and 21 — do. xxxi : 33. It is evident from these and many 
other passages in the book of G-enesis, that the Israelites had a 
knowledge of metals, and kept sheep on account of their wool, and 
made cloth of various kinds, while they dwelt in tents, and did 
not cultivate the ground, but lived on the flesh of their flocks, 
and the spontaneous productions of the earth. 

All grains, vegetables, and plants, as well as fruits, grew at first 
spontaneously in some climates and countries, and have been trans- 
planted by man from one climate and country to another, and 
improved by cultivation. The cotton plant appears to have been 
a native, and to have grown spontaneously in India, China, 
Egypt, Madagascar, Mexico, and many other countries, and flax 
in Egypt, Palestine, and all the countries of southern and central 
Europe. Man must have learned the use of cotton and flax, and 
to spin and weave them into cloth, before the thought could have 
been suggested to him of cultivating them ; for they are not fit 
for food, of either man or beast, and are valuable only for cloth- 
ing and the oil obtained from their seed. The* use and manufac- 
ture of cotton and flax must therefore have preceded the cultiva- 
tion of these plants ; so necessary to the comforts and to the very 
existence of civilized man. Previous to their cultivation also, 
man must have had the use of iron, and learned to make some 
rough species of plough, spade, or hoe, with which to dig up and 
subdue the earth. 

A similar coarse of reasoning applies to every species of grain, 
vegetable, and plant cultivated by man. He must have found 
them, in the first instance, growing spontaneously, appropriated 
them to his own use, and thus learned their utility and value ; 
and after he acquired a knowledge of iron, and the art of making 
it, together with a sufficient knowledge of mechanism to forge and 
work the iron, and make edge tools, and work in wood ; and had 
also invented and learned to make some rough species of agricul- 
tural instruments, he first began to raise by cultivation the several 



60 ON CIVILIZATION. 

species of grain, vegetables, and plants which had been found 
useful to him. As he increased in knowledge of the mechanic 
arts, a division of employments took place ; his employments 
became more and more diversified, and barter, or an exchange 
between man and man of the products of their respective employ- 
ments, was introduced. As he acquired more knowledge of the 
mechanic arts, and learned to make more instruments and tools 
necessary to cultivate the earth, and to convert its products into 
food, clothing, and utensils of use, convenience, and comfort ; he 
acquired the means of extending the cultivation, and improving 
in the mode of cultivating it. As population increased, the 
demand for agricultural, as well as mechanical products, 
increased, which acted as a stimulant to agriculture, and also to 
the mechanic arts and commerce. One improvement and dis- 
covery has led to another ; and every useful and valuable inven- 
tion in the mechanic arts, has not only increased the comforts of 
man, but contributed to promote his health, increase his longevi- 
ty, and multiply population, and contributed, directly or indirect- 
ly, to an improved mode of cultivating the earth, an extension 
of agriculture, and an increase of its products, in quantity, quality, 
and value. 

Agriculture, is therefore directly dependent upon the mechanic 
arts, not only for its origin, but also for every step of Us progress 
in the. march of improvement. It follows the mechanic arts, and 
cannot precede them, and may be said to be the fourth step in the 
progress of civilization. 

Sec. 6. Origin, basis, and advantages of Commerce. 

While man remains in a state of native simplicity and igno- 
rance, the whole of a tribe being engaged in the same employments 
and mode of life, there is little or no occasion for exchange, bar- 
ter, or commerce of any kind ; but as soon as the mechanic arts 
and the cultivation of the earth are introduced, then comes a 
division of employments, which is immediately followed by a 
mutual interchange of the products of labor, or barter, and this is 
the beginning of regular commerce. Commerce is thus completely 
dependent upon the mechanic arts, and the division of employments, 
and cannot exist without them, except to a very limited extent. 
Agricultural products alone cannot furnish the materials of an 
active commerce ; and two nations almost exclusively agricultural, 
have seldom much intercourse with each other. Commerce is gene- 
rally carried on between two parties, of one of the three following 
characters : first between the farmer, or grower of the raw produce 
on one side, who exchanges a portion of his surplus produce with a 
mechanic or manufacturer in his vicinity, for the products and 



ON CIVILIZATION. 61 

fabrics of mechanism, which he needs for the use of himself or 
his family ; secondly, between two mechanics in the vicinity who 
mutually exchange the surplus products of each other's labor, and 
part with what they do not need, in exchange for what they do 
need for their own use and consumption ; and thirdly, between 
parties, one or both of whom is a merchant, who buys to sell 
again, and make gain, or sells what he has previously purchased, 
for the purpose of making a profit by its sale. The two first 
species of commerce, or barter, are much the most profitable to the 
consumers, and to all the laboring classes, as they thereby acquire 
what they need for their own rise and comfort, without paying any- 
thing for transportation, or anything for expenses and profits of 
merchants, factors, agents, 8$c. : on the contrary, the last species 
of commerce loads down its products with the costs of transporta- 
tion, and generally with two or three, and often with four or five 
profits and expenses, of merchants and commercial agencies, 
beside interest on commercial capital, amounting in the whole, to 
be paid by the consumer, to from twenty to two or three hundred 
per cent, on the original cost of the article. The wisdom of 
Mr. Jefferson's remark, in his letter to Mr. Austin, is most manifest, 
that the manufacturer should be placed by the side of the farmer. 
There is very little occasion for commerce or barter between 
agriculturists, or between two agricultural nations ; the most 
natural and profitable foreign commerce, is between two nations 
of different climates, or in different states of improvement and 
condition, where one party exchanges the produce of the earth 
with the other for the products of mechanical and manufacturing 
industry, whereby each party acquires what he wants directly, 
and in exchange for the products of his own industry. Tyre, 
Carthage, and Athens, in ancient, and Venice, Florence, 
Genoa, and the Netherlands, in more modern times, were 
the greatest of commercial nations at their respective eras, 
as Great Britain is now ; because they were also in advance of all 
other nations in the mechanic arts and manufactures ; and their 
commerce was based on their mechanism and manufacturing 
industry, which furnished the principal subject matter and 
materials for making exchanges, and carrying on commerce with 
foreign nations. 

Sec. 7. Successive steps in the progress of civilization recapitulated. 
Of the five great divisions and departments of human employ- 
ment and industry, all of which and many others seem necessary 
to man, before he can attain a very high state of civilization, the 
most simple, and the first attained in his progress towards civili- 
zation, is the pastoral or nomade state ; in which he lives as a 



02 ON CIVILIZATION. 

shepherd, raising and tending his flocks and herds, subsisting 
upon their milk and flesh, and the spontaneous productions of the 
earth, and clothing himself in their skins and wool. His second step 
in the progress of civilization, is to learn the business of mining, 
smelting ores, forging and making iron, and working it into edge 
tools, and other tools and instruments, to work in wood, stone, 
&c. His third step is to learn a rude system of house-building, 
and to invent spinning-wheels, and looms, and to learn the art of 
spinning, weaving, and making cloth ; and of making ploughs, and 
other tools, and implements of agriculture. It thus embraces 
nearly the whole circle of the mechanic arts, and of manufactures. 
His fourth step consists in learning to plough, or dig up and cul- 
tivate the earth, as an agriculturist. Lastly comes commerce, the 
connecting link in the chain, between all the other employments. 
Though commerce is entirely dependent upon the mechanic arts, and 
upon agriculture, to supply its materials, yet it is the very life- 
blood of civilization, and seems necessary to stimulate and render 
active all the arts and employments of civilized life ; and civiliza- 
tion to any great extent cannot exist without it. All these several 
employments, together with the necessary instruction in the knowledge 
and science required for pursuing them advantageously, mutually 
act and react upon each other ; and each contributes to promote, 
sustain, and increase the productive energy of the others ; to multi- 
ply the comforts, and promote the welfare of mankind. 

Sec. 8. Effects of science, the mechanic arts, inventions and discov- 
eries, on the progress of civilization. 

Progressive improvement and advancement in civilization, 
depend on industry, on productive industry, and the application 
of the natural sciences to labor ; productive industry depends 
mostly on the rewards and compensations of labor, and the 
activity of commerce, which act as stimulants to the mind of 
man ; and these again are based and depend upon the mechanic 
arts, and machinery. It may therefore be truly said, that a 
division of employments, agriculture, commerce, and the whole fabric 
of civilization, all depend upon the mechanic arts, and cannot exist 
without them ; and that as a general rule, no nation or people can 
advance in civilization any faster than they make progress in the 
mechanic arts, and the sciences on which they are based. * 

The history of civilization is the history of the triumphs of 
man over the material world, and ov£* the physical laws of 
nature. He has not only subdued a large portion of the earth ; 
but all the metals, all kinds of wood and timber, nearly every 
species and product of vegetation, all the earths and gases, coal, 
stone, and salt, as well as a large portion of the animal creation, 



ON CIVILIZATION. 63 

and the winds and waters upon the surface of the earth, have all 
been subjected to the use and control of man, and made subsidiary 
to his comforts, enjoyments, and general welfare. By these 
means, he can overcome the wants and evils of hunger, thirst, cold, 
heat, storms, and wind ; and not only render himself comfortable, 
but resist the causes of disease, and has actually increased his 
ordinary period of life, in every highly civilized country on the earth. 
The arts of smelting ores, and of hammering and forging iron, 
and other metals, and converting them into utensils, edge tools, 
and other instruments, were discovered at a very early period of 
history, and were in a measure the inceptive steps of civilization 
among Pagan nations. Man soon arrived at a point of civilization, 
at or near which he seemed to pause for many centuries, as if it were 
a barrier which he could not pass. At length clocks were invented, 
the art of making glass windows was invented, chimneys were in- 
vented, and the art of making cotton and linen rags into paper was 
invented ; all these inventions came into use in Europe in the 
11th, 12th, and 13th centuries. Then came the invention of 
gunpowder and its application to mechanical purposes for blasting 
rocks and ores, and working in mines, as well as for warlike pur- 
poses, and also the invention of the mariner's compass, the great 
handmaid of navigation, in the 14th century. The loth century 
produced and introduced the great inventions of printing, and the 
sawmill, for sawing lumber, and near its close, the discovery of Ame- 
rica. During the forepart of the 16th century, the use and culture 
of maize or Indian corn, and potatoes, were introduced into Europe 
from the New World. Many other inventions and discoveries of 
less importance were made and introduced between the 12th and 
the middle of the 16th century ; and during that period, the art 
of spinning, weaving, and working silk, cotton, hemp, and flax, 
as well as wool, into cloth, was introduced into many countries, 
partly by means of the crusades to the Holy Land ; and in all the 
countries of Europe, the manufacture of those articles into cloth 
was greatly increased. When compared with his condition in the 
11th and 12th centuries, the comforts of man were greatly 
increased, the ratio of mortality diminished, and his condition 
much improved by all these causes, which were in full operation 
from the middle of the 16th century to the time of the invention 
of the Spinning Jenny in 1767 ; and yet the paralyzing influence 
of the religious persecutions, and the civil wars growing out of the 
reformation of the 16th century, together with the use of ardent 
spirits, greatly retarded the progress of improvement ; and the 
ratio of mortality, as well as of the increase of population, was 
nearly the same in almost every country of Europe and America, 
during the last ten years of that period, as it was during the first 



64 ON CIVILIZATION. 

ten. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes, by Louis XIV., in 
1685, had such an effect upon France, by driving out of the king- 
dom half a million or more of her most skilful mechanics and 
artisans, that the kingdom was less nourishing, and the condition 
of the people not much better in 1785, than in 1685; and this 
cause, which depressed France, is one of the principal causes of 
the progress and improvement of Great Britain during that 
period. 

The thermometer, barometer, and telescope, were all invented 
the forepart of the seventeenth century. They have been of 
great advantage to the progress of the useful arts, as well as to 
the prosecution of inquiries and discoveries in the natural 
sciences. 

Paper money was invented in England the latter part of the 
17th century, and soon afterwards introduced into France, where 
it produced the famous Mississippi scheme in 1719 ; but the great 
facilities it gives to gambling speculations, extravagance, deception, 
and fraud, of every kind and character, seem to render it probable 
that it has been rather a curse than a blessing to the human family. 
Though the Moors introduced the art of distillation and use of 
distilled liquors into Europe in the 12th or 13th century, yet their 
use was comparatively trifling, until after the discovery of Ame- 
rica, the introduction of African slaves into the West India 
Islands, and the extensive cultivation of the sugar cane ; which led 
to the increased distillation and supply of rum, and its more gene- 
ral use among all classes of people. This evil of itself, was suffi- 
cient to balance nearly all the benefits derived from improvements 
made during the two centuries previous to the invention of the 
Spinning Jenny. The discovery of the benefits of inoculation for 
the small pox, the forepart of the 18th century, and of the 
efficacy of vaccination for the kine pox as a preventive and check 
to the spread of the small pox about the year 1798, have probably 
had more effect in diminishing the ratio of mortality, than all 
other discoveries in medicine from the commencement of the 
16th, to the close of the 18th century. During the religious wars 
and persecutions of the 16th and 17th centuries, a large portion 
of the Protestant mechanics and artisans, who could emigrate 
with more facility than agriculturists, fled to Great Britain and 
Holland for an asylum ; which is the principal cause of the rapid 
improvement of those nations from the commencement of those 
persecutions and wars, to the invention of the Spinning Jenny ; 
while the march of improvement, and the progress of civilization 
seemed to have been arrested, and nearly stationary, in all the 
remaining part of the world, except the Anglo-American colonies, 



ON CIVILIZATION. 65 

Russia, the protestant part of Europe, and perhaps the isles of 
Japan and China. 

The flying shuttle for weaving, which was invented about the 
year 1738, the improvement of the steam-engine, the invention 
of the Spinning-Jenny, Spinning-Frame, Spinning-Mule, Power- 
Loom, Carding-Machine, Cast-iron stove, Iron Railway, Saw- 
Gin for cleaning cotton, and machinery for rolling iron, during 
the last half of the 18th century ; and the invention of Steam- 
Boats, Locomotives, or Steam-Carriages, Iron Ploughs, and many 
other mechanical inventions, including electro-magnetic Tele- 
graphs, during the present century, together with the discoveries 
and improvements in the medical, natural, and political sciences, 
have improved the condition of the people, and advanced the 
cause of civilization more during the last hundred years, than it 
advanced during any previous five centuries, since the creation of 
the world. 

The discussion of this subject will be continued in the next two 
chapters on government, and ecclesiastical government ; in order 
to show the impediments in the progress of civilization, as well as 
the causes of its advancement. 



CHAPTER IV. 

On the priesthood, and ecclesiastical government ; and 
the influence of protestantism, catholicism maho- 
metan fatalism and mormonism, upon the human mind 
and upon civil government, the progress of im- 
provement, and civilization. 

Sec. 1 . Influence of the Priesthood — Ecclesiastical tyranny. 

A part, and one of the most efficient parts of government in 
all civilized countries, consists in the education of the people ; so 
as to restrain their passions, form their minds, direct their opinions, 
and teach them obedience and submission to the government 
Education in this view of the subject, is not confined to instruc- 
tion in the schools, but includes all public executions, military 
exhibitions and amusements, addresses, lectures, religious instruc- 
tion and ceremonies, auricular confessions and examinations, auto 
da fes, &c, &c. ; as well as mental and physical training in some 
useful employment or business. From the beginning of the fifth 
century, until the diffusion of learning by means of the art of 
printing in the 15th century, nearly all the learning of Europe 
was confined to the clergy ; very few laymen could read and write, 
and fewer still were qualified for high and important offices ; and 
hence the bishops and higher order of the clergy engrossed nearly all 
the civil offices of government. Such being the condition of the 
Christian world, the clergy necessarily became almost exclusively 
the teachers of letters, science, philosophy and political principles, 
as well as morals and religion ; and thereby they formed, fashioned 
and moulded, after their own views and wishes, the minds and 
opinions of youth ; and in a great measure formed and controlled 
public opinion ; and literally thought for the people, and infused 
their opinions into them. The schools and the pulpit were then 
much more efficient engines of power than they are now ; in-as- 
much as they were then the principal means of disseminating 
opinions of all kinds, political and philosophical, as well as moral 
and religious ; they accomplished what is now done by the press 
in all Protestant countries, and wherever freedom of opinion is, 
tolerated. 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 67 

As the clergy were politicians and teachers, as well as minis- 
ters of the gospel, the dividing line between religion and politics, 
between morals and philosophy, was lost, or overlooked ; they forgot, 
or seemed to forget, that the sole object of divine revelation was 
to teach religion and morals, and not to teach politics, natural 
science, or philosophy ; and thus the church gradually encroached 
upon the domain of philosophy and science, as well as of politics. 

From the time of the Emperor Constantine to the Reforma- 
tion, the church usurped the whole domain of metaphysics and 
philosophy, and held the human mind in subjection in nearly all 
matters of science, as well as in religion. The consequence was, 
that, scarcely any advancement was made in either science or the 
useful arts, except what was purely tjae result of accident. The 
art of making glass-windows, paper, chimneys, the mariner's com- 
pass, gun powder and fire-arms, watches and saw-mills, and of 
printing with moveable types, comprise nearly all the inventions 
of importance during this long interval of twelve centuries ; all 
of which were made during the last four centuries of that period ; 
and several of them were partially borrowed from, or suggested by, 
information obtained from the Mahomedaus during the crusades. 
We have no evidence of any advancement or discovery in science 
or the useful arts during the first eight centuries of that period. 

The church made more efforts to form, guide, restrain and con- 
trol the opinions of men, than to influence their moral conduct. 
To promote obedience to the church, faith, and the observance 
of the ceremonies and ordinances of the church, with a view to an 
atonement for sin, appeared to be the principal end and aim of the 
clergy ; and it seems as though many of them scarcely regarded 
the subject of morals as within the domain and objects of Chris- 
tianity. Hence the shameless profligacy existing among the clergy 
as well as laity, during the whole of this period — the most of 
which is known by the significant appellation — the dark 
ages. During several centuries heresy was more severely 
punished than vice or crime. Men charged and convicted of 
what were deemed heretical opinions in matters of religion, were 
burned at the stake, however moral, pious, and devoted, they might 
be ; while the most shameful profligates were not even reproved 
for their vices, and the perpetrators of the most awful villanies and 
cold blooded murders, went unpunished, provided they had the 
means of buying the necessary indulgences, and paying the pecu- 
niary penalties for their crimes. 

During that period, the scriptures were in the possession of 
those only who were learned in the dead languages. They had 
never been translated into any of the modern languages. All 
tho prayers and chants were made, and the ceremonies of the 



68 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

church conducted in a language unknown to the people ; and very 
little effort was made to instruct the people in morals, except by 
means of auricular confession. The whole system of fasts and 
penances, was to atone for sin. The monasteries and nunneries, 
and all the mendicant orders, were for the same purpose, to pro- 
mote the piety, and effect an atonement for the sins of the in- 
mates ; and not to promote either the morals, piety or intelligence 
of the great mass of the people. 

The influence of the Catholic priesthood is brought to bear 
upon the lay members, mostly by means of auricular confession. 
John Rogers, Esq., a Counsellor at Law, of London, and a 
Friend, published a work some years since entitled Anti-Popery, 
which was reprinted in New York in 1841. The following is an 
abstract of his views, of the effects of Auricular Confession. 

1st. It has lowered the people, and raised the priesthood ; 
thereby filling the former with degradation, and the latter with 
pride. 

2d. By making the priesthood acquainted with the secrets of 
the lay members of the church, it has increased their power at 
the expense of the people; it -has made them strong and the 
people weak ; it has made them tyrannical lords, and the people 
fearful and trembling slaves. 

3d. By acquainting the priesthood with the business and pro- 
perty of the people, and their intentions in bequeathing it, it has 
enabled them to exercise an improper influence over the minds of 
the people, and the sick in particular ; and to induce them to 
give large legacies and bequests to the church (that is to the 
clergy), at the cost of comparative poverty to the wife and chil- 
dren ; making the clergy opulent, and the wife and children in- 
digent. 

4th. It gives an unmarried clergy an opportunity to exercise 
a dangerous influence over females, and thereby enables them in 
many instances to triumph over their virtue. 

5th. By giving the clergy great and undue influence with kings 
and ministers of state, it has enabled the former to wield an un- 
happy influence over the minds of the latter ; and to plan and 
promote political intrigue, to the ruin of many an individual and 
family ; to the injury of the state ; and to the dishonor of religion. 

It has been estimated by many writers, that in the 12th and 
13th centuries, more than one-third of all the property of all 
Catholic countries, including nearly all Europe, was held by the 
clergy and the monks. This fact strongly confirms the third 
position taken by Mr. Rogers, as before stated. 

How can the church, during the dark ages, be regarded other- 
wise than as a system of ecclesiastical government, devised to en- 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. GO 

able the Pope, Cardinals and Bishops to mould the minds, form 
the opinions, and govern the people ? 

When G-alileo taught in Italy the Copernican system of Astron- 
omy, as late as the year 1633, it was decided by the Pope and a 
Council of Catholic Cardinals and Bishops, " that to main- 
tain the sun to be immovable, and without local motion in the 
centre of the solar system, is an absurd proposition — -false in phi- 
losophy, heretical in religion, and contrary to the testi- 
mony of scripture ;" and he was consigned to the dungeons of 
the Inquisition, and compelled to recant and abjure his opinions, 
in order to save his life. 

Mr. Ranke, in his History of the Popes, in treating of the in- 
tellectual tendency of the age from the year 1572 to 1590, says, 
" Philosophy and science in general, now passed through a very 
important epoch. After the genuine Aristotle had been restored, 
men began in philosophy too (as well as in other departments, 
and with other ancient writers) to cast themselves loose from his 
authority, and to enter upon a free investigation of the highest 
problems. It was not in the nature of things, that the church 
should favor this tendency, she herself had prescribed the 
highest principles in a manner that forbade all doubt. 
Now, whereas, Aristotle's adherents had frequently avowed 
opinions at variance with the church, savoring of naturalism, some- 
thing similar might be apprehended on the part of his opponents. 
They wished, as one of them expressed himself, to compare the 
dogmas of the existing race of teachers with God's original hand- 
writing, the world and nature ; a project, the issue of which could 
not be foreseen, though whether it led to discoveries or to errors, 
it could not fail to be highly perilous ; the church, therefore, 

SET ITS VETO UPON IT. 

" Telesius, though he never ventured beyond the strict domain 
of science, was nevertheless all his life confined to his little 
native town ; Campanellea was for ever to live an exile, 

AND FINALLY TO ENDURE THE TORTURE J the lUOSt profound of 

them all, Giordano Bruno, a true philosopher, after many per- 
secutions and long wanderings, fell at last under the censure of 
the Inquisition, was arrested, carried to Borne, and sentenced to 

BE BURNED, NOT ONLY AS A HERETIC, BUT AS A HERESIARCH, who 

had written some things affecting religion, and that were not 
seemly. He was charged with having composed diverse books, in 
which, besides praising not a little the Queen of England, and 
otlier heretical sovereigns, he had written things concerning religion 
which were not becoming, even though he spoke philosophically. 
After such examples, where was the man who would venture upon 
the free exercise of his understanding !" 



70 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

" The investigations of physics and of natural history, were in 
those times almost inseparably connected with those of philosophy. 
The whole system of opinion that had hitherto prevailed, was 
called in question. In fact, the Italians of that epoch manifested 
a grand tendency to searching thought, to vigorous prose- 
cution of truth, and lofty forecasting speculation. "Who can say 
at what they might have arrived ! But the Church marked out a 
line for them, that they were not to overstep. Woe to him who 
ventured beyond it. n 

It was the Christian clergy of Europe who conceived and 
matured the doctrine of the divine right of kings and princes, and 
the duty of absolute submission on the part of the people. This 
tyrannical and despotic doctrine was not borrowed from ancient 
Rome, for the Roman Emperors as well as the Popes were elect- 
ed, and were not hereditary. It is the work of the clergy of a 
comparatively modern period ; and as late as the year 1682, " the 
University of Oxford in England, adopted it, and ordered the 
political works of Buchanan, Milton, and Baxter, to be publicly 
burned in the court of the schools."* 

Since the commencement of the present century, the truths 
discovered and taught by geologists in relation to the creation of 
the world, were thought by many of even the Protestant clergy, 
to be contrary to the Bible, and therefore impious, and rank infi- 
delity ; and had it not been for the progress of intelligence, 
freedom, and toleration of opinion, during the last century and a 
half, and if the same spirit had prevailed that was predominant in 
the colony of Massachusetts in the 17th century, it is by no 
means certain that the geologists would not have been compelled 
to retract and renounce their opinions, or be banished, even in 
this 19th century. 

Such is the restraining and depressing influence which the 
clergy have exercised over the progress of physical science ! 
Such have been the effects of religious opinions, honestly and 
sincerely entertained by many devoted disciples of the Christian 
religion, in exciting a spirit of intolerance and persecution ! This 
tendency to restrain, confine and control the human mind by 
means of the decisions of synods and councils, creeds, confessions, 
and forms, commenced as early as the third century, and con- 
tinued to increase until the time of the crusades, when it was 
probably at its height ; but it did not diminish very sensibly, 
until after the invention of the art of printing, and the reforma- 
tion, commenced by Martin Luther in the 16th century. What 
an immense effect this tendency of the church, (to restrain and 

[* See Macaulay's History of England, Chap. I and II.] 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 7l 

control the human mind,) together with religions schisms and 
persecutions, must have had on the spirit of the Roman people, 
in producing the decline of the Roman power and empire ; and 
preparing it for the joke of the barbarians in the west and north, 
and of the Saracens in the south ! 

After the victory of Augustus Caesar over Mark Antony at 
Actium, he became nearly absolute master of the whole Roman 
world, and from that time forward, to the end of his long reign, the 
Roman people increased in number, improvements and wealth, as 
rapidly as during any period of the republic. They continued to 
improve during the first two centuries and a half of the empire, 
after they had lost their civil liberties, while the people still 
enjoyed their religious freedom. But after the union of Church 
and State under Constantine in the fourth century, and the at- 
tempt was made to establish religious creeds and doctrines by 
law, to silence and punish what was deemed heresy, and thus 
restrain the human mind, and limit its inquiries, the public mind 
soon sunk into a sort of lethargy, from which it did not recover 
until the reformation in the sixteenth century. 

Mr. Macaulay describes the condition of the Roman Empire 
during its decline, when subject to the despotism of Church and 
State united, as having schools in which nothing was taught, but 
what had been known for ages ; a polished society, in which a 
most elaborate system of jurisprudence was established, in which 
the arts of luxury were well understood — in which the works of 
the great ancient writers were preserved and studied — and which 
existed for nearly a thousand years, without making one great 
discovery in science, or producing one book which is read by any 
but curious inquirers. The human mind had fallen into a state 
of stupefaction, which he likens to the condition of the people of 
China ; where, during many centuries, nothing has been learned 
or unlearned ; where government, education, and the whole system 
of life, are in accordance with set forms and precedents, and 
appear like matters of ceremony. 

Such is substantially the intellectual condition of the people of 
Russia, and of Catholic and Mahomedan countries at the present 
day ; and such has ever been the intellectual condition of the peo- 
ple in all countries and in all ages, where their education has 
been controlled by an absolute monarch, or an ecclesiastical 
hierarchy. Nearly all the activity of the human mind among 
such a people is produced by a state of war ; and all the improve- 
ments made by them, are by means of borrowing from, and copy- 
ing, the inventions and improvements of other nations. 

Nearly all the inventions, valuable discoveries, and improve- 
ments made among ancient nations, were made by manufacturing 



72 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

and commercial states, where Polytheism prevailed, and whose 
institutions were more or less popular in their character ; where 
the human mind enjoyed perfect freedom of opinion, and was 
stimulated by commerce, and a mechanical spirit. 

Every valuable invention, discovery and improvement, made 
during the last three centuries and a half, has been made in 
Protestant communities, where the spirit of Protestantism pre- 
vailed more or less ; and not one, that I am aware of, has origin- 
ated where the human mind has been subject to Catholicism, 
Mahomedanism, Brahmanism, or any other system of ecclesiasti- 
cal despotism. The same may be said of jurisprudence, govern- 
ment and science, as well as the useful arts : advances have been 
made in them only where the human mind has been comparatively 
free,- and unshackled, by either monarchical, ecclesiastical, feudal, 
or military despotism. 

In the early stages of civilization, man must commence his 
industry in ignorance ; and until he acquires some knowledge of 
the sciences to aid and guide him, he soon attains the end, and 
utmost limits of his progress. It is only by studying and yielding 
to the guidances of science, that he can make any considerable 
advancement. As he discovers the principles of natural science 
and applies them more and more to industry and the useful arts, 
he makes his labor more and more productive, and thereby 
improves his condition. 

Physical science is necessary to direct all the operations of 
mining, and working in the metals ; and the use of the metals, 
together with mechanical philosophy, lie at the foundation of 
mechanism ; which is the great main-spring and chief instrument 
of agriculture, and of that kind of productive industry, which pre- 
pares all raw materials for use and for commerce. I am not 
aware that any temporal prince or sovereign, however despotic 
and absolute his power, ever attempted to prevent or check the 
prosecution of physical science, or its dissemination among the 
people, under any pretence whatever. But on the contrary, it 
has been generally encouraged by sovereigns in all ages of the 
world, as a means of increasing the prosperity of their people, and 
their own power, and they have exhibited their fears only of poli- 
tical and moral science. The Catholic clergy were the first, in 
the order of time, to restrain the human mind from the prosecution 
of new discoveries in natural science, under pretence that the new 
opinions propagated were contrary to scripture, and therefore impi- 
ous and heretical. 

Ancient Egypt, Assyria, Greece, Tyre, Carthage, and Rome, 
all flourished under the free toleration of Polytheism ; and Rome 
began to decline as soon as the religious persecutions commenced, 



OX ECCLESIASTICAL GOVJERNMENT. 73 

after the church became the established religion, and was united 
with the state, in the 4th century. 

Ancient Egypt, Assyria, Persia, and modern China, as well as 
Russia and Prussia, and many other countries, have all improved 
and increased in population, wealth, productive industry and 
power, under governments nearly or quite absolute and despotic. 
Peter the Great of Russia, by introducing ship building and many 
other useful arts and branches of mechanism into his dominions, 
and encouraging the mechanic arts, manufactures, mining, navi- 
gation and commerce, raised his people from semi-barbarism, and 
laid the foundation of the improvement, civilization, and the present 
power and great increase in population and wealth of the nation. 

Much of the ancient world flourished under Polytheism, and 
many portions of the modern world have flourished under Pro- 
testantism ; but I apprehend that no instance can be found upon 
the pages of history, where any people, whose minds were moulded, 
formed, restrained and controlled by an ecclesiastical hierarchy of 
any hind, have ever increased very rapidly, either in numbers, sci- 
ence, improvements, wealth, or physical comforts. Whether we 
look to the influence of the religious castes and the hierarchy of 
India; to Mahometan countries during the last twelve centuries; 
to Europe, while it was subject to the spiritual dominion of the 
church, acting in concert with temporal governments from the 
beginning of the 4th to the middle of the 16th century ; or to 
Italy, Spain, Portugal, Mexico and South America at the present 
day, the picture in these particulars, is substantially the same ; 
the paralyzing effects of ecclesiastical dominion appear to be simi- 
lar in all countries subject to it, and under all creeds and religious 
systems. 

Sec. 2. Supposed end and object of the Scriptures, of Christi- 
anity, and of Church Government. 
What it may be asked, can be inferred from all this ? Can it 
be inferred that Christianity itself is an evil ? Certainly not ; but 
that the evil results from the union of temporal and spiritual power 
in the same person or persons ; and that church government should 
be wholly disconnected from the civil and political power of State. 
I cannot doubt that one of the ends and purposes of Christianity, 
is to enlighten, moralize, and civilize mankind ; and hence we 
have a written word, a preached gospel, and organized churches, 
with their rules of moral discipline ; but their power to punish 
should be confined to reproofs, censures, and excommunication 
from the church as members (as is the case in the United States), 
without any power to touch the property of their members, or to 
restrain, or inflict any punishment whatever upon their persons. 



74 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

And in matters of education, as the clergy in Protestant as well 
as Catholic countries are almost the only teachers in colleges and 
the higher seminaries of learning, they should bear in mind, that 
the records of divine revelation were not given to teach philosophy, 
politics, or natural science, but religion and morals ; and that 
when they teach philosophy and science, whether physical or 
metaphysical, they should teach them as matters of human reason, 
and not as things of divine revelation ; as matters of individual 
opinion, which may or may not be correct, and not as religious 
tenets ; they should teach them as humble individuals, liable to 
err, and not as Vicars of Christ, claiming to be infallible ; they 
should address the understanding, and endeavor to convince the 
judgment, and not alarm the fears by denunciations of heresy, or 
threats of the Inquisition ; and finally, they should inculcate a 
spirit of free enquiry, and not one of absolute submission to 
authority. 

It should be remembered that divine revelation as contained in 
the scriptures, consists entirely of language, which was either com- 
municated to the writers by the Deity, or else the matters to 
which the language relates, was communicated by inspiration, and 
was clothed in words by the writers, the prophets, and apostles ; 
the words are but representatives of acts, principles, and things, 
which have, or have had a real existence ; that words have no 
real meaning unless they truly represent acts, principles, and 
things to which they are applied ; that man is so constituted, that 
he can learn only through the medium of the senses, the understand- 
ing, or divine inspiration ; that it is impossible in the nature of 
things for man to understand words, or the language of the scrip- 
ture, unless he has a knowledge of the things which the words re- 
present ; and hence it would seem to be impossible even for the 
Deity, to teach man without inspiration, and by revelation, or 
words only, the mysteries of nature and of physical and meta- 
physical science ; and that he could do so only by inspiring him 
with a knowledge of the things which the words represent ; that is, 
"by teaching those things to him in detail, by exhibiting to his senses 
or to his understanding, by inspiration, all the elementary atoms of 
matter, and their various properties, powers, attractions, and com- 
binations, and showing the application of the words and language 
to them ; and thus teaching him all the details of chemistry, 
natural philosophy, astronomy, physiology, botany, geology, and 
metaphysics. It is, therefore, impossible for man to understand 
the language even of scripture, explaining the mode of 
creation, and the essence and mode of existence of the Deity, 
and of the things and beings in the world of spirits ; because ho 
cannot, except by means of divine inspiration, understand the 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 75 

subject matter which the language represents. Hence we may 
conclude, that the sole object of divine revelation was to teach 
man such general truths as he is capable of understanding ; such 
as the existence, and some of the principal attributes of a Supreme 
Omniscient, and Omnipotent Creator, of the immortality of the 
soul, a future life and world, and his moral and religious duties 
in this world. If these views are correct, the Scriptures cannot 
be relied on to disprove any theory or system of philosophy or 
science, either physical or metaphysical, which recognizes the ex- 
istence of the Supreme Being, and the immortality of the soul. 

The Scriptures were never intended to teach or explain, the 
principles of natural science, and cannot be relied upon for that 
purpose ; but on the contrary, the discoveries and truths of natu- 
ral science, may often be used advantageously, to explain the 
general and mysterious truths announced in the holy scriptures. 

These illustrations are intended to show how the clergy have 
often travelled out of the path of their duty, in denouncing dis- 
coveries in science as contrary to Scripture ; and what evils have 
been the consequence. 

Sec. 3. Origin and progress of Ecclesiastical Government . 

The patriarchal system of government grew up among all the 
pastoral nations of western Asia, and among the Israelites also, 
from the earliest period of history. Each great family of the 
Israelites had its head, and each tribe its prince or leader, chosen 
for life out of the several heads of the families it contained. These 
were called the Elders of Israel, and together with judges, officers, 
and high priests of the several tribes, comprised the great national 
councils of the Israelites. Our Saviour prescribed no definite 
form of church government to his followers (at least no form is 
prescribed in the New Testament); and in as much as the church 
recognized the authority of the Old Testament, as well as the 
New, they very naturally adopted in substance, the system of 
government of the Jewish church. Each church was substantially 
independent of every other, during the first century and an half 
after the Christian era ; the people had a voice in the election of 
bishops, presbyters or priests, and deacons ; yet the government 
of the chnrches, legislative, executive, and judicial, was mostly ex- 
ercised by the clergy, the mass of the people having very little par- 
ticipation in it. After the middle of the second century, the system 
of government was for several centuries an ecclesiastical aristoc- 
racy ; nearly all its powers were exercised by the bishops, and by 
Synods and Councils of the Bishops and higher orders of the clergy ; 
but it finally degenerated into an absolute monarchy, and the 
whole power vested in the Pope. 



76 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

This was the natural and necessary consequence of the igno- 
rance of the great mass of the people, before the invention of the 
art of printing, and the general diffusion of learning and intelli- 
gence, by means of common schools and the press. If the igno- 
rant masses of those days had participated in the affairs of church 
government, it might have led to confusion, anarchy, and violence, 
equal to those of Athens, and of Rome in the time of the republic. 
The government of the Jewish church was a clerical aristocracy, 
and the Christian church fell into substantially the same form ; 
which was the best adapted to the condition of the civilized 
world, and the ignorance of the great mass of mankind at that 
age, otherwise it would not have been adopted ; but the simple 
fact that no form of government was authoritatively prescribed 
for the church, is evidence that no one form was fitted for, or 
should be adopted by, the church, in all countries, and in all 
subsequent ages and conditions of intelligence among the people. 

Sec. 4. Government of Protestant churches. 

That religious feelings and propensities have been seized upon 
by priests, rulers, and ambitious aspirants to power, perverted 
from their proper end and object, and converted into the most 
powerful and effective means of enslaving mankind, is proven by 
the history, during the last twelve centuries, of almost all the 
nations of the earth, Christian and Pagan, as well as Mahometan. 

It is not my intention to discuss the doctrines, religious prin- 
ciples, morals, ceremonies or usages of the Catholic church, or of 
any other church ; but simply to state the leading features of 
ecclesiastical government, peculiar to that and other churches, in 
order to deduce some conclusions of their probable effects upon 
the general policy, and upon the civil and political governments, 
and civilization, of the nations of the earth. As a general rule, 
which may admit of some few exceptions, it may be said that, 
there is no necessary connection between the great body of doc- 
trines, creeds, religious principles, and ceremonies of a church, 
and its form of ecclesiastical government. The government of 
churches may be either purely monarchical, aristocratic, or demo- 
cratic, or a mixture of all three of these forms, or any two of them, 
and two churches may adopt different forms of government, and 
still profess identically the same doctrine and religious principles. 
This is evident from the circumstance, that the government of 
the Congregational and Baptist churches in all their departments, 
are pure democracies ; while the government of every other Pro- 
testant church, is more or less leavened with the principles of 
aristocracy ; not hereditary aristocracy, but the aristocracy of 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. V7 

official station ; an elective aristocracy ; not elected for a year, or 
two years, but in, many cases for life, or during good behavior. 

The government of the Methodist Episcopal Church is a clerical 
aristocracy; all the branches of its government, elective, legislative, 
executive and judicial, being vested in the clergy. But as the 
clergy are comparatively poor, are removed from place to place fre- 
quently, generally have families, are constantly mingling with the 
people, and perfectly dependent upon them for the means of sup- 
port, they never can have much esprit de corps, nor can their in- 
fluence over the people ever become dangerous to civil liberty. 
This form of church government appears to be the nearest to that 
of the primitive church of the first and second centuries, of any 
now existing ; and it is perhaps better adapted than any other, to 
secure order and harmony in the church, where the mass of the 
people have a very limited education. The assemblies of the 
Episcopal church of the United States consist of two separate 
houses ; a house of bishops, and one intended to be composed 
equally of clerical and lay delegates, chosen by the people. This 
gives the church great stability. The assemblies of the Presby- 
terian, and most other Protestant churches, are composed of clerical 
and lay delegates, like that of the house of delegates of the Epis- 
copal church. These churches seem better adapted than the 
Baptist, Methodist, Congregational and Catholic, to the condition 
of a mixed population, composed of many talented and well 
educated people, and great numbers whose minds are uncultivated 
— the former not being generally willing to submit to the demo- 
cratic spirit of the majority on the one hand, nor to a clerical aris- 
tocracy on the other. In Catholic countries, the educated classes 
look with but little respect upon the popish ceremonies, and regard 
the church only as a useful engine to govern the laboring classes. 

The Episcopal Hierarchy of England, is very different from 
the government of the Episcopal church of the United States. 
While the latter, and all the Protestant churches, have the spirit, 
and much of the forms of republicanism ; the former retains much 
of the oppressive spirit of Popery ; and is the mere half-way 
house between Popery and Protestantism. 

Sec. 5. On the Government of the Roman Church ; its form 
and character. 
The government of the Roman Catholic church is an elective 
monarchy, based on an aristocracy, elected or appointed for life by 
the monarch; and they in turn elect his successor. The Pope is 
elected as the head of the church, as a monarch for life, by the col- 
lege of Cardinals. When elected, he has almost supreme and 
absolute power over the church, legislative, elective, and judicial, 



78 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

as well as executive, and Las no charter or constitution to limit 
his power; nothing but the general usages of the. church to check 
or restrain him. Its laws he often changes without the aid of a 
council, and no general council can be convened without his 
order ; and when assembled, he can veto all its proceedings, and 
prorogue it at pleasure. All the members of these councils, con- 
sist of cardinals and bishops appointed either by the Pope him- 
self, or by his predecessors, and the people have no voice in the 
matter. ]N T o general council has been convened during many 
centuries, and all the legislation for the church, in the interval, 
has been by the Pope alone. 

The Pope not only appoints the Cardinals, but all the Bishops, 
and higher orders of clergy throughout the church ; not only in 
Europe, but in America. The bishops in their respective dioceses, 
select and train up young men for the ministry, and appoint and 
ordain all the lower orders of the clergy, send them wherever 
they please, to take charge of, and exercise ecclesiastical autho- 
rity over the people, without consulting them, and without their 
consent ; and the priesthood claim and generally exercise the sole 
right, either by themselves or by their delegated agents, to instruct 
the people in all matters of education, in order to form and guide 
their opinions in all mutters of morals and civil government, as well 
as in religion. And no effort has ever been made in any Catholic 
country, to educate the mass of the people, or any of the common 
classes, except some few selected by the priests, to be educated and 
trained for the ministry. The whole of the zeal and exertions of 
the Bishops and Priests seem to be directed to train up young 
men for the priesthood, and to educate, mould the minds and 
views, and form the opinions of the noble and wealthy classes ; 
who are to fill the learned professions, and the offices of the civil 
government; and to make agents and instruments of them, to 
manage and govern the people ; and to leave the mass of the 
people in ignorance, that they may be the more easily directed 
and governed. There may be some exceptions to this in the 
United States, but it is true as a general rule. 

Such are the general outlines of this stupendous fabric and 
machinery of ecclesiastical government, in which the people, in- 
cluding all the lay members of the church, have not the slightest 
participation. The papal power and government of Borne was 
founded entirely on usage and precedent; and under a very 
similar system to that of the common law and government of 
England, it was gradually expanding during a period of about ten 
centuries, before it became matured and perfected, and all the 
parts of its complicated machinery became adapted to each other, 
as they are at present. It has stood the shock of time, and the 



on: ecclesiastical government. 79 

subversion of dynasties, and of nations, for more than twelve cen- 
turies ; and to secure, uniformity, regularity and harmony in all 
its movements for centuries in succession ; "perfect submission in the 
people, and obedience to one directing head, it is perhaps the most 
perfect government that ever existed on earth. 

The college of cardinals by whom the Popes are elected, is a 
small body of men ; only seventy in all ; who have been educated 
as priests, gone through all the gradations of the priesthood, 
and been made cardinals by the pope at an advanced period in 
life ; after their minds are matured by study, reflection, observa- 
tion, and experience ; after the soothing hand of time and the 
clerical discipline has cooled and exhausted their physical pas- 
sions, and almost all sympathy for their kindred ; and they bave 
imbibed the esprit de corps of the priesthood, become absolutely 
devoted to it, and shown themselves men of a high order of intel- 
lectual capacity. They have generally elected one of their own 
number as Pope, and rarely elected one under sixty years of age. 
Pope Gregory XYI. was born September ISth, 1765 ; made a 
cardinal priest in March, 1826 ; and elected Pope, February 2d, 
1831, in the 65th year of his age. In 1844, there were but 65 
cardinals, and 5 vacancies ; five of them were over 80 years 
old, 16 over 70 years old; IS over 60 years old; 14 over 50 
years old ; and only 3 under 40 years of age. The church has 
also 12 Patriarchs, 6S4 Archbishops and Bishops, and several 
hundred thousand inferior clergy, all obedient to the direction of 
one head ; a man of learning, maturity of mind, much experience 
and observation, and elected on account of his supposed superior 
talents, capacity, and devotion to the ecclesiastical polity of the 
church. No helpless child, no dissipated youth, and no person 
of feeble intellect erer obtains the papal crown, by hereditary 
right or otherwise. As the clergy are not allowed to marry, and 
have no legitimate children, or heirs whom they care anything 
about ; the order of priesthood is their only heir ; which increases 
their esprit de corps, strengthens the bond of union among them, 
makes them more devoted to their order, and rapidly dries up 
all feelings of sympathy for their kindred, and for the whole body 
of the people. 

Such is the system of ecclesiastical polity, without one popular 
feature in it, which holds dominion over the minds of 160,000,000 
of inhabitants ; the great body of whom seem to be studiously 
kept in profound ignorance, that they may be managed and gov- 
erned the more easily ; that their leaders may think for them, and 
save them the trouble of thinking for themselves. It is not 
strange that such a combination of learning and talent, all obe- 
dient to one man, acting in concert, operating upon the hopes 



80 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

and fears of the mass of the people, and wielding their prejudices 
and passions at will, should enable the Pope to crown and 
dethrone kings at pleasure, and to require the proud monarehs of 
England and France to hold the stirrups of his saddle while he 
mounted his horse, as was done in the twelfth century. 

It is claimed by the Papists, that Christ intended to establish, 
and did establish but one Church, to extend throughout the 
earth, as an Universal, or Catholic Church; that the Popes of 
Rome are successors of St. Peter, and invested as the vicars and 
vicegerents of Jesus Christ, with the supreme legislative, execu- 
tive, judicial, and elective power over the whole church ; that the 
government of the church is not only a monarchy, but an univer- 
sal monarchy ; and that the pope is not only absolutely suprevie, 
but infallible. It is insisted that infallibility necessarily 
results or arises from supremacy, or a right to make a final deci- 
sion of every question, and from which there is no appeal; nnd 
that if any one had a right to say to the Pope that any of his 
decisions were erroneous, such person would have a right to dis- 
regard them, which would destroy his supremacy. It is said the 
Pope judges, but. cannot be judged. 

On the subject of civil government, it is maintained, that man 
being necessarily associated, and necessarily governed, sovereignty 
and the powers of Government result directly from the nature of 
man, and not from the will or consent of the people ; that sov- 
ereignty no more results from their will than society itself does ; 
and hence the broad conclusion has been deduced, that Sov- 
ereigns do not depend on the choice, favor, or will of the people, 
but on the divine will, who has conferred the power on them on 
account of the necessity that man should be governed, and of the 
inability of mankind to govern themselves. This is the founda- 
tion of the doctrine of the legitimacy of Sovereigns, and of sov- 
ereignty ; and of the Divine Right of kings, as claimed in 
Europe for centuries. It also held that the people are in duty 
bound to submit to and obey passively the kings and emperors, 
their legitimate sovereigns, under all circumstances ; that a mon- 
arch cannot forfeit his right to the throne ; and that no amount 
or continuance of oppression and tyranny can justify resistance or 
rebellion, in any case whatever . 

The following is a translation of an extract from the December 
number, 1844, of Mr. F. Berteau's "Revue Franchise," pub- 
lished in the city of New York, and exhibits in a clear light the 
character of the government of the Roman church. " It is a 
singular circumstance, that the one of three (Gregoire VII., 
Saint Frangois D^Assize, and St. Thomas D. Aquin) who 
ranked the highest and contributed most to the grandeur of the 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 81 

Church, owed this reputation to the employment of means, the least 
in harmony with the spirit of Christianity, that is to say, to the. use 
of force, in its sense the most energetic and the most material. 
Gregory VII. founded the absolute power of the Popes, and con- 
solidated, in this manner, the organization of the Church, by 
giving it the form of a monarchy, the most durable of all." 

Again he says, " On ne peut s'empecher d'en conclure, que 
des le onzieme siecle du moins, le but de PEnglise fut la domina- 
tion temporelle, bien plus qu'une suprematie purement spiritu- 
elle." That is to say, " One cannot avoid the conclusion, that 
from the eleventh century at least, the object of the Church was 
temporal dominion, much more than purely spiritual supremacy." 

"In effect, the constant object of the pursuits of Gregory VII. 
even when he was only the monk Hildebrand, wa.s the subjection 
of the civil power to the authority of the Pope . He contemplated 
universal monarchy, with the sovereign pontiff for the supreme 
chief." 

Perhaps it was at first with a view of pure ecclesiastical reform, 
in order to find a force capable of repressing the corruption, of 
which the clergy then afforded a deplorable example. But once 
engaged in the struggle, whether he was hurried on in his career 
by circumstances, or by ambition, he thought of nothing except 
to render the church of Rome all powerful, and to humble before 
it emperors and kings." 

Such are the remarks of an intelligent French writer, and a 
friend to the Catholic church. The fact is well attested by many 
candid writers and historians, that the popes and great leaders of 
the church of Rome struggled during centuries for temporal 
dominion, as well as spiritual supremacy ; to make the pope an 
universal monarch, temporal as well as spiritual ; and it is prob- 
able that they did not give up this object, until they were 
humbled by the French revolution, and the power of Napoleon. 

Not only the pope, but all the Catholic priesthood claimed 
perfect exemption from any subjection to the civil power. Th y 
insisted that the clergy could be tried only by the Church, that 
is, by brother members of the clerical profession, and could not 
be tried even for the highest crimes, such as murder, arson, &c, 
by the civil courts. They succeeded in carrying this doctrine 
into practice ; and even in England, the plea of a criminal, 
charged with a crime of the highest character, that he was a cler- 
gyman, if true, was treated as a valid plea in abatement ; and 
the culprit was discharged, to be tried, and perhaps only repri- 
manded by his brethren of the clergy. Such was the supremacy 
they gained over the civil government and laws throughout 
Europe ; and suck the influence, like a spell of enchantment over the 
4* 



82 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

popular mind, that they not only thought for the mass of the people, 
and moulded their minds, views, and opinions according to their 
own wishes, and fitted them to submit quietly to the clerical yoke, 
but by enslaving their minds, they took away from them all desire 
for freedom and independence. 

It was Dot the object of the pope and clergy to enslave and 
tyrannize over the persons and property of their votaries by 
means of force ; but to mould their minds and opinions in such a, 
manner as to make them perfectly submissive, and capable of 
being led by advice and persuasion wherever, and in whatever 
manner they desired ; force was however resorted to, when per- 
suasion failed, and the Inquisition was finally devised, as the most 
effectual means of applying force, and accomplishing the object. 

If meekness, humility, patience, and quiet submission to 
authority, are Christian virtues, the virtues of the Catholic pop- 
ulation in the aggregate, are in these particulars greater than 
those of the Protestants. This remark, however, does not apply 
to the Catholics of Ireland, who have been oppressed and schooled 
in agitation and rebellion for centuries. 

The mental passions of avarice, and ambition for power 
and display, are much the strongest and most predominant among 
the educated classes in all countries ; and as education in Catho- 
lic countries is mostly confined to the clergy, nobility, and 
wealthy, these passions have but little influence upon the mass 
of the people who are poor, ignorant, and humble ; but in Pro- 
testant countries, and more particularly in Scotland, New Eng- 
land, New York, and wherever all the people have a common 
school education, this serves as the leaven, and exciting cause to 
these passions, which pervade nearly the whole community. And 
so predominant are these passions in some communities, that 
Mammon, Fashion, and Power, are seemingly the principal 
deities which are worshipped. Hence we should not conclude 
that ignorance is an unmixed evil, nor knowledge, of itself, a pure 
and unalloyed good ; for almost every community affords some 
striking examples, that learning often proves rather a curse than 
a blessing, unless moral education goes hand in hand with intel- 
lectual cultivation. 

Such in the main are the doctrines of the Catholic church 
upon the subject of ecclesiastical and civil government, as well in 
the 19th, as from the 12th to the 16th century ; and such have 
been their effects. Hence the pope, and higher orders of the 
priesthood of this church, have generally been the allies of kings 
in their contests with the people ; hence they have been, and are 
at this day, the main support and pillars of the most absolute 
monarchies of Europe ; and hence the anxiety of Napoleon to 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 83 

re-establish the Catholic church in France, and to induce the 
Pope to remove to Paris, in order to make the Church, the pope, 
and the Catholic priesthood, the chief preps and pillars of his 
throne, next to the sword in importance. 

The popes generally supported the kings of Europe in their 
claims to absolute power, in their struggles with the barons. 
The Pope absolved King John of England from his oath to 
observe and faithfully maintain Magna Charta ; and also 
absolved Henry III. of England from a like oath, to observe and 
maintain the Oxford Articles, adopted in 1258, to reform the 
government, and restrain the absolute power of the King.* 

It should be remarked, however, that Catholics bred in the 
United States, constantly mingling with Protestants, sur- 
rounded by the free institutions and free spirit of Protestantism, 
imbibe the spirit of free inquiry, and become partially Protestant- 
ized. The spirit and influence of the Catholic church and 
clergy are very different in the United States, and very different 
also (since the French Revolution of 1789) in France, Belgium, 
Grermany, and Switzerland, from what they are in Spain, Portu- 
gal, Italy, Mexico, and South America. 

Sec. 6. Character and usages of the early Christians, and the 
changes which they underwent. 

As remarked by Gibbon, " The Christians (even prior to ihe 
time of the Emperor Constantine,) formed a numerous and dis- 
ciplined society ; and the jurisdiction of their laws and magis- 
trates was strictly exercised over the minds of the faithful. The 
loose wanderings of the imagination were gradually confined by 
creeds and confessions ; the freedom of private judgment submit- 
ted to the public wisdom of Synods and Councils ; the authority 
of a theologian was determined by his ecclesiastical rank ; and 
the episcopal successors of the apostles inflicted the censure of 
the church on those who deviated from the orthodox faith." 

All this might be necessary before the invention of printing ; 
when the expenses of obtaining books copied by hand were so 
great, that none but the wealthy and noble could procure them, 
or educate their children ; when the middling classes as well as 
the poor were not only illiterate, and incapable of reading the 
holy Scriptures, or any other books, but unable to obtain them to 
read ; when nearly all instruction was oral, by preaching, addresses 
and public lectures, or reading the Scriptures by the priests ; 
when- a moderate degree of knowledge of the Scriptures could be 
obtained only by a course of studies for years, and was mostly 

* Vide M. Guizot's Essais sur l'Histoire de France, 310 and 341, and Sis- 
mondi's France, 291, 293, and 299. 



84 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

confined to the priesthood ; when the people generally were too 
ignorant to be capable of reasoning much, and were required to 
have faith without proofs, and mental conviction of the great 
truths of the Bible, without sufficient learning and capacity to 
examine and understand the force and effect of the evidences 
upon which those truths are founded. In this mode, doctrines 
and usages not enjoined by the Scriptures, but which arose from 
the condition and ignorance of the people, have been sought to 
be perpetuated by the Pope and clergy of the Catholic church — 
as a means of keeping the laity in subjection, and in spiritual 
bondage, for centuries after the art of printing and the dissemina- 
tion of learning have removed the causes upon which such 
doctrine and usages were founded. 

Mr. Gibbon again remarks, that " Faithful to the doctrine of 
the apostle, who in the reign of Nero had preached the duty of 
unconditional submission, the Christians of the three first centu- 
ries preserved their consciences pure and innocent of the guilt of 
secret conspiracy, or open rebellion." While they experienced 
the rigor of persecution, they never sought revenge, or retaliation 
of any kind, but when one cheek was smote, they turned the 
other also. During all this period, the discipline of the church, 
and its government and treatment of its own members was equally 
mild and in accordance with the true spirit of Christianity. No 
physical punishment was inflicted ; and none of any kind, except 
to reprove, inflict the censures of the church, and to expel dis- 
obedient and refractory members. After the conversion to 
Christianity of the Emperor Constantine, in the fourth century, and 
the union of church and state, and the church was raised from a 
weak and defenceless condition to great power, and became an 
arm of the government, it developed a new principle, not con- 
tained in the scriptures, nor consistent with the spirit of Christi- 
anity • that is, that the church had the power to inflict physical 
punishments, and even to take life, in order to check heresy, as 
well as to restrain the disobedience of its members. It was but 
a short time before the factions in the church became nearly as 
ambitious, turbulent, violent, persecuting and blood-thirsty, in 
accomplishing their purposes, as the factions of Rome were, in 
the days of Marius, Sylla, Mark Antony, and Augustus Caesar. 

Gibbon says (in the XXVII. and XXVIII. chapters of the 
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire), that the Emperor Theo- 
dosius promulgated no less than fifteen severe edicts against the 
heretics and pagans, in the space of fifteen years, from A.D. 380 
to 395. These edicts were directed first agaiust any and all 
heretical preachers as well as pagan priests, who should presume 
to teach their respective tenets and opinions ; secondly, against 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 85 

any and all persons who should dare to confer, receive, or pro- 
mots an heretical ordination .' and it was reasonably expected, that 
if the race of pastors could be extinguished, their helpless jlocks 
would be compelled, by ignorance and ivant of teachers and leaders, 
to return within the pale of the Catholic church. Thirdly, against 
every sort of assembly, meeting, convention, conference or col- 
lection of persons, assembled for religious exercises, or worship, 
of any kind, not in accordance with the prescribed orthodox faith 
of the Catholic church. And fourthly, against pagan sacrifices, and 
practices of diviuation. The edicts were generally enforced by 
pecuniary penalties and forfeitures ; sometimes by exile, and by 
death in but few cases. Certain lay-heretics were excommunicated 
by the church, and subjected to some civil disabilities ; none of the 
edicts (according to Gibbon,) subjected laymen to punishment or 
the forfeiture of property, for entertaining heretical or pagan 
opinions, but for propagating their opinions, or assembling with 
others, for religious exercises and worship. He says (in chapter 
XXVIII.) while the imperial laws which prohibited the sacrifices 
and ceremonies of paganism were rigidly enforced, the palace, the 
schools, the army, and the senate, were filled with declared and 
devout pagans ; and that they obtained without distinction, the 
civil and military honors of the empire. 

Sec. 7. Origin and character of Monometallism, and of the 
Popish Inquisition. 

Though it is true, that as early as the fourth century, bishops 
of the church were charged, tried and convicted of heresy, and 
deposed from their clerical rank and station, and in some instances 
exiled, and in others put to death; yet I am not aware that 
Christian churches were ever in the habit of inflicting physical 
'punishments on laymen, on account of their opinions only, prior 
to the establishment of the Inquisition. It is not improbable, 
however, that these tyrannical laws, and the practice under them 
in Christian countries, suggested to Mahomet the first idea of 
propagating his religion by the sword ; they probably led the 
way, and suggested the idea of the Inquisition ; which was first 
established by the pope in the south of France, about the year 
1204, to root out and suppress what was deemed the heresies of 
the Albigenses. 

Mahometanism (the greatest scourge and curse which ever 
afflicted the human family,) arose in the seventh century. Ma- 
homet and his disciples and successors taught the two most 
pernicious principles, the most dangerous and destructive to 
morals and civilization, ever inculcated upon this earth ; the first, 
that their religious doctrines should be propagated and extended by 



86 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

the power of the sword ; the second, that the true church were 
riot bound to keep faith, or any engagements with heretics. As 
the Mahometans, acting upon these vile principles, extended their 
conquests west, and had many bloody battles with the Christian 
natrons of Europe, overrun the greater part of Spain, threatened 
and endangered the whole of Christendom, and finally overturned 
the eastern Roman empire, the Christians felt it necessary to adopt 
some portion of their treacherous and pernicious policy, in order 
to be able to meet and combat them with their own weapons. 

The establishment of the Inquisition in the 13th century, ap- 
pears to have been the first general and systematic attempt of the 
Christian church to propagate their doctrines and creeds by force ; 
by using physical punishment to compel laymen to renounce their 
religious opinions which were not in accordance with those of the 
church, and to make a public profession of the orthodox opinions 
of the day. Many centuries previously, Mahomet had taught his 
followers the duty of extirpating idolatry, and propagating their 
doctrines and creeds by force, and of putting to the sword all 
persons in their power who would not receive and adopt them, or 
pay tribute as vassals. 

The supreme court of Inquisition was established in Spain in 
147S ; and Dr. Morse says in his Geography (published in 1793), 
that, " besides the supreme court of Inquisition at Madrid, there 
are eighteen inferior tribunals in the several provinces of the 
monarchy, which entertain a numerous host of spies, or fami- 
liars, amounting to about 20,000 persons, who, on the slightest 
suspicion of heresy, denounce persons of every condition, sex and 
age." 

It is estimated in Brande's Encyclopaedia of Science and Art, 
that from the time of the establishment of the Inquisition in Spain, 
until it was abolished by Napoleon in 1808, no less than 340,000 
persons had been punished by those tribunals in that country, of 
whom nearly 32,000 were burnt. Courts of Inquisition were also 
established in several of the states of Italy, in Portugal, and some 
other countries. 

In the 14th century, statutes were enacted in England, author- 
izing the apprehension, trial, and execution by the barbarous 
practice of burning, of all persons convicted of heresy in matters 
of religion. These and similar statutes were in force in England 
for about two centuries ; and during the short but bloody reign of 
Queen Mary, several hundred persons were burned in pursuance 
of them. Such were the intolerant opinions then prevailing, in 
all Catholic, as well as Mahometan countries. 

The supreme ecclesiastical, civil, and military power was 
vested in Mahomet during his lifetime, and in his successors, the 



ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 87 

Caliphs, after his death. The Koran inculcates but one single 
virtue, that of abstinence from the use of wine and intoxicating 
drinks ; and allows the followers of the prophet four wives, as 
many concubines as they can support, and the indulgence of almost 
every other appetite of the flesh, and of every passion of a cor- 
rupt and ambitious mind. They were ordered to propagate his 
doctrines with the sword ; allowed to plunder all heretics, and 
every country which they could subjugate ; and the pleasures of 
a sensual paradise were promised to all his devoted followers, and 
to all who should die or be slain in attempting to spread his religi- 
ous doctrines. The ambition for power, military glory, and con- 
quest, of his followers, as well as their avarice, and their licen- 
tious appetites and passions, were all gratified by their wars, con- 
quests, and the opportunities afforded for plunder, and to take 
captives. It is not at all wonderful, that such a system of religion, 
and of civil and military government united, should be rapidly 
extended, and more particularly in warm climates, where the ap- 
petites are strong, and the passions ardent. 

The union of church and state under the Emperor Con- 
stantine — the spirit of intolerance produced by it — the attempt 
to establish by law, and to enforce uniformity of opinion and reli- 
gious worship ; and the practice of deposing and banishing bishops 
for alleged heresy ; excited faction, insurrections, mobs, murders, 
and terrible massacres, by the multitude. Mahometanisni overrun 
about half of the Christian world, and these dissensions among 
Christians are assigned by Mosheim in his Ecclesiastical History, 
as the principal cause of its progress. He says, " To these 
causes of the progress of Mahometanism, we may add the bitter 
dissensions and cruel animosities that reigned among the Christian 
sects, particularly the Greeks, Nestorians, Eutychians, and Mono- 
physites ; dissensions that filled a great part of the east with 
carnage, assassinations, and such detestable enormities, as rendered 
the very name of Christianity odious to many. We might add here, 
that the Monophysites and Nestorians, full of resentment against 
the Greeks, from whom they had suffered the bitterest and most 
injurious treatment, assisted the Arabians in the conquest of seve- 
ral provinces, into which the religion of Mahomet was afterwards 
introduced."* 

Sec. 8. On Fatalism, and its influence on the Mahometan cha- 
racter. 
The doctrines of fatalism inculcated by the Koran, had also 
a very great effect upon the minds of the followers of the prophet, 
and increased their military power, by inspiring them with the 

* See Rees and also Dobson's Encyclopaedia, title, Mahometanism. 



88 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

ardor and zeal of fanaticism. The doctrine of fatalism, fate or 
destiny, as generally understood, implies that the operations of the 
human mind, as well as the action and changes of all material 
things, are governed by a chain of natural causes, which act with 
perfect uniformity, and produce effects which follow each other 
from absolute necessity ; and that no human being can interrupt 
their connection, or avert their effects. It teaches that the human 
mind is utterly powerless, and can neither originate any action or 
idea, nor give any direction or guidance to its own action ; but is 
entirely directed and governed by external causes operating upon 
it ; and that every idea existing in the mind at any time, must 
have been suggested by some external cause. (See Sec. 8 of 
chap. I.) It thus inculcates the absolute necessity as well as 
duty of submission and obedience to every impulse of appetite, 
and to every idle thought, opinion, and passion, under the belief 
that they proceed from natural causes, from the fixed and uniform 
laws of God, or of fate, which cannot be resisted, and must be sub- 
mitted to. As fatalists are inclined to follow all the impulses of 
passion and appetite, and all the idle thoughts and whims of the 
mind, as indications of fate which they cannot resist, they are not 
much inclined to daily labor, and to follow any regular industrial 
pursuit, for the reason that labor and industry are not in accord- 
ance with the passions and impulses of the mind. Such a process 
is too slow and tedious to be agreeable ; the mind rejects it, and 
does not dwell upon it ; and hence they do not often get the im- 
pression, that it is their fate to improve their condition by the 
toils of daily industry. 

Wars, plunder, conquests, games of chance, gambling of every 
species, and sensual indulgences, are more generally suggested to 
the mind, because more exciting, than the drudgery of daily toil ; 
and hence these pursuits enlisted the passions of the Mahometan 
fatalists, and they followed the impulse of these passions from a 
sense of duty, in some measure, as well as of necessity, believing 
them certain indications of the hand of fate, which they could 
not resist, and must obey. Hence they plunged into battle with- 
out any fear of danger, under the belief that they were subject to 
fate, and could not alter their destiny, or shorten their days by 
exposure to danger, and that if it was their fate to fall in battle, 
they should enjoy the pleasures of a sensual paradise. 

Such feelings and principles of fanaticism had as much influ- 
ence as any doctrines of the Koran upon the character, habits, 
and military success of the Mahometans. It made them fearless, 
fierce, and energetic soldiers, thirsting for plunder ; but indolent, 
inert, quiet and inefficient citizens, content to live in idleness, 
upon the scanty means doled out to them by the hand of fate. 



OX ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 89 

Hence they became successful warriors and conquerors ; but iu 
consequence of their indolence, every country which became sub- 
ject to their dominion, soon languished, and declined in the arts, 
productive industry, and population ; and since the Tartars and 
Turks gained the ascendency over the Saracens in the 14th and 
15th centuries, they have exhibited a still greater degree of indo- 
lence, and an influence much "more destructive and pernicious than 
the Arabs. 

Sec. 9. Origin and character of the sect of Mormons. 

If we turn our attention to the Mormons of our own country, 
we shall witness a people who profess to be governed by special 
revelations from the Deity, made from time to time, and by the 
operations of the Spirit, who have manifested in many respects a 
spirit very similar to that of the Mahometans ; though much less 
honorable and honest, than has been generally exhibited by both 
Saracens and Turks. 

Joe Smith, the prophet of Mormonism, before and when he 
commenced his impostures, resided at the village of Palmyra, in 
the county of "Wayne and state of New York. He spent most of 
his time in bar-rooms, and was remarkable for nothing but iudo- 
lence and scheming on a small scale. He had very little intelli- 
gence, was coarse in his manners, without expansion of mind, ele- 
vation of thought, or dignity of character ; and finally became a 
drunkard. 

About the year 1S25 he obtained a manuscript, containing the 
reveries of a half-deranged clergyman. From this he manufac- 
tured the Mormon bible, and published it to the world, as con- 
taining a series of revelations made to him by the Deity. By 
this imposition, he deceived many persons, and formed the sect 
since known as Mormons. 

The town or city of Nauvoo, in Illinois, was built by the Mor- 
mons. It became a den of adulterers and thieves, who 
emerged from the city, plundered the surrounding country, and 
on their return were secreted and protected by their brethren, 
and shielded from punishment. Many of them appeared to be 
deluded with the same religious fanaticism as the Mahometans, 
that it was right to plunder infidels and heretics. 

They had been driven out of the state of Missouri, in conse- 
quence of their alleged misconduct and crimes, before they built 
Nauvoo ; and the depredations charged upon them finally enraged 
the people of the vicinity to such a degree, that Joe Smrh was 
killed by a mob in 1846, and they were driven out of the state of 
Illinois by force. It is to be hoped that their sufferings have 



90 ON ECCLESIASTICAL GOVERNMENT. 

taught them a salutary moral lesson, which may be of permanent 
use to them in their new homes in the desert. 

The case of the Mormons is a memorable instance of the tend- 
ency of the human mind to superstition and to credulity in reli- 
gious matters, even in this nineteenth century. Like Mahome- 
tanism, it is presented as an example of the impediments to the 
progress of eivilization. 



CHAPTER Y. 

On the mode, means and influences by which individu- 
als AND NATIONS ARE GOVERNED THE CAUSES AND CHIEF 

INSTRUMENTS OF DESPOTTSM, AND OF FREEDOM AND INDE- 
PENDENCE THE DIFFERENT FORMS OF GOVERNMENT, THEIR 

ORIGIN AND EFFECTS AND THE EFFECTS OF POLITICAL PAR- 
TIES, OF OUR MODE OF ELECTIONS, AND OF CERTAIN COM- 
BINATIONS AND ASSOCIATIONS OF MEN. 

Sec 1. On the mode and influences by which individuals and 
nations are governed. 

Governments are instituted to protect men's rights ; among 
which are life, liberty, and property. Nations ever have been, 
and ever must be governed by and through, some of the following 
means and influences. — First of intellect and intelligence. — Second- 
ly, of association and organization. — Thirdly, of usage, custom, 
and precedent ; which may have been the result of circumstances, 
but were moulded into form by the first intellects of the country. 
Fourthly, of opinions and principles, which have been conceived 
and formed by the leading minds of the nation, though generally 
suggested by circumstances and self-interest. — Fifthly, by fear, 
superstition and prejudice. And lastly, by force. 

Some suppose that nations are governed by physical force, by 
standing armies ; but what is it that governs the armies, collects 
the means of their support, and uses them as the means of gov- 
erning and oppressing the mass of the people ? Did the British 
Queens, Elizabeth and Anne, and the present Queen Victoria, 
govern the army and navy of Great Britain by force ? An army 
without an intellectual head to govern it, is always powerless, 
and soon crumbles to pieces. 

In the common pursuits of life, the mass of mankind, whose 
minds are uncultivated, are governed mostly by imitation and 
habit ; but in the more complicated affairs of government and 
religion, they are governed by custom, usage, public opinion, and 
the reasoning of the most active, energetic, talented and ambitious 
men of the state. Public opinion has been the most powerful 
agent in all ages, and all countries, in exercising dominion over 
the human mind. And how is public opinion formed ? It partly 
arises from the customs, usages and institutions of the country ; 
but is it not mostly originated by the leading minds and master 



92 ON GOVERNMENT. 

spirits of the nation, who thus form as well as guide the public 
mind, and often introduce principles, which enable a class of men 
to lead and govern the mass of the people for centuries ? Look 
at the principles of Confucius of China, of Zoroaster of Persia, of 
Aristotle and Lycurgus of Greece, of Mahomet of Arabia, and 
their effects in forming public opinion, and aiding certain classes 
in governing and keeping in subjection, the great mass of the 
people. Look also at the principles of legitimacy, of hereditary 
political power, which have been the principal agents in governing 
Europe, and subjecting the mass of the people to arbitrary power, 
and oppression for more than ten centuries. Look at the fact, 
that all the nations and people of the earth, until a comparatively 
recent period, were governed either by kings, military chieftains, 
priests, or by an aristocracy of some kind. All savage and bar- 
barous tribes have been governed by chiefs or princes, usually 
elected for life, on account of their talents, or some superiority. 

Sec. 2. On the causes and instruments of despotism — and of liberty 
and independence. 

It has been often remarked, that the tendency of political power 
is to escape from the many to the few. This is literally true in 
all countries where the mass of the people are uneducated, and 
ignorant.' But more properly speaking, power and property also 
^escape from the simple, ignorant and indolent, to the cunning, 
the intelligent, and the industrious. Hence the ignorant and the 
indolent are generally poor, and their poverty arises from natural 
causes. By reason of their ignorance, they cannot make their 
labor very productive, nor can they make the best use of what 
they have ; and they are often improvident also. They generally 
consume all their earnings, lay up nothing for the future, and 
thus accumulate no capital, and therefore necessarily remain poor. 
While ecclesiastical governments and superstitions hive been the 
principal instruments of despotism in all ages, ignorance has been 
the sole condition which has invited and led to it. Even military 
despotism has never been very permanent, without the aid and 
support of an united priesthood. 

It is impossible for an ignorant multitude to be guided by the 
reasoning, and the independent action of their own minds ; and 
they must be, and are excited to action, and guided by leaders of 
more intelligence, talents and cunning than they themselves 
possess: Even Athens in the days of her republican glory, was 
in some measure an aristocracy ; the right of suffrage and of 
citizenship being very limited, nearly all the laboring classes 
being slaves ; a few leaders at all times controlled the republic ; 
and in the days of Pericles, he ruled Athens with more power 



ON GOVERNMENT. 93 

than half the kings of Europe possess at this day. The plebeians, 
or popular party of ancient Rome, in the days of the republic, 
were likewise governed by talented, ambitious, cunning party 
leaders, such as the Gracchi, Marius, Pompey, and Julius 
Caesar, and not by the independent operations of their own minds. 

But the adage, that the tendency of power is to escape from 
the many to the few, does not apply to states and countries where 
all the people enjoy the advantages of a common school educa- 
tion, and have learned to read and write, and the nature and use 
of numbers : where knowledge is universally diffused by means of 
the press, and by popular preaching in their mother tongue ; and 
where the people are free in spirit, as well as in person, and enjoy 
the means, as well as the liberty, of reading and thinking for them- 
selves. The intellects of such a people are always active ; they 
are generally intelligent, ambitious, industrious, and enterprising ; 
and their minds are filled with schemes and projects to raise 
themselves to distinction and wealth. Such a people can seldom 
be influenced by authority, or managed by party leaders, in either 
temporal or spiritual matters ; but each one seems to be governed 
by the independent operations of his own mind, and relies upon 
his own judgment ; and as he cannot perceive any defects in his 
own reasoning, he is apt to conceive that he can avoid the errors 
into which others have fallen, and that his intellect is superior to 
almost all others, until sad experience often teaches him his mis- 
take, and the folly of his lofty ambition. 

There is no danger of such a people being too much under the 
influence of leaders, but the tendency is to the contrary ; they are 
apt to have too much confidence in themselves ; and to pay too 
little heed to the opinions and experience of others, to the instruc- 
tions of the aged, and the lessons of history. They are almost 
all too great to recognize the superiority of others, or to follow 
them as leaders. The only restraint upon individuals arises from 
public opinion, associations, and the laws of the country ; and 
public opinion is nothing more than the general sense of the whole 
community, except so far as it may be perverted by associations, 
and party combinations. Such a people may therefore be truly 
said to govern themselves ; in as much as each one helps to make 
the laws, and to form the public opinion, by which they are gov- 
erned. The only restraint upon their poivers of self-government, 
arises from party combinations and associations, to form and con- 
trol public opinion, and the elective franchise; and such is the 
vicious organization of our elective system, the majority only of 
each election district being represented, and the minority entirely 
disfranchised, that men who spurn the dictation of party leaders, 
are compelled to submit to the dictation of party combinations, 



94 ON GOVERNMENT. 

or run the hazard of defeating the objects they are most anxious 
to promote. In these party combinations, principle is frequently 
an obstacle to success, everything is controlled by management, 
bargain, intrigue, false professions, and promises ; whereby talent 
and character are often overlooked, and second, third, and fourth 
rate men who are active, cunning politicians, elevated to place 
and power. 

Sec. 3. Democracy defined. It cannot he sustained in its purity , 
among a very ignorant people. 

A pure democracy in its strict sense, means a government in 
which all the adult males of the community have equal political 
rights, and equal political power, and participate equally in the 
practical business and administration of the government in all its 
branches, legislative, executive, and judicial. This is the case in 
the Baptist and Congregational Churches, where each distinct 
body of worshippers constitute an independent church and govern- 
ment ; and being few in numbers, and the subject and proper 
jurisdiction of ecclesiastical government being very limited, such 
a system and form of government can be carried into effect ; but 
it is utterly impracticable when applied to a state or a country. 
But if a representative democracy, instead of a pure democracy, 
is intended, and every one is to have equal political rights, and 
equal political power, in order to carry this principle into effect, 
as each man has the same right as his neighbor to hold office 
without any regard to character, or qualification, all officers should 
be elected by lot, as jurors are, and as many officers in Athens 
were, and not by choice and favoritism ; and no man should be 
elected to, or hold office more than one year, until all his fellow 
citizens have had their turn, and the circle of rotation is com- 
pleted. And in legislation, the representative should be bound 
in all cases by the will of the electors of his representative dis- 
trict, and all laws should he a compound of the opinions and wills 
of all the electors of the state or nation ; so that the opinions of each 
and every elector should have precisely the same amount of influence 
upon the legislation and government of the country. This is the 
theory in its exact length and breadth, without detracting from, 
or adding to it, one jot or tittle. 

This is a beautiful theory, and if all men were virtuous, pos- 
sessed equal talents and equal learning, intelligence, and ability, 
or were inspired by the Deity with equal wisdom and goodness, it 
might be equally beautiful in practice as it is in theory. But let 
us look to such countries as Mexico and the South American 
Republics, where but a very small proportion, perhaps not a tenth 
part of the people can either read, write, or have a knowledge of 



ON GOVERNMENT. 9o 

numbers ; and a much smaller number still, any accurate know- 
ledge of history, law, or the science of government ; and where 
the mass of the people are under the influence of the clergy, the 
great land-holders and men of wealth, and the military and civil 
officers of the government. How can an ignorant multitude who 
have no definite opinions upon matters of government, have an 
equal influence in legislation, and administering the government, 
with the educated and wealthy classes, who think for them, and 
control them ? How can the laws of the country be a compound 
of the opinions of men who have no opinions on such subjects ? 
If this is impossible, on what is based the democratic doctrine of 
instruction ; of the right of constituents to instruct their represen- 
tatives ? Or is all this difficulty to be avoided by party combina- 
tions and party machinery, whereby party leaders in conventions 
and assemblies of the people, prepare and introduce resolutions, 
addresses, &c, &c, and have the people without understanding 
them, adopt them as their own ? 

These illustrations are sufficient to show, that it is impossible in 
the nature of things, for the mass of a people who are illiterate 
and ignorant, to have a real and substantial influence and partici- 
pation in legislation, and the administration of the government ; 
they may have an apparent and nominal participation, but a 
nominal one only. They may have a nominal power equal to that 
of the priesthood and the educated classes who form their opin- 
ions, but it cannot be real. How indispensably necessary, there- 
fore, that in a republican form of government, all the people 
should have at least a common school education ; have their minds 
improved and expanded by reading and general intelligence, so as 
to be able to think and judge for themselves. Intellect, talent, 
cunning, activity and energy, ever have, and ever will govern the 
world : no matter what the form of government, the result will be 
the same, if the mass of the people are ignorant. 

Prior to the invention of the art of printing, and to the great 
protestant reformation, no government ever existed except that of 
Athens, which had even the forms of democracy ; all mankind 
were subjected to the monarchical and aristocratic forms of gov- 
ernment, or to combinations of the two, with some popular ele- 
ments infused. Sparta had a mixed government, compounded of 
the elements of a military monarchy, and a military and landed 
aristocracy, slightly tinctured with democracy. The government 
of Athens was a compound of aristocracy and democracy, in which 
the greatest, most talented, and cunning leader or leaders, usually 
constituted either a dictator or an oligarchy. About four-fifths 
of the people of Sparta and Athens were slaves, destitute of all 
power, and divested of all civil rights. In* this age of democratic 



06 ON GOVERNMENT. 

equality and universal suffrage, it sounds very much like aristo- 
cracy to vest all the political power of the State in one fifth part 
of the adult males, as was the case in Athens. 

Sec. 4. Aristocracy defined, and the character and influence of 
the different classes stated. 

Let us analyze the term aristocracy, and see what are its charac- 
teristics. In speaking of the aristocracy, we usually mean a class 
of persons, possessed of powers, rank, or privileges, not possessed 
by the mass of the people. Any characteristic or quality, except 
mere physical strength or activity, which distinguishes an indivi- 
dual from, and by which he greatly excels, the mass of the com- 
munity in which he resides, and which gives him rank and influ- 
ence in society, is a mark of aristocracy ; and it may be said that 
the cause of this superiority and influence constitutes the very 
essence of aristocracy itself. According to this view of the sub- 
ject, it may be divided into the following classes : first, the aris- 
tocracy of official power and station, including military and naval 
officers ; secondly, the great property holders, or heads of families 
of large possessions, who in ancient days in western Asia were 
called Patriarchs, at Rome Patricians, and in Europe during the 
middle ages Barons ; those are the aristocracy of wealth : thirdly, 
the members of the learned professions, engineers, and profes- 
sional teachers of the higher institutions of learning, constitute 
the aristocracy of order or profession : fourthly, men of great 
talents and wisdom, who wield a great influence over the public 
mind while in private stations, may be called the aristocracy of 
intellect ; fifthly, the aristocracy of birth and hereditary rank : 
and sixthly, the aristocracy of fashion. Official power and station, 
talents, wealth, and scientific and professional knowledge, have, 
in every age and country, conferred on their possessors rank and 
influence ; and elevated them above the body of the people. 
These several kinds of aristocracy seem to be natural and una- 
voidable, for they exist in every civilized country, let the form of 
government be whatever it may. In as much as wealth, by the 
laws of nature, descends from parents to children, the aristocracy 
of wealth is in some measure hereditary ; but the idea of here- 
ditary power and official station, as well as hereditary rank, seems 
to an American republican, like an absurdity 

There may also be reckoned many subdivisions of aristocracy. 
The officers of government may be divided into a civil and military 
aristocracy ; and the possessors of wealth, into a landed or feudal, 
a commercial, a manufacturing, and a monied aristocracy. Every 
species of aristocracy. inferred by election or appointment, or ac- 
quired by the exertions of the individual, is an evidence of supe- 



ON GOVERNMENT. 9, 

rior ability or acquirements. But persons who are cradled in 
luxury, bred in indolence, and acquire their rank and station by 
descent, without any exertion of their own, are generally proud, 
indolent, and inefficient ; and often thoughtless, and devoted to 
frivolous amusements. 

A military spirit, military enterprise, wars and conquests, tend 
to exercise all the intellectual and physical faculties of man ; but 
unfortunately they foster the animal passions and appetites, and 
leave the moral faculties to languish and decline ; while all his 
faculties are exerted to consume and destroy the products of indus- 
try, instead of increasing them. Wars exhaust a nation, 
destroying human life, as well as consuming, dissipating, and 
destroying the fruits of industry ; and thus they have a three fold 
tendency, to retard the progress of improvement and civilization, 
and to injure and degrade the human family. The increased 
wealth of Koine under the republic, during several centuries, arose 
mostly from conquest and plunder ; but when the policy of the 
government was changed by Augustus Csesar after the battle of 
Actium, and the attention of the people was turned from war, 
conquest and plunder, to the useful arts, and productive industry, 
the Koman people, during the two succeeding centuries, increased 
in numbers, comforts, and wealth, under a monarchy nearly abso- 
lute, more rapidly than during any former period of their history ; 
though they suffered during several intervals of that period, the 
severest tyranny. A purely military aristocracy is not therefore 
favorable to improvement, either in population, productive indus- 
try, wealth, or civilization. 

It has been shown, on treating of the Priesthood and Ecclesi- 
astical government, that a powerful ecclesiastical aristocracy often 
restrains the human mind, and holds it in perfect bondage ; and 
thereby paralyzes the energies of the mind, checks and depress - 
a spirit of inquiry and discovery, and prevents men from mak 
discoveries in natural science and inventions in mechanism, and 
hence checks them in the progress of improvement, and in civili- 
zation. It seems certain to my mind that the tyranny of the eccle- 
siastical aristocracy of the church , after it was united with the tem- 
poral power of the empire, and the religious persecutions and wars 
growing out of the schisms in the church during the 4th, bth, and 
6th centuries, had as much influence in depressing the spirit of the 
Koman people, and causing the decline and fall of the empire, as 
the tyranny of the emperors, and the power and corruptions of the 
Pretoria n guards and standing armies. 

A landed aristocracy is generally stable, has very little tendency 
to change or improvement, and is not very favorable to progress 
in population, wealth, or civilization. Poland affords the best 



08 ON GOVERNMENT. 

specimen in the annals of history, of the tendency and effects of a 
landed aristocracy, controlling the destinies of a country ; Poland 
always was poor and weak, as nations exclusively devoted to agri- 
culture must be. Ireland affords an example of a similar char- 
acter. 

The mechanic arts and manufactures are based on the use of 
the metals ; they prepare and fit the raw materials of agriculture, 
for use and for commerce ; and the chief propulsive energies and 
progressive tendencies of any and every modern nation, consist in 
its mechanical, mining and manufacturing industry, and its com- 
merce. These departments of industry lead to inquiry, mental 
activity and independence, enterprise, useful inventions, discover- 
ies, and to an increase of productive industry, and of the comforts 
of life. They increase wealth and capital more rapidly than agri- 
culture, or even success in conquest and military plunder ; anjj 
hence they soon form a commercial and manufacturing aristocracy, 
which usually comprises great ability, and is highly favorable 
to progressive improvement and civilization, and to increase in 
productive industry, wealth, population, and civil liberty. These 
great departments of industry are almost inseparably connected, 
and if we except mining, neither has ever flourished much in any 
country, without the others ; nor have they ever flourished where 
personal rights were not tolerably well secured ; and where they 
have flourished most, the people have enjoyed the highest degree 
of civil liberty. In proportion as they have increased in import- 
ance in Great Britain, the spirit of liberty and the power of the 
people have increased. 

Though the government of ancient Tyre was nominally a 
monarchy, yet the chief power , after all, was wielded by the com- 
mercial and manufacturing aristocracy. Carthage, Venice, Genoa, 
Florence, and Holland, were all governed by commercial and manu- 
facturing aristocracies, with more or less popular elements, for 
centuries, during the most flourishing periods of their existence. 
Though the citizens of Athens disdained manual labor, yet by 
means mostly of their slaves, they carried on the mechanic arts, 
manufactures and commerce to a very great extent ; which gave 
tone to the genius and spirit of the people ; and is the principal 
reason of the great development of the Athenian mind in the fine 
arts and letters, and of the popular character of their government. 
While Sparta was ruled by the iron hand of the military aud 
landed aristocracy, and made no progress in civilization, or in any 
thing but the art of war. 

During the dark ages, the power of the kings of Europe was 
almost nominal, and the people were ruled with a rod of iron, by a 
triple aristocracy ; the ecclesiastical, the military and the landed ; 



ON GOVERNMENT. 99 

the two latter species being blended in the feudal aristocracy ; and 
it is difficult to say, which of the three was the most unfeeling, 
oppressive, and tyrannical. This period was marked by scenes 
almost constant, of wars public and private, waged by kings, 
barons, popes, bishops, and individual adventurers ; by plunder, 
pillage, robberies, piracies, confiscations, excommunications, inter- 
dicts, and every species of violence, oppression, and human suf- 
fering ; while the mechanic arts were at the lowest ebb, and 
manufactures and commerce scarcely had any existence. 

The governments of Mexico, and of all the Spanish American 
States, have been nominally republican for more than a quarter 
of a century, and the elective franchise extended to all, or nearly 
all the adult males ; but as very few can either read or write, or 
have any intelligence or knowledge of government, the whole 
power is substantially exercised by a triple aristocracy ; the popish 
clergy, the military officers, and the wealthy land-holders. The 
mechanic arts, commerce, and agriculture are at a very low ebb, 
mining has declined, and those countries are very little if any 
more prosperous than they were while under the government of 
Viceroys from Spain. 

Rome during the republic, nearly five hundred years, was gov- 
erned mostly by the Senate, which was elected by the censors 
every five years, and composed of several grades of aristocracy ; 
military and official, and the aristocracy of wealth and talent. The 
Consuls, Pretors, and some other high officers, who were chosen 
annually by the people, were thenceforward Senators for life, 
unless degraded on account of misconduct ; and the remaining 
part of the Senate was filled up by the Censors, from the most 
talented, distinguished, and wealthy citizens of Rome. The office 
of Senator was strictly elective, and not hereditary ; an election 
to a few of the highest executive and judicial offices by the people, 
was equivalent to an election to the Senate for life, after the ter- 
mination of the annual magistracy ; and no one was eligible until 
he was about thirty years of age. Hence the Senate during many 
centuries, comprised nearly all the first talents of Rome ; civil as 
well as military. It possessed great stability, was an exceedingly 
able body of men, and as the spirit and genius of the age and of 
the people was military, it is not wonderful that under the guid- 
ance and sagacious policy of such a Senate, they should have con- 
stantly extended their dominions, and conquered the best portion 
of the world. 

This military aristocracy, and spirit of conquest, was not how- 
ever a Japted to a very high state of civilization, nor to very rapid 
increase of population or progress in improvement. The opinion 
is advanced by Gibbon, and such seems to be the general opinion 



100 ON GOVERNMENT. 

of historians, that the population of the Roman empire was great' 
er towards the latter end of the second century of the Christian 
era, than at any former period ; and that the decline was rapid 
during the 4th and 5th centuries. The emperor Augustus chang- 
ed the whole character and policy of the Roman people ; and 
converted them from a military aristocracy, ambitious of military 
glory and conquest, into quiet citizens, cultivating and pursuing 
the arts of peace. He boasted that he found Rome built of 
wood, and left it built of marble ; and there is no reason to doubt 
that there was much truth in his boast. At his death, the Roman 
people were rich compared with their condition when the republic 
was overturned ; and much wealthier still at the end of the reign 
of the Antonines, A. D. 180. 

Sec. 5. On the centralization of power — and the origin and 
importance of local power. 

The powers of the ancient governments, were all concentrated 
at the seat of government. The system of centralization prevail- 
ed universally, and local power was unknown — except that in 
some instances where a people were conquered, they were required 
to pay tribute, and allowed to retain their own local government. 
In the monarchies of antiquity, all power was vested in the 
monarch, and all appointments to office emanated from him — or 
from him and a central council or aristocracy — who appointed all 
the principal civil and military officers, and the governors of 
provinces — and they appointed and removed at pleasure their 
subordinate officers. The Elders of Israel were the principal 
men of their respective tribes, and derived their powers from local 
sources. This is the only exception to the general rule of centra- 
lization, which occurs to me. In Tyre and Carthage, the whole 
powers of the nation, were concentrated in the hands of the aris- 
tocracy in those cities ; and even in republican Rome — though 
citizens could come from any part of the republic to vote for con- 
suls, pretors, and other officers at the city of Rome ; they could 
not vote in any other place ; nor could they send representatives 
to vote for them. 

The senate appointed the governors and other high officers of 
the provinces, and those officers appointed their own subordinates. 
The people of the provinces and even of Italy, at a distance from 
Rome, were not allowed to select any of their local officers, nor 
to participate in the legislation by which they were governed, 
unless they went to Rome to do so, which was impossible, except 
for a very few. They in fact enjoyed none of the privileges of 
self-government — but were governed by the populace and senate 
of Rome. Practically, they enjoyed no greater privileges, and 



ON GOVERNMENT. 101 

their rights were no better protected, under the republic, than 
under the empire. The people of a nation residing out of the 
capital, can enjoy the privileges of self-government, only by means 
of local power, by electing their own local officers, and the prin- 
ciples of representation. All these things were unknown in that 
age of the world. 

The ancients, with the exception of the Israelites, before the 
captivity, seem to have had no conception, that local elections 
and local power could exist, consistently with the central supreme 
power of the government. The Romans denominated local power 
an imperium in imperio, [an empire within an empire,] and were 
suspicious of it. The principle of local elections by the people, and 
of local power, seems to have been borrowed by the Church from 
'the ancient Hebrew Government, and transplanted into Europe, 
among the barbarians who overran the Roman Empire. Charters 
have been granted to cities and towns, to elect their own officers, 
and to govern themselves, so far as regards local matters, in near- 
ly all the countries of Europe, since the tenth or eleventh cen- 
tury. These charters were the origin of local power, and the 
germs of freedom in Europe. Without local power, no such 
thing as freedom can exist. Local elections and local power, are 
the main bulwark of political and civil liberty. 

Local power is of two kinds : 1st, that which is conferred and 
regulated by the central power, and dependent upon it. — 2d, that 
which is within certain limits, independent of the central power — 
and forms of itself a centre, and regulator of other subordinate, 
local powers. The powers of cities, counties, villages, and towns 
of Great Britain and Ireland, and also their provincial govern- 
ments, are all local powers of the first class ; which are derived 
from, and dependent upon, the central government of the king- 
dom. So also are the powers of the districts, cities, and communes 
of France — strictly local, and dependent on the great central 
power of the nation — as well under the republic, as under all the 
previous monarchies. The governments of the several states of 
the American Union, constitute local powers of the second class. 
Within their sphere, they are independent of the national govern- 
ment ; and they constitute and regulate the local governments of 
counties, cities, villages, towns, and corporations ; all of which are 
subordinate to, and dependent upon them. 

The Union of Utrecht in 1579, of the seven provinces, after- 
wards known as the United Provinces, (or Holland) constituted 
the first Federal Government that ever was formed — leaving the 
State Governments full power to regulate all their local concerns. 
This was the first instance of the existence of local power of the 
second class, and it may be regarded as a great era in the pro- 



102 ON GOVERNMENT. 

gross of government and civilization. Our Federal Government 
was formed after that model, to a very great extent. The con- 
federacies of Greece, consisted of two or more independent States, 
united by treaty, without the formation of a general or Federal 
Government ; each State retaining its own entire sovereignty and 
independence. Such also was the confederation of the American 
States before the adoption of the present Federal Constitution. 
The confederation of the Cantons or States of Switzerland, is of 
the same character ; being peculiarly situated, it has proved par- 
tially successful — while all others of that character have finally 
failed. 

The appointing power is exercised by chief magistrates and 
cabinet officers secretly ; no reasons are given publicly, for either 
removals or appointments ; and numerous contracts are made in 
the same manner. The revenue, disbursing, and accounting 
departments of the government are very complicated, and embrace 
an immense number of transactions, which are generally without 
that kind of publicity, that attends courts of justice, and legisla- 
tive proceedings. The mode of discharging those executive duties 
are such, as to leave the executive officers practically irresponsi- 
ble to the people — though not exempt from selfishness, partiality, 
and prejudice. The exercise under such circumstances, of exten- 
sive powers, affecting great numbers of persons, and very compli- 
cated claims and interests, tends to invite and promote favoritism, 
intrigue, profligacy, and corruption. 

Where executive patronage is large, it tends to unite political 
partisans, to give. direction to, and to promote party organization, 
and to increase party spirit — and has an undue influence over the 
action of the legislature, and over elections by the people. It 
has been aptly termed the cohesive power of public plunder. It 
increases the influence of party leaders, who become organs of the 
administration ; destroys all independence and freedom of action 
among political partisans ; leads to the tyranny of the majority 
over the minority — and to a disregard of the rights and welfare 
of the mass of the people. Participation in the appointing power, 
gives senators an influence over executive officers, which is some- 
times pernicious. All these influences are dangerous, in propor- 
tion to the extent and magnitude of the patronage, contracts and 
expenditures of the government, and the claims against it — to bo 
provided for by legislation, passed upon and paid by the executive 
officers. 

The greater the central power, the more difficult to acquaint 
the people with the details of its proceedings ; and it becomes less 
responsible to the people, less influenced by public opinion, more 
subject to extravagance, profligacy, intrigue, corruption, and 



ON GOVERNMENT. 103 

tyranny, in the legislative as well as in the executive departments 
of the government. 

It is impossible for a majority of the members of the legislature 
of a great nation to become sufficiently acquainted with the wants, 
resources, and condition of the people of every section and dis- 
trict, to legislate judiciously in relation to all their local affairs 
and interests. Hence the advantage of confining the legislation 
and action of the central government, to national and internation- 
al affairs ; and organizing local governments to legislate for, and 
attend to all the local matters and interests of the people. 

Political liberty consists in the exercise by the people, of the 
powers of self-government — the power of making their own laws, 
and selecting their own rulers. Intelligence, liberty of speech, 
freedom of discussion, the freedom of the press, and a spirit of 
inquiry, are necessary to its full and proper exercise. The organi- 
zation of local powers, together with the system of local elections, 
representation in legislative bodies, and trial by jury, constitute 
the principal means and mode of its exercise. 

In a consolidated government like that of France, under the 
constitution of 1848, with a large standing army — an immense 
patronage in the hands of the President — the press muzzled by 
severe libel and sedition laws ; and all local powers dependent on 
the central power ; the people out of the capital, have compara- 
tively little influence over the action of the government, and only 
partially enjoy the privileges of self-government. Their rights 
and privileges are subject to be trampled upon, and taken from 
them, by means of intrigues and factions at the seat of govern- 
ment. The power and prize of the Presidency are so great, and 
the struggle to obtain it so violent, that every Presidential elec- 
tion will endanger the peace of the country, and threaten a revo- 
lution. 

State governments constituting local powers, independent as to 
local affairs, and within a certain sphere, are as necessary to the 
exercise and perpetuation of political liberty in the United States, 
as Union, and a Federal Government are to peace, national secu- 
rity and prosperity. The perpetuation of all the powers reserved 
to the several States by the Federal Constitution, is as necessary 
to the future welfare of the people of this country, as the preser- 
vation of the Union itself. If the State governments should ever 
lose their substantial powers, and sink into mere dependencies on 
the Federal Government — our country would have substantially a 
consolidated government like that of France ; and would soon 
become profligate, corrupt, and tyrannical, and every Presidential 
election would threaten civil war. 

Great corporations with extensive powers, special privileges 



104 ON GOVERNMENT. 

and large capitals, which must necessarily be wielded by a central 
power, by a comparatively few persons, and their agents, are anti- 
republican in their tendency. The East India Company is nearly 
as despotic in its rule in British India, as the Hierarchy of Rome 
in the states of the Church. The Bank of England exercises 
f-uch control over the commerce and business of that country, 
that it is difficult to carry on great commercial operations success- 
fully, without its aid, and occasional indulgence. Such is the 
influence also of the Bank of France ; such was the influence 
(though to a less extent) of the great national banks incor- 
porated by the United States ; and such is the influence of 
State Banks, which enjoy a monopoly of the business of bank- 
ing in some of the States. But local banks, organized under 
general laws, and without any special privileges, by reason 
of their competition with each other, have a more liberal and 
republican tendency. 

Sec. 6. Origin of the representative system of legislation, and the 
importance of two chambers. 

There is no reason to doubt, that the system of councils, and 
assemblies of deputies or representatives of the free cities, and the 
freemen of counties and departments, which assembled from time 
to time in the western nations of Europe, ever since about the 
tenth or eleventh century, to deliberate on national affairs, and 
to make laws, was borrowed from the church ; and that the 
church borrowed it from the government of the Israelites, and 
the organization of the Jewish Sanhedrim, or Council of 
Elders. Though the Greeks, Romans, and the barbarous 
nations of all western Europe, and even the native tribes of 
America, were in the habit of having their assemblies of the 
people ; yet the church set the first example of holding coun- 
cils of mere deputies, or representatives of the churches of 
distant provinces and countries, assembled for general purposes 
of deliberation, and legislation, in matters of church doctrine, 
discipline, and government. This system of deliberation, and 
legislation by assemblies, consisting of deputies chosen at 
stated periods by the people, or particular classes of the peo- 
ple, is the greatest improvement ever made in civil govern- 
ment. 

The division of a national assembly into two distinct chambers 
for deliberation separately, first occurred rather accidentally than 
otherwise, in England, during the civil wars of the 13th century. 
It serves not only to check hasty legislation, but to prevent any 
one individual from acquiring such an influence and ascendency 
by his talents and eloquence, as to control the whole action of the 



ON GOVERNMENT. 105 

legislature. It is very difficult for one member to acquire a con- 
trolling influence in two separate chambers. If the legislative 
power is vested in two chambers instead of one, and the acts of 
neither are of any validity as laws without the other; it is difficult 
for factious partisans to form combinations, produce a schism, and 
divide the chamber, each party claiming to be the legally organ- 
ized assembly ; for the reason that neither faction can act as .a 
chamber or branch of the legislature, unless it is recognized as 
such by the other chamber. If the General Assembly of the 
Presbyterian Church of the United States, had consisted of two 
distinct chambers instead of one, it would not have been possible 
for it to have been divided, in the manner it was divided a few 
years since ; and on the contrary, if the Congress of the United 
States had consisted of but one chamber, it is hardly probable 
the government could have survived the violent struggle of the 
two parties for the ascendency in 1S3S ; when the Seal of New- 
Jersey, and the certificate of her Secretary of State as to the elec- 
tion of five members, were disregarded in the organization of the 
House of Representatives. A dissolution of the State govern- 
ment of Ohio must have been the result of the double organiza- 
tion of the House of Representative, and the factious conduct of 
many of the members in December 1848, if the legislature of 
the State had consisted of but one body. 

The system of dividing a legislative body into two chambers, 
may be regarded as adding greatly to the stability of a govern- 
ment, and as being one of the greatest improvements made in 
modern times. 

It appears from the facts and authorities collected by Hallam, 
in his history of the middle ages, that in the 13th and 14th cen- 
turies, the system of representative legislative assemblies had made 
about as much progress in the kingdom of Arragon in Spain, and 
in France, as in England, except the division of the Parliament 
of England into two houses. 

Sec. 7. Origin and Progress of the Laws and Government 
of England. 

Prior to the Norman Conquest, the Anglo-Saxons were inferior 
to both the French and Spaniards. When the Saxons first came 
to England in the 5th, 6th, and 7th centuries, they were among 
the most ignorant and despicable savages in Europe, and often 
sold their own children as slaves. They had scarcely a single 
virtue, which was not produced by the cold and severity of the 
climate in which they lived. They were partially christianized, 
and civilized during the 7th, 8th, and 9th centuries. In the early 
part of the 11th century they were conquered by the Angles, 



106 ON GOVERNMENT. 

now called Danes, then a nation of pirates from the north ; and 
in the year 1066,- they were again conquered by a little handful 
of Normans, despoiled of their property, and reduced to the most 
abject slavery. The Normans, as well as the Angles, or Danes, 
had been piratical adventurers, but both were greatly superior to 
the Saxons, and help to form and improve the English character. 
These facts may be learned from almost any of the British histo- 
rians, and they show that we have no great reason to be proud of 
our early ancestors, or to boast of our Anglo-Saxon blood. Nearly 
all the laws and institutions of King Alfre'd, and of the Saxon 
and Danish kings were overturned ; and the feudal system and 
feudal law, a system and law of absolute power and dominion 
on the part of the prince and his barons, and of vassalage on the 
part of the people, were firmly established ; and form the basis 
from whence has arisen the present common law of England. 

The government and common law of England was originally 
established by force and conquest, but usage ripened into law. 
What was at first acquired by conquest, that is to say, by force 
and robbery, was confirmed by time, and was finally claimed and 
regarded as an established, and vested right. During the nearly 
eight centuries that this vast fabric of law and government has 
been ripening into its present state and condition, the people of 
England have made comparatively little change in their laws and 
government, except what has been the silent effect of time, 
wrought by usage and precedent ; by a system of executive and 
judicial legislation, heaping precedent upon precedent, and con- 
firming or discarding usages at pleasure ; parliament having done 
very little except to vote taxes on the people, and acquiesce in 
the precedents, usages, and proceedings of the king, the ministry, 
and the judiciary.* 

From the time of the Norman conquest to the reformation , 
there was not a very great difference between the government, 
condition, pursuits and genius of the people of England, France, 
and Spain ; the Belgians and Italians were greatly superior to all 
of them. All the effects of Magna Charta, and of all the great 
charters and oaths extorted by the barons from the kings in the 
13th century, were apparently extinguished ; the form and char- 
acter of the House of Commons only remained, which grew out 
of the Leicester civil war in the year 1264. 

The Pope then held absolute spiritual dominion over nearly the 
whole of Europe. Henry VIII. of England, was really one of 
the most absolute sovereigns, who ever sat upon a throne ; after 
he quarrelled with the Pope, for refusing to divorce him from his 

* See the character of the common law, in sec. 6 of Chapter I 



ON GOVERNMENT. 107 

queen, he controlled parliaments, courts of justice, prelates and 
bishops, and established the liturgy, creeds, forms, and laws of 
the church, as well as of the kingdom. His will seemed to be 
law on every subject, spiritual and temporal, throughout the king- 
dom. His quarrel with the Pope, and the establishment of the 
absolute spiritual power of the king, took place in the year 1533. 
It may be regarded as an era that prepared the way for the reli- 
gious and civil liberties of the people, by breaking in upon the 
spiritual monarchy of the Pope, which was almost Universal, show- 
ing them that it was not invincible, and teaching them that it was 
not infallible. 

The Court of Star Chamber had been established during the 
reign of Henry VII., and the Court of High Commission in Ec- 
clesiastical causes, was established during the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, A. D. 1558. These two courts were the most suin/- 
niary, and arbitrary tribunals, and the greatest engines of tyranny, 
in the hands of the monarch, which ever existed in England ; and 
they continued in force until they were repealed by the Long Par- 
liament in 1641. 

Scotland having thrown off the papal yoke also, adopted the 
Protestant religion, and established the Presbyterian form 4 of 
church government, still retained that form after the union of the 
crowns of England and Scotland under James I. in the year 1602. 
Charles I. came to the throne in 1625, and from 1628 to 1640 he 
called no parliament ; attempted to levy taxes, and carry on all 
the affairs of government by his own prerogatives ; claimed abso- 
lute power, both temporal and spiritual, over the lives, liberties, 
consciences, and property of his subjects, and that he was account- 
able to heaven alone, for the exercise of his power. With 
the advice of Archbishop Laud, and some of the other English 
bishops, he attempted to force the people of Scotland to surrender 
their religious liberties, and to adopt the Episcopal liturgy, and 
form of church government ; and on their resisting, he marched 
an army into Scotland, to compel them to submission. They 
raised an army to resist him ; he then began to negotiate, and 
finally called a parliament which met April 13th, 1640, dissolved 
it May 5th following, and sent a second army of over twenty 
thousand men to compel them to submit ; they raised about 
26,000 men, and set him at defiance. He then summoned another 
Parliament, known as the Long Parliament, which met in Novem- 
ber, 1640. This parliament abolished the Star Chamber and 
High Commission Courts, and all the arbitrary powers and privi- 
leges claimed by the king ; and finally overturned the throne 
itself, and taught the nation, that the real sovereignty of the coun- 
try was vested in parliament, and that the king could not trample 



108 ON GOVERNMENT. 

on the religious liberties and privileges of the people with impu- 
nity. The Habeas Corpus act was passed in 1678. 

When James II. attempted, by a similar high handed course, 
to introduce popery again into England, he was deposed by par- 
liament in 1688, William III. of Orange, and Mary, were elevated 
to the throne ; and the Protestant religion and fre'e toleration 
were established. The constitution and the constitutional liberties 
of the people of Great Britain were thus confirmed, and estab- 
lished on a firm basis, as they existed until the passage of the bill 
to reform the House of Commons in 1833. 

It is evident that the people of England only changed masters 
at the reformation ; that they were only liberated from one master 
to be subjected to another ; but the effect was, to weaken the 
power of papal despotism in Europe, by leading the human mind 
to inquire into the principles upon which it is based ; to give cour- 
age to the Protestants ; and to encourage in England, freedom of 
thought, and the free expression of opinion, at least so far as 
Popery is concerned. Hence arose diverse sects dissenting from 
Episcopacy, as well as Popery ; and in conjunction with the Presby- 
terians of Scotland, they spread freedom of opinion, independence 
of mind, and a spirit of inquiry among the people throughout 
Great Britain, and thereby led to the reform of many abuses by 
the Long Parliament in 1641 ; sustained the energies of the peo- 
ple during the usurpations of Cromwell, and the corruptions and 
trying scenes of Charles II. ; and nerved them for the contest 
with James, which terminated in the establishment, to a limited 
extent, of their liberties, both civil and religious, at the revolution 
of 1688. 

The despotism of Charles I. was overthrown by the joint efforts 
of the Protestant dissenters of England, and the Presbyterians of 
Scotland. The Episcopal Hierarchy remained nearly passive 
during the struggle, though many of its members took side with 
the king. The bigotry and despotism of James II. and his attempt 
to establish the Roman Catholic Church in England, alarmed the 
hierarchy so much that many of its members, and many of the 
aristocracy were induced to join the dissenters and the Presby- 
terians of Scotland, in the glorious revolution of 1688. 

The cause of liberty owes nothing to either feudalism or pre- 
lacy. It was the object of the church after its union with the 
State under Constantiue, of the Persian Magi, of Mahometanism, 
Popery, Prelacy, and the Greek Church, to enforce uniformity of 
opinion and religious worship, and unity of government, both 
ecclesiastical and civil. Uniformity of opinion is inconsistent 
with the freedom of the human mind, and the nature of man. 
It cannot be produced without absolute despotism on the part of 



ON GOVERNMENT. 109 

the government and priesthood, and a system of education and 
discipline which reduces the mind to the most abject slavery. 

The common law of England grew out of, and is founded upon, 
the feudal institutions of the Norman conquerors. The law regu- 
lating the descent of personal estate, the principles of equity, 
jurisprudence and of international law — and the rules for the 
construction of contracts, were borrowed from the Roman civil 
law. The maritime law, much of the system of commercial law, 
and the laws relating to partnerships and associations, were bor- 
rowed from the laws of continental Europe. The common law 
courts have been for centuries, silently borrowing principles of 
law and justice from courts of equity, and from all those several 
sources, and engrafting them upon the common law, without 
giving credit ; and the British Parliament has pursued the same 
policy. Whatever virtues the institutions and laws of Great 
Britain possess, are mostly owing to those causes and sources, 
and to the free spirit and influence of the Protestant Dissenters, 
and of the Presbyterians of Scotland. With the exception of 
the system of trial by jury, and the emancipation of children at 
twenty-one years of age from the control of their parents, very 
little good ever sprung from Norman feudalism, or from the 
institutions of our Saxon ancestors — and none from the Episco- 
pal Hierarchy. 

The civil and political liberty of modern nations, has arisen 
from the spirit of free inquiry inculcated by the Protestant reli- 
gion, from inventions and improvements in the mechanic arts, 
the dissemination of the scriptures, and of science and informa- 
tion by means of the press, and the principles of free toleration 
on all subjects of government, science, and morals as well as 
religion, established generally by the Protestants during the 16th 
and 17th centuries. 

The following great and important eras may be marked in 
British history, whose effects are manifest at this day, and perhaps 
will be for centuries to come. First, the Norman Conquest in 
1066 ; secondly, the quarrel of Henry VIII. with the Pope in 
1533, soon after the commencement of the reformation; thirdly, 
the meeting of the Long Parliament in 1640, and the reform of 
abuses by it ; fourthly, the deposition of James II. and the eleva- 
tion to the throne, of William and Mary, in 1688, and immdiately 
after the revocation of the edict of Nantes ; and fifthly, the gene- 
ral introduction of machinery and of the steam engine, about the 
time of the commencement of the American revolution, in 1775. 
The first was an era that introduced despotism ; the four last 
have all contributed to advance the cause of civil and religious 



110 ON GOVERNMENT. 

liberty, the progress of improvement, civilization, wealth and 
population. 

Sec. 8. Character of the House of Lords. 

The House of Peers of the united kingdoms of Great Britain 
and Ireland, has been generally treated as an assembly of here- 
ditary nobility ; as composed of members who have inherited 
their rank, station and political power. This is true in part only ; 
more nominally than in substance, for nearly all the leading, talent- 
ed, and influential members who prepare the business of that house, 
direct its proceedings, and control its action, hold their seats by 
election of some sort, or direct appointment, and not by descent. 
The American Almanac for 1834, gives a list of the Peers, their 
respective births, and the date of the creation of each hereditary 
Peerage. On comparing their births with the date of the crea- 
tion of their titles, I conclude that about 200 of them including 
the bishops, held their seats by election or appointment, and 227 by 
descent. Of the whole number, there was not one who held his title by 
descent from one of the Norman Barons, or from, any Peer created, 
during the llth, \2th, or first half of the 13th century ; but two, 
from Peers created during the last half of the 13th century ; nine 
held titles created during the 14th and 15th centuries ; forty-two 
held titles created during the 16th and first eighty-eight years of 
the 17th century ; fifty held titles created between the revolution 
of 1688, and the death of G-eorge II. in 1760 ; and no less than 
two hundred and forty-six, held titles created between the years 
1760 and 1833 ; making 349 hereditary Peers. There were also 
four Royal Dukes, 16 representative Peers of Scotland elected for 
one term of Parliament only, 28 from Ireland elected for life, two 
Archbishops and twenty-four bishops of England, and four repre- 
sentative bishops of Ireland ; making in all 427 members. About 
half of the 246 created between the years 1760 and 1S33, were 
then living, which added to the 44 elected for Scotland and Ire- 
land, and the 30 Bishops made nearly two hundred. Only a 
trifle over half of the whole number held their seats and their titles 
by descent. 

The Peerage has long been the great object of ambition of the 
most talented men of the kingdom; including lawyers, physi- 
cians, military and naval officers, authors, commercial men, 
bankers, and manufacturers, as well as clergymen. It is re- 
garded as the greatest and highest mark of distinction which they 
can attain ; and very few have attained it, until they have distin- 
guished themselves by valiant deeds in arms, or the exhibition of a 
luperior order of intellect in civil life. Very few are made Peers 
until they have attained the age of forty-five or fifty years, and 



ON GOVERNMENT. Ill 

often sixty. Even the Duke of Wellington was not raised to the 
Peerage until after his splendid victories in Spain, and when he 
was 45 years old ; Lord Lyndhurst was 55 years old ; Lord Sto- 
well, 76 ; Lord Eldon, 62 ; and Lord Brougham, 51 years old ; 
Lord Nelson, Lord Vincent, and Lord Duncan, were all of ple- 
beian descent, and raised to the Peerage after they had distin- 
guished themselves by the most splendid naval victories of the 
age. Lord Hood also, and several others were raised to the 
Peerage on account of their distinguished naval sevices. The 
greater part of the naval officers of Great Baitain have descended 
from commoners ; a much larger proportion of the military offi- 
cers, are sons of the nobility, who are generally more desirous of 
enjoying their ease, and the fruits of luxury, than to acquire mil- 
itary fame and science by toil and labor. This may account for 
the fact, that much fewer of their military, than of their naval 
officers, have distinguished themselves ; and that their armies in 
in America, as well as in Europe, except under the Duke of "Well- 
ington, and a few others, have not been very efficient or success- 
ful. 

The chief strength and ability of the House of Peers, like the 
Senate of ancient Rome, is in those members who have obtained 
their seats by election, or appointment, on account of their dis- 
tinguished services, or great talents. Sir Robert Peel who had 
more influence upon the measures of government, than any other 
man has had since the death of Mr. Pitt, was a commoner, the 
son of a distinguished cotton manufacturer. Lords Castlereah, 
Liverpool, Wellington, Grey, and Messrs. Addington and Can- 
ning, and nearly every prime minister of Great Britain during 
the present century, was by birth a commoner ; and during that 
period, no Peer by descent, and no son of the royal family, has 
been recognized as a man of the first order of talents. 

The stimulus of ambition is equally great in a republican form 
of government, as in a monarchy or an aristocracy. 

It is therefore safe to say, that Great Britain is not indebted to 
the hereditary Peerage, nor to the landed, clerical, or legal aris- 
tocracy, for any part of her present prosperity, wealth and 
power; but on the contrary, that her prosperity, wealth, and 
power, are owing to her manufacturing, mining, and commercial 
industry and enterprise ; and to the talents, sagacity, genius, and 
energy of the aristocracy arising from these classes ; and that the 
nation has arisen to greatness, in spite of the grievous burthens 
and oppressions imposed on the people by the privileged classes. 
The relativa power in the nation of the manufacturing, commer- 
cial, and mining classes, has been increasing for a century past, 
until they seem to have fairly gained the ascendency, and achieved 



112 ON GOVERNMENT. 

a victory over the hereditary and landed aristocracy ; and the re- 
sult is the relief of the people from the oppressive influence of 
the Corn Laws. This will have as great an influence upon the 
prosperity and progress of the British nation, as upon the com- 
forts of the poor and the laboring classes ; and render it more 
necessary for France and the nations of the continent, as well as 
the United States, to give adequate, and perhaps additional pro- 
tection to their domestic industry. 

Sec. 9. On party combinations, and the frauds perpetrated by 
them. 

I have heretofore alluded to the great and pernicious influences 
of party combinations in forming and controlling public opinion, 
and destroying all freedom of mind on the part of individuals. 
With the exception of the Jacobin Clubs of France during the 
early period of the revolution, there is perhaps no country where 
party combinations have been more permanent, and more power- 
ful, than in the United States. Such have been their power and 
influence that very few men have been long successsul as politi- 
cians, unless they were willing to sacrifice their independence of 
mind, thought, and action, and make all their acts and professions 
conform to the last published creed of the party to which they 
are attached, and acknowledge fealty to the party leaders. If any 
man not at the head of one of the great political parties, mani- 
fests the least independence of mind, he is looked upon with sus- 
picion, and is often denounced as a political heretic, by the lead- 
ers of the party to which he belongs. Devotion to the party r is 
regarded as a substitute for patriotism; the principal object of 
party leaders seems to be, not to promote the interest and welfare 
of the nation, but the party ; their constant appeals are made tc 
party prejudice, and party creeds, and not to reason or public opin- 
ion, and the chief inquiry is, what will be popular and strengthen 
the party, and not, what will benefit the country. Such is the 
tendency of party combinations, and party spirit, that our elec- 
tions seem to be a mere scramble for office ; and very little regard 
is paid to the character, or qualifications of candidates, provided 
they are popular, devoted to the party, and have intellectual 
capacity to subserve its interests. 

The principal part of this evil is the natural result of our sys- 
tem of elections ; whereby the minority of the people in every 
election district are entirely disfranchised ; and an inducement 
held out, too great for the virtue of political partisans to with- 
stand, to attempt to defraud their political opponents of their 
rights of suffrage, by an unfair mode of forming election districts, 
the system of general ticket, and other devices of like character. 



ON GOVERNMENT. 113 

By a fraudulent system of forming election districts in Obio, tlio 
party in the minority, elected one of their partisans to the United 
States Senate in 1836. Other instances might be enumerated. 

Sec. 10. Evils of the system of elections by general ticket, and 
a remedy suggested. 

The system adopted in the states of New Hampshire, New 
Jersey, Georgia, Alabama and Missouri, and persisted in, for 
several years by some of these states in violation of an express 
act of Congress, passed in 1842, of electing the whole congres- 
sional delegation by general ticket, is still more iniquitous in its 
effects, than the most odious gerrymandering ; in as much as it en- 
tirely disfranchises, all thevoters of the state ivho belong to the mi- 
nority party, and gives them no representation whatever in Con- 
gress, in either House. The same evil exists in the election of 
members to the State Legislature ; the minority of the voters in 
the several election districts are not represented at all in one 
branch of the Legislature, and generally not in either branch. 
Take the city of New York for an example prior to 1846. It 
was represented in the Assembly of the State for many years, by* 
ten or twelve members, all of whom were usually elected by one 
of the great political parties, and represented the peculiar opin- 
ion, principles, and wishes of the members of that party, but did 
not represent either the opinions, principles, interests, or wishes 
of the other party. The city also, with a few small counties, 
composed a Senatorial district, and the same party which was in 
the majority in the city, constituted a majority in the Senatorial 
district, so that the voetrs of the same party who were represented 
in the Assembly, were represented also in the Senate, while the 
voters of the minority party were not represented at all, in either 
branch of the Legislature. This evil was partially corrected in 
the new constitutisn of 1846, by the formation of single Senato- 
rial and single Assembly districts. Though the whig voters in 
the State of Michigan, as indicated by the vote of 1S42, 1843 
and 1844, constituted about 45 per cent, of all the voters, and 
the democratic voters but little over 50 per cent., yet during 
those three years, the whigs did not elect a single member of the 
Senate, were totally unrepresented in that body, and had only 
from three to ten representatives in the other House. There are 
several states where the democratic party have been equally un- 
represented, or but partially represented in proportion to their 
numbers. 

The principle on which our government is based, is that all the 
voters shall be equally represented, as far as practicable, in the 
law making councils ; that the peculiar opinions, wishes, interests 



114 ON GOVERNMENT. 

and views of public policy of each individual, as well as of every 
class of individuals, shall be fairly and as near equally represented 
as possible. This mode of giving a majority the whole represen- 
tation, and disfranchising the minority, is contrary to the whole 
theory on which our government is founded. Its tendency is to 
foster party spirit, faction, bargain, intrigue, and corruption ; to 
encourage political combinations ; to give great power and influ- 
ence to party leaders ; and to depress individual talent, individual 
efforts, and honesty of purpose. 

The same evil exists in the organization of all our banking, 
railroad and other incorporated companies, with the exception of 
a very few, in which a sovereign state or the nation is a party. 
In these few excepted cases, such as the two national banks 
created by Congress, in which the United States held a portion 
of the stock, the right was reserved to the nation to choose several 
of the Directors, in proportion to its amount of stock, and the 
other stockholders chose the remaining directors. In all other 
cases, the holders of a majority of the stock choose all the direct- 
ors, and have the whole control and management of all the busi- 
ness of the corporation ; and the holders of the minority of the 
stock, though it may amount to forty-nine per cent, of the whole, 
have no voice in the matter, and no right even to examine the 
books, papers, or proceedings of the directors, to barn whether 
the business is fairly or properly conducted or not. What facili- 
ties this power of the majority gives for secresy, favoritism, bar- 
gain, intrigue, speculation, corruption, fraud, and knavery ! This 
was proven by the difference between the management of the late 
United States Bank, while a national institution, and subject to 
the examination, and participation of the government directors in. 
its management, and the same Bank substantially, after it became 
a state institution, under the name of the United States Bank of 
Pennsylvania, and free from the examinations and influence of 
government directors. 

The framers of the Constitution of the United States provided 
that each elector of President and Vice President should cast his 
vote for two persons ; expecting that three, four or more persons 
would be voted for, as A. B. and C. or A. B. C. and D. ; that 
some of the same persons who voted for A. as their first choice, 
would vote for B., and some for C, for their second choice ; that 
some who voted for B., as their first choice, would reciprocate 
the compliment, and vote for A. as their second choice, and so 
on ; that the person having the greatest number of votes, would 
be elected President, and the next greatest Vice President. In 
this mode the majority would elect, and be represented by the 
President, and the minority would elect, and be represented by 



ON GOVERNMENT. 115 

the Vice President. But unfortunately in this design, they did 
not duly weigh the jealousy, cunning, management, and intrigue 
of political partisans. The error was, in allowing each elector to 
vote for two persons instead of one At the first and second 
elections, there was no contest for President, General Washington 
received a vote from each of the electors in 178S, aud from all 
"but three of them in 1792 ; John Adams received the votes of a 
majority and was elected Vice President. In 1796, there were 
138 electors ; 71 votes were cast for Adams, 69 for Thomas Jef- 
ferson, 59 for Thomas Pinckney, 30 for Aaron Burr, 48 scatter- 
ing, for diverse other persons. Mr. Adams was elected President, 
and Mr. Jefferson Vice President. Before the next election, 
party combinations were formed, and party lines strictly drawn, 
so that at the election of 1800, there being 138 electors, 73 of 
them voted for Jefferson and all the same persons for Burr ; and 
the remaining 65 electors, all voted for Adams, and 64 of them for 
Charles C. Pinckney. There being a tie between Jefferson and 
Burr, Jefferson was elected by the House of Representatives, 
President, and Burr Vice President. In this mode, the 73 elec- 
tors elected both President and Vice President, and the votes of 
the 65 were entirely lost. If each elector could have voted for but 
one man, instead of two, Jefferson would have been elected Presi- 
dent, and Adams Vice President ; and if this policy could have 
been carried out, and parties had been otherwise the same, Mr. 
Van Buren would have been elected President in 1836, and G-en. 
Harrison Vice President; and in 1840, the scale would have 
been turned, and Gen. Harrison elected President, and Van 
Buren Vice President ; and in such case, we should not have 
been either Burred or Tylerized. 

A policy of a similar character might be carried out in the 
election of nearly all the officers of government. In the election 
of members of the House of Representatives of the United States, 
each state might be divided into districts, so that each district 
should elect two or three members, generally three. In a district 
electing three members, let each voter cast his vote for two per- 
sons ; and in a district electing but two members, let each person 
vote for but one ; and provide that in the first case, the three 
persons having the highest number of votes, should be elected, 
and in the second case, the two highest. In this mode, in the 
treble district, the majority would elect two, and the minority but 
one. The same rule would apply equally well to the election of 
Senators, and members of the lower house of the several State 
Legislatures ; Aldermen of cities ; trustees, assessors, commis- 
bioners of highways, of the poor, &c. of towns ; and to commis- 



116 ON GOVERNMENT. 

sioners, boards of auditors, &c. of counties, and to many other 
officers. 

This mode of election would secure to the minority a partial 
representation, a voice, participation, and influence upon all the 
measures of the government, and give them a check upon the 
majority, who would still unavoidably have a larger representation 
than their numbers would justly entitle them to. At the Presi- 
dential election of 1836, only about 51 per cent., or two per cent, 
majority of the popular vote was cast for Mr. Van Buren ; in 
1S40, Gen. Harrison was thought to have an overwhelming 
majority, and yet it was but 53 per cent, or 6 per cent, majority 
of the popular vote ; and in 1844, Mr. Polk was elected Presi- 
dent, and Mr. Dallas, Yice President, by a plurality only, and 
less than a majority of the whole popular vote. What a bur- 
lesque upon our representative system of government, that by 
means of party combinations, and the schism produced by a few 
fanatics, a minority of the voters should elect both President and 
Yice President, and the voice and will of the majority should be 
entirely defeated ! Yet this is the practical result of almost 
every election under our state governments, from the election of 
Governor down to township constables. The system itself lies at 
the foundation of the evil ; and encourages party combinations, 
party machinery, and often gross frauds. The most active, cun- 
ning, bargaining, managing and adroit partisans, who make politics 
a trade and their principal study, acquire an ascendency in all 
political parties. Under such a system, party leaders elected to 
office, have little or no time to study the great principles of 
government, of morals, political economy, legislation, and general 
jurisprudence, in order to qualify themselves to discharge pro- 
perly the duties of important offices, but devote their time for 
years to party purposes, in order to entitle themselves to a por- 
tion of the spoils of political victory, and to the honors, emolu- 
ments, and sometimes the speculations of office. 

The system of elections here suggested, would have a tendency to 
weaken party combinations, prevent fraud, and place every candi- 
date before the people upon his own merits, and his own individual 
popularity ; and make it necessary for every one to qualify himself 
for any station he may desire, and to study the interests of the 
vjhole people, and not the interest of any political clique, faction, or 
party. It would be likely to secure to the people of every class 
and pursuit, a representation and an influence, approximating to 
equality, in the executive, as well as the legislative branches of 
the government, and in the administration of the laws in coun- 
ties, cities and townships. 

Similar principles might be applied to the election of the 



ON GOVERNMENT. 117 

directors of incorporated companies. Let us suppose that a com- 
pany, having a stock of $1,000,000, is to be managed by ten 
Directors : — let any of the stockholders who see fit so to do, 
having $100,000 stock, unite in the election of a director, and so 
on, until all have united, that can agree to do so ; and let the 
remaining stockholders elect by majorities the balance of the 
directors to be chosen. In this mode, all or nearly all the stock- 
holders would be fairly represented ; no esprit de corps would be 
likely to exist among the directors ; much favoritism and cor- 
ruption, and many frauds would be prevented by reason of 
jealousy, and fear of exposure from each other ; and the interest 
of the stockholders protected. 

Sec. 11. Effect of Anti-masonry — Anti-slavery ; native Ameri- 
canism — Catholicism and Mor monism upon our elections. 

Anti-masonry, abolitionism, and native-Americanism, all have 
too narrow a base, and their ideas and principles are too few, and 
too contracted, to serve as the foundation of a national political 
party. I do not intend to speak of the merits of these parties, 
and of the moral tendency of their principles so long as they act 
as moral associations, and thereby attempt to influence and give 
direction to public opinion, but refer simply to the fact, that their 
separate political organization is not adapted either to the nature 
or condition of man ; and can never have much effect, except to 
defeat the objects they profess to have in view. The fact that a 
third political party never did exist for any great length of time, 
in any age or country, is good evidence, that is not adapted to 
the condition of man, and never can be maintained. 

Political anti-masonry, not only drew the principal part of its 
members and friends from the then existing National Republican 
party, but it drove thousands of masons from that party, into the 
Jackson party, as an asylum, or protection from what they 
deemed the persecutions of anti-masonry. This not only served 
to strengthen, but to cement the bond of union, and increase the 
enthusiasm of that party, and make its power irresistible ; and it 
aided very much to re-elect Gen. Jackson in 1832, to perpetuate 
the power of the party, and to elect Mr. Van Buren as his 
successor in 1836. 

A strange concurrence of causes and circumstances contributed 
to secure to Mr. Polk in 1844, a meagre plurality over Mr. Clay 
of about 1 J per cent, of the popular vote for President. The prin- 
cipal of these causes were abolitionism and nativeism, (which dis- 
tracted and weakened the whig party); but the desire for an exten- 
sion of territory, party spirit, party organization, Catholicism, and 
lastly Mormonism, all contributed to increase the confidence and 



118 ON GOVERNMENT. 

strength of the democratic party. The motives of the Southern 
people were obvious ; they not only desired to increase and per- 
petuate their political power and control over the national 
government, by means of the admission of Texas, and their ascen- 
dency in the Senate ; but they also wished to increase the value 
of their slave property. Avarice and ambition, two of the 
strongest passions which can operate upon the human mind, con- 
curred to influence them in their course. 

The Catholics of the United States in 1844, according to their 
own claims, were over twelve hundred thousand, and probably did 
amount to ten or eleven hundred thousand; about 150,000 of 
whom voted, at least 96 per cent, or 144,000 for Mr. Polk, and 
not over 6,000 for Mr. Clay. The great mass of the Catholic 
population, at least nine tenths of it, have for many years, regu- 
larly voted with the democratic party ; and thereby they have 
secured, not only the election to office of great numbers of them- 
selves, and of persons most favorable to them, but have obtained 
many laws, favorable to the promotion of their peculiar religious 
opinions and tenets. A few of them, mostly in Maryland and 
and Louisiana, of English and French descent, who have been 
bred in the United States, and imbibed from their childhood the 
free protestant spirit of our political institutions, have kept them- 
selves independent of the political influence of their priesthood, 
and usually voted with the whig party ; but a much less number 
in 1844, than ever before. The Catholics, by a perfect unanimity 
of opinion and concurrence of action in political matters, have 
managed to acquire the balance of power between the two great 
political parties of the country ; and by acting with the democra- 
tic party, they gave Mr. Polk the ^entire vote of the states of 
Louisiana and Missouri ; with the aid of the abolitionists, they 
gave him the vote of the states of New York, Pennsylvania, Indi- 
ana, and Michigan ; and with the aid of the abolitionists and the 
the "Mormons, they gave him the vote of Illinois. They also 
gave him a* popular vote of about 10,000 in Ohio, ten or twelve 
thousand in Maryland, and many thousand in other states. By 
these means, they not only controlled the election of President, 
but also caused the election of a majority of the members of Con- 
gress, and of several of the state legislatures, and thereby secured 
to the democratic party, (of which they constitute about one 
eighth part,) the entire control of all the branches, executive, 
legislative, aud judicial, of the national government. The Mor- 
mons by connecting themselves with the democratic party in Illi- 
nois, aided -that party materially, obtained its support and protec- 
tion, and a city charter conferring on them extraordinary powers 
and privileges. 



ON GOVERNMENT. 110 

Such arc the natural effects of union and combination. What, 
on the other hand, have the abolitionists and Native Americans 
effected, by acting on the opposite principles of separation, dis- 
union, and raising their own political standard ? What a contrast 
between the policyof the Catholics, Mormons, and Anti-renters of 
New York, and that of the Abolitionists and Native Americans. 

The government of the Roman Catholic church, is an elective 
monarchy, nearly absolute ; supported by an ecclesiastical aristo- 
cracy, in which the people have not the slightest participation. 
"Why is this strong sympathy of feeling between the democratic 
party in this country, and the Catholics ? Is there any similarity 
between the principles of government of the Pope, and those of 
the democratic party, with its system of organization, party 
machinery, and proscriptive policy ? These are problems 
for my readers to solve ; I shall not attempt to discuss them. 

By the Constitution of the State of Illinois, aliens not natural- 
ized, are allowed all the political as well as the civil privileges of 
citizens, and are allowed to vote for all officers, national and 
state ; thus abolishing all real distinction between citizens and 
aliens ; and the state was admitted into the Union with this pro- 
vision in it more than thirty years since. What then could the 
Native Americans effect, if they should attain their object ? A 
mere nominal change of the naturalization laws. We have an 
immense unsettled country, and to give foreign emigrants who 
nettle amoDg us, civil privileges, such as the aid and protection of 
our laws, protection of person and property, and the right to hold 
and convey property, is right in itself, and cannot harm us. Such 
rights might safely be extended to them immediately after their 
arrival in our country ; but political rights are of a character very 
different. Citizenship does not imply the right of voting, for if 
it did, the citizenship of our females, children, and young men 
under 21 years old, would confer on them that right. 

To vote and participate in electing the rulers of the country, is 
the exercise of the highest right of citizenship, which man can 
possess ; and it is difficult to perceive, how it can be anything 
but a violation of the constitution of the United States, to allow 
aliens to vote. But the tendency of public opinion is towards 
liberalism — to extend the right of suffrage to all adult male 
immigrants, who have declared their intention of becoming citi- 
zens ; and so far as regards township officers in new settlements, 
where foreign immigrants constitute nearly the whole population, 
such extension seems necessary. 

Similar privileges might with propriety, be extended to Indians 
occupying reserves in States or Territories. They might have 
township governments organized, with the privilege of electiug 



120 ON GOVERNMENT. 

their own local officers, subject to the laws and government of the 
State or Territory. And as to the tribes of Indians who have 
been removed by the United States west of the Mississippi river, 
it seems but just as well as expedient, to organize a territorial 
government for them ; to appoint the highest grade of executive 
and judicial officers ; and allow them to elect a legislative assem- 
bly, and all local officers, and to legislate for themselves, to the 
same extent as other territories. Such a government would fur- 
nish the most effectual means of weaning them from their roving 
habits, and of encouraging them to adopt the habits and mode of 
living of the whites. 

Sec. 12. On the progress of civil liberty, and of reform in 
matters of government. 

The fundamental principles of the Protestant religion, which 
distinguish it from Catholicism, are freedom of thought, free in- 
quiry, and the right of private judgment. These are also ihe 
fundamental principles of political and civil liberty, of republican, 
democratic, and all free systems of government. The great 
reformation commenced by Luther, in the sixteenth century, was 
the germ of liberty, mental, civil and political, as well as religious. 
It sowed the seeds, and its principles prepared the way, for all 
the reforms in matters of government, from that time to tbe 
present. 

The great eras of reform in government, resulting from that 
cause, are as follows : — First, the general revolt of the Dutch 
provinces about the year 1576, which terminated in the estab- 
lishment of the Republic of the Seven United Provinces, or Hol- 
land. Secondly, the edict of Nantes, passed .by Henry IV. of 
France, in 1589, which allowed free toleration in religious mat- 
ters, to the Protestants of that kingdom. Thirdly, the reforms 
made by the Long Parliament of England, in 1641 and 1642. 
Fourthly, the glorious revolution in England of 1688. Fifthly, 
the great American revolution, which commenced in 1775, and 
terminated in establishing the independence of the United States, 
and the American constitutions, which had been adopted. Sixthly, 
the French revolution of 1798, which overturned popery and 
feudalism in France. Seventhly, the revolutions of the Spanish 
American provinces, which commenced in Mexico, Colombia, 
and Buenos Ayres, in the year 1810. Eighthly, the French revolu- 
tion of 1830. And ninthly, the revolutions of France, Germany, 
Prussia, Italy and Austria, in 1848. The cause of liberty and 
of civilization has been promoted by each and all of these great 
events. 

There is no reason to doubt that human laws and systems of 



ON GOVERNMENT. 121 

government, and all human institutions, as well as civilization, 
are progressive, and capable of a higher degree of perfection than 
has been yet attained. We do not look to the dark ages for light 
in matters of science, nor need we look to ancient precedents, 
much less to the dark ages of feudalism, for a good system of 
either law or government. The people of the United States 
changed and improved very much their laws, constitutions and 
forms of government, when they threw off the yoke of Groat 
Britain, and have been changing them from that time until the 
present ; adapting them to each other, to the condition and 
customs of the country, to the spirit of the age, and to the laws 
of nature. The opinion seems to be gaining strength and extend- 
ing to a larger proportion of the people, and to a greater number 
of the learned and professional classes, that our system of law and 
government, and particularly the former, admits at the present 
time of great improvement. We hear of constitutional conventions 
and propositions to reform the laws or the constitution, or both, 
in many of the states. In fact, I may say, the impression is 
becoming very general, that in the formation of the first Ameri- 
can constitutions, statutes and forms of proceedings in the 
administration of justice, too much was borrowed and retained 
from the laws and usages of monarchcial and aristocratic England ; 
and hence the anxiety for reform — for constitutional reform, 
executive reform, legislative reform, judicial reform, and legal 
reform. 

The Institutes, Code and Pandects of Justinian, collected and 
adopted in the sixth century, constituted the best and most com- 
plete system of law, and the greatest achievement in jurisprudence, 
of ancient times. The patricians as a class, with all their 
exclusive and aristocratic privileges, had passed away ; all the 
people were equal in view of the law, and enjoyed equal privileges, 
except that slavery still existed, and the superior officers of the 
empire, and the governors of provinces, had too great powers. 
With these exceptions, the laws were founded on the laws of 
nature and the principles of equality, and equally protected the 
rights of all. 

The common law of England, on the contrary, grew up as a 
system of usages and rules to secure the exclusive privileges of 
the Norman barons, and was and is essentially aristocratic in its 
character — treating the crimes and offences of the commonalty, 
and their default in the payment of debts, with terrible severity 
—giving against the peers of the realm, no substantial remedies 
for the collection of debts, and making the administration of 
justice so excessively expensive, as to amount to a denial of 
justice to the poor. The punishment for the inferior grade of 
G 



122 ON GOVERNMENT. 

crimes, was, until recently, so severe and abhorrent to feelings 
of humanity, that courts of justice were induced to lean in favor 
of persons charged with crime, until they built up a system of 
technical rules, which, when applied in this country, renders it 
very difficult and almost impossible to convict the guilty. 

The judiciary act of the United States of 1789, is a model of 
excellence in its style, and in many of its provisions. It made 
some improvements upon the common law modes of proceeding, 
and contributed greatly as a model to improve the jurisprudence 
of the several states. 

The Napoleon Code is the greatest achievement in jurispru- 
dence in modern times, and has served as a model for the nations 
of the earth. It was followed by the Revised Statutes of New 
York of 1S30, by those of Massachusetts of 1836, and by im- 
proved revisions of statutes in many of the other states. The 
Napoleon and Louisiana codes of procedure, suggested the new 
code of practice of New York of 1848 ; and there seems to be 
a disposition in many of the states, at the present time, to abolish 
the old common law system of remedies, pleading, and practice, 
and much of the law of evidence, and to adopt a system better 
adapted to the attainment of justice. 

The general impression was, until recently, that there are but 
three departments of government ; the legislative, executive, and 
judicial ; and that the appointment of all judicial officers, and of 
all subordinate executive officers, properly belongs to the chief 
magistrate as a part of the executive power. This is a monarch- 
ical idea, which prevails wherever monarchy exists. It forms a 
part of the system of the centralization of power. Though it is 
entirely anti-republican, yet it generally prevailed in the United 
States, until about the commencement of the present century ; 
and in all the early American constitutions, the power to appoint 
judicial, and nearly all inferior executive officers, was vested in 
the Governor, Governor and Senate, or Governor and Council ; 
and in framing the Constitution of the United States, the same 
policy prevailed. The truth is, the appointing or elective power 
really constitutes a distinct department or division of power, 
which, in a republican or democratic system, is, in most cases, 
properly vested in the people, though it may be vested in the 
Legislature, or in the Chief Magistrate, either alone or in connec- 
tion with a Senate or Council. 

The public men and educated classes of the United States, 
seemed at first to distrust the popular branch of the legislative 
power, and the capacity of the people to select the greatest 
part of their rulers ; and to repose implicit confidence in Chief 
Magistrates, Cabinet Officers, Senators, and Judges. Hence they 



ON GOVERNMENT. 123 

gajre the President and the G-overnors of States, a qualified veto 
upon the proceedings of Congress, and of most of the State Legis- 
lations; and took from the people and conferred on them, with 
the concurrence of the Senate, the appointment of all judicial, 
and nearly all inferior executive officers, in accordance with the 
practice of the monarchical governments of Europe. They also 
in most of the states, as well as in the federal government, pro- 
vided for the appointment of high judicial officers during life. 
This is anti-republican. The supposition seemed to be, that the 
President and Grovernors are safer depositaries of power, than 
Congress, the State Legislatures, or the people ; that the only 
danger from the judiciary arises from the dependence of the 
judges on either the executive, the legislature, or the people ; 
that when they are entirely independent and irresponsible, they 
are most likely to be pure, capable, and impartial ; and therefore 
they made the judges independent of the people, and of all the 
other departments of the government. The experience of the 
country during the last sixty years, has dissipated many of these 
ideas as delusions. The education of the people has been improved, 
and their knowledge increased ; and as they have gradually 
acquired more power experience has proven their capacity to 
use it, as well at least as it has been used by chief magistrates, 
and cabinet officers. 

The principal evils of all governments arise from the passions, 
ignorance, and selfishness of man. Selfishness prompts public 
men to use their official power and influence to promote the inter- 
est and aggrandizement of themselves and their personal favor- 
ites, regardless, in many instances, of the rights of others, and of 
the general welfare of the community. Four things or conditions 
are required to check selfishness and prevent corruption in public 
officers ; — first, responsibility made effective by frequent elections 
or appointments ; — second, incapacity to act in any matter in 
which they are interested ; third, publicity of their acts, and rea- 
sons in support of them ; and lastly, a sound public opinion and 
perfect freedom in the expression of opinions. Secrecy is incon- 
sistent with responsibility ; it prevents the operation of public 
opinion, and is a shield to all kinds of selfish purposes and 
schemes — to intrigue, corruption, fraud, and crime. All legisla- 
tive bodies and courts of justice sit, in this country, with open 
doors. Their purity can be maintained, tyranny prevented, and 
individual rights secured, only by means of the publicity of their 
proceedings, and the salutary influence of public opinion. 

Nearly all special legislation is brought forward and supported 
by legislators, to promote either their own personal interests, or 
the interests of their friends. It is prompted by personal con- 



124 ON GOVERNMENT. 

siderations and favoritism, rather than by a regard for the public 
good ; and hence it is frequently injurious to the public, and gen- 
erally corrupting in its tendency. No man is allowed to be a 
judge in his own case, or in cases where his family or near rela- 
tives are interested ; why should he be allowed to legislate for the 
special benefit of himself and his friends ? 

The tendency of the public mind in the United States, is to 
decentralize and make more popular and local, the powers of gov- 
ernment ; to prohibit special legislation, and to simplify the laws 
and the administration of justice, as far as practicable. 

Selfishness and the corrupt tendencies of centralization have 
been checked, and the evils of party spirit diminished, in New 
York and several other states, by stripping the Governor and 
Senate of all patronage, making nearly all oflicers, executive, 
administrative, and judicial, as well as legislative, elective by the 
people in their respective counties and districts, providing for the 
election of legislators by single districts, prohibiting all special 
legislation, and making all power local, as far as practicable and 
consistent with general laws. 

We have built up in this country, and are still improving, a 
noble system of constitutional and of federal law, which will be 
a guide to the nations of the earth, as long as this globe shall be 
inhabited by man. The boundaries of power are more accurately 
defined and better understood in the United States, than they 
were fifty years since ; and much better than they are, or ever 
were, in the old world. 



CHAPTER VI. 

On the nature and constituents of wealth, and how 

PRODUCED AND ACCUMULATED. On VALUE, EXCHANGEABLE 

value and price capital, and materials, as distin- 
guished from products for consumption. production, 

the result of the combined action of labor and capi- 
tal, both material and immaterial, upon raw materials. 
— Wealth accumulated by industry and frugality. — 
Pursuits personified, their relative importance. 

Sec. 1. Basis of Values, — Nature and character of our wants. 

What constitutes wealth, and what constitutes value, and the 
measure of both wealth and value, are questions which meet the 
learner at the very threshold of his inquiries, on the subject of 
political economy. These questions should be settled in the 
beginning, as landmarks by which to verify and correct all his 
observations and deductions. 

It is obvious that both wealth and value are based on the wants 
of man, and the capacity of things to satisfy those wants, which 
constitutes their utility. As our wants are partly material and 
partly immaterial, so values may be divided in like manner, into 
material and immaterial. Our physical or material wants are 
founded in, and arise from, the appetites and necessities of our 
nature. Our immaterial wants comprise those of an intellectual, 
moral, educational and social character. So far as our wants, both 
material and immaterial, are of such a character that their satis- 
faction tends to promote our general welfare and happiness, they 
may be said to be natural and real — but so far as they depend 
entirely on opinion, fashion, custom, habit, and ambition, they 
are factitious. Many of our wants are of a mixed character, being 
natural and real wants, with factitious refinements and matters of 
taste and ornament engrafted upon them. Our physical wants 
are few in number, and depend much on climate, situation, and 
the season of the year ; but our immaterial, factitious, and mixed 
wants, multiply themselves to infinity, with the development of 
our intellectual, social, and moral faculties, and the improvement 
of our condition. 

Those things which are necessary to satisfy our physical wants, 
are called necessaries ; or the necessaries of life. They comprise 



126 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WE4.LTH. 

such food, drink, clothing, fuel, housing, and lodging of a com- 
mon quality, as are necessary to sustain life, and promote the 
health, strength, and activity of persons of ordinary health and 
constitution, to the highest degree which their nature admits of. 

The comforts of life include such things as are necessary to 
satisfy the most of our mixed wants, so far as material things are 
concerned. They comprise a finer and better quality of things 
of the same or a similar character as those denominated necessa- 
ries — being such as tend to increase human enjoyment, to promote 
the health of the young, the feeble, and the delicate, and to 
increase their longevity. 

Luxuries correspond to our factitious, and to some also of our 
mixed wants. They comprise matters of art, taste, and ornament, 
beautiful, elegant, and magnificent things that please the eye ; 
delicious food and drink, that gratify the appetite ; music that 
delights the ear ; reading, riding, and travel for pleasure, and 
other intellectual amusements, that excite, occupy, and interest 
the mind, 

Sec. 2. The utility of luxuries is 'partly real^ but mostly factitious. 
In as much as many luxuries tend to stimulate the mind and 
ambition of mankind, to cultivate their taste, and to increase 
their activity and industry, the most of them have a certain 
degree of utility ; that is, whenever they are adapted to the con- 
dition and circumstances of the individual — are confined within 
so narrow limits as not to interfere with his duties, and the full 
enjoyment of all the comforts as well as the necessaries of life — 
and do not interfere with his general welfare, and that of the com- 
munity, they have a certain degree of utility in the strict and 
philosophical sense of the word. (Yide ante Sec. 5, of Chap. I.J 
Utility, like our wants, may be divided into real and factitious — 
that is, whatever has a capacity to satisfy our real wants, and 
tends to promote our general welfare and happiness, has a real 
utility ; on the contrary, whatever tends to satisfy only our facti- 
tious wants, has only a factitious utility ; while those things 
which satisfy our mixed wants, have a real utility to some extent, 
depending on their character and adaptation to the condition and 
circumstances of the person. The wealthy can indulge in luxuries 
and not affect their ability to enjoy all the necessaries and com- 
forts of life. Luxuries of a rational character may, therefore, aid 
in developing their intellectual and social faculties — add to their 
enjoyments in the aggregate — and promote their general welfare. 
But when the middling classes indulge in expensive luxuries, they 
do so at the sacrifice of other things, that would be much more 
valuable to them ; and thus they sacrifice a greater, for a less 



^In i'HE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 127 

good, and prejudice their general welfare. The utility as well as 
the value of everything is, therefore, rather relative than positive, 
and is greater to one person than to another. This view of the 
subject shows that the real utility and value of many luxuries 
are much greater to the wealthy, than they are to the middling 
classes ; but to all classes, their utility and value, are more or 
less factitious. 

Every person should supply himself first with necessaries ; 
secondly, with the comforts of life, and with luxuries of an intel- 
lectual character ; and lastly with such other luxuries to a reason- 
able and limited extent, as are in accordance with his condition 
and circumstances in life — but should never indulge in any luxu- 
ries unless he can do so, without injury to the general welfare of 
himself or his family, and without setting a public example of an 
injurious tendency. 

Sec. 3. On values — their character and hasis. 

The character of a thing (as I have said) depends on its utility, 
or capacity to satisfy our wants. The utility of a thing is not 
however perceived by instinct ; it must be discovered by experi- 
ence, observation, attention, judgment, and the deductions of 
reason. Value, therefore, depends first on our wants ; secondly 
on the utility or capacity of a thing to satisfy our wants ; thirdly, 
on the recognition of its utility ; and fourthly, on the demand for 
it, in consequence of its utility, or supposed utility. 

As one necessary, and one style or kind of luxury may be sub- 
stituted for another ; and there is a wide field of choice between 
different articles and modes, and also a great variety of opinions 
and tastes ; it follows that the demand for the necessaries and 
comforts of life, as well as for luxuries, depends much on the 
habits of life, education, customs, and opinions of different people 
and communities, and is liable to fluctuate with the opinions, 
fashions, and customs of the day ; and that their exchangeable 
value must fluctuate accordingly. Hence all the products of 
human industry have a value which is more or less increased or 
diminished by fashion, custom, and public opinion, and is there- 
fore factitious. 

When exchanges are introduced, things which can satisfy the 
wants of man may serve us in two ways, first directly, when we 
employ them for our own use, and secondly indirectly, when we 
exchange them for other commodities, or sell them for money. 
"Whatever can be exchanged for something else that is useful, has 
an exchangeable value. This value depends not on the opinion 
of the producer, but upon that of the consumer. This value is 
direct or indirect, depending on the fact whether the purchaser 



128 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

buys for his individual use, or to sell again at a profit. A thing 
may have a direct value for use by reason of its utility f without 
an exchangeable value ; but it cannot have an indirect value, 
unless it has a direct one also — and as soon as the consumers of a 
tiling cease to acknowledge its utility, the demand ceases, and 
with it, its exchangeable value ceases also. 

The direct utility of a thing also depends on the want of it, and 
the demand for it ; for however great may be its capacity to satis- 
fy the wants of man, if it is not needed, and there is no present 
want that can be satisfied by it, its utility is prospective only ; 
and if it perishes rapidly, like vegetables and fruits, and like 
meats and grain also in hot climates, it often happens that it is 
of no use whatever to the community. The utility of things as 
well as their exchangeable value depends, therefore, on the want 
of them, and the market for them. 

The value of a thing depends on the demand for it, but the 
price depends on the proportion which the supply bears to the 
demand, and depends as much on the one as the other. When a 
farmer, mechanic, or producer of any class, produces more of any 
article than he wants for his own consumption, if he cannot 
exchange the surplus for something else, it is of no value whatever 
to him ; and if he has only a partial market for his surplus pro- 
ducts, just so much of that surplus as exceeds the market, is 
totally worthless to the community, and if thrown upon a market 
already surfeited, serves to depress the price of the whole supply 
in the market, and really reduces, instead of increasing its aggre- 
gate market value. 

Sec. 4. On wealth and its basis. 
Wealth consists of values, and may be divided into material 
and immaterial. Immaterial values and wealth comprise the 
intellectual, moral, industrial, and social faculties and habits of 
the people ; together with their customs, laws, and institutions. 
Material wealth comprises all material things which have either 
a present or prospective exchangeable value. As utilities and 
values both material and immaterial, are divided into real and 
factitious, so the wealth which they constitute should be divided 
in like manner ; and as the utility and value of luxuries including 
expensive and magnificent dwelling-houses, and splendid furniture 
and equipages, are more or less factitious, so much of the wealth 
which they comprise, is also factitious. Intoxicating liquors to 
be used as a beverage have an exchangeable value, and therefore, 
are reckoned as a part of the wealth of a country ; but as their 
use does not promote, or tend to promote, the general welfare of 
the consumer, but the contrary, they have no real utility, and 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 129 

their value, and the wealth which they constitute, is entirely fac- 
titious, as much so as that of an obscene picture or book. It has 
been shown that the real utility and value of many luxuries are 
relative ; being much greater to the wealthy who are able to have 
them, than they are to the middling classes ; the wealth which 
they constitute, is therefore relative, and more or less factitious ; 
depending on the condition and circumstances of the person using 
them. 

Sec. 5. Definition and uses of capital. 

As the question embraces the subject of capital, we must 
enquire what is capital ? Adam Smith says the general stock of 
a country is divided into three portions : 

1st, That portion which is reserved for consumption and affords 
no revenue to the country ; consisting of food, clothes, household 
furniture, dwelling houses, horses and carriages, used for pleasure, 
pictures and all such things as contribute directly to human com- 
fort or pleasure ; and do not aid in producing or adding to the 
value of material objects which are desired by man. 

2d. That portion generally denominated fixed capital ; consist- 
ing of material agents, instruments and powers which aid man iu 
producing or adding to the value of such material objects as are 
desired by mankind. Fixed capital includes, first, lands, and all 
the stock, improvements and instruments of husbandry, and all 
the tools, machinery and buildings used in mining, the mechanic 
arts, manufactures and commerce, navigation and transportation, 
the fisheries, and the forest. 2d. It includes the acquired and 
useful abilities of all the community. A useful education costs a 
real expense, and constitutes a part of the fixed capital of indivi- 
duals, and also that of the community to which they belong. 

3d. That portion usually denominated circulating capital ; 
which comprises materials to be manufactured, the products of 
agriculture, mining and manufactures, the forest and fisheries, 
and the money or coin of the country. 

Property may be divided into, first, — natural materials and 
products — and secondly, artificial materials and products. The 
first include all things in their natural state, and all the natural 
resources of a country ; the second comprise all things produced 
or converted into a certain form, and fitted for use, by human 
industry. I 

Property may also be divided into, first, stock or materials to 
be manufactured and fitted for use ; secondly, products for use 
and consumption, which do not aid industry, nor yield a revenue 
to the country ; and thirdly, capital which comprises products, 
materials, and natural agents, converted into instruments and 
6* 



1H0 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

means to aid the industry of man, and thereby produce a 
revenue. 

Though property consists of material things, yet the most of 
the value of them, which constitutes them property, is added to 
them, by the industry of man. Wild and unimproved lands in a 
new country do not constitute capital ; but improvements made 
on them to fit them for production, and to secure the crops, and 
also the natural properties of the land when improved, do consti- 
tute capital. It is so with mines. In their natural state, they 
are not capital ; but when opened, drained, and preparations have 
been made to extract the ores, they are converted into capital. 
It is so with water power, and all natural resources. They do 
not constitute capital, until they have been converted to use by 
the industry of man. 

Capital should be sub-divided into material and immaterial 
(the former only constituting property). All capital, both 
material and immaterial, is fixed, that is unchangeable in its 
character and functions. What Smith and his disciples call 
circulating capital, consists, 1st, of raw products in the hands of 
the manufacturer to be worked into something else ; 2d, of 
agricultural products for consumption ; 3d, of the finished pro- 
ducts of the manufacturer, mostly in the hands of the merchant 
for sale ; and 4thly, money or coin. 

All they put down as circulating capital, with the exception of 
money, consists only of products for consumption or manufacture. 
It is true that all products in the hands of merchants for sale, 
perform the functions of capital to them, but not to the commu- 
nity. So dwelling houses, theatres, gambling houses, &c;, in the 
hands of a landlord who lets them for rent, perform the functions 
of capital to him, but not to the community; because to him they 
yield a revenue ; but they do not add to the aggregate revenue 
of the community. They merely take from the tenant what is 
paid to the landlord. So household furniture, and even clothing, 
may be rented and yield an income to the owner, the same as 
horses and carriages let for pleasure ; and yet those articles must 
all be ranked as products of consumption, and not capital ; be- 
cause they do not add to the aggregate revenue of the community, 
nor increase the revenue of the person who hires them, however 
much they may increase his comforts. 

The reader will perceive inconsistency apparent on the face of 
the positions of Dr. Smith. Provisions he calls alternately articles 
or stock for consumption, and circulating capital. His arguments 
are all founded on the assumption, that the capitalist and laborer 
are necessarily different persons, and that the provisions furnished 
by the former, are necessary to enable the latter to labor, and 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 131 

therefore constitute a species of capital. In our free States, three- 
fourths of the laborers furnish their own capital, work for them- 
selves, and unite the characters of capitalist and laborer. Do the 
provisions this laboring capitalist and his family consume, consti- 
tute a circulating capital ? If so, then why are not his clothes 
and furniture also capital, and his grog likewise, if he have any ? 
Stock, or products accumulated for consumption, are here con- 
founded with circulating capital ; and this confusion runs through 
the writings of all the disciples of Smith. Mr. Say has invented 
the awkward and inconsistent phrases " productive consump- 
tion," and " unproductive consumption." A grosser misnomer 
never crept into human language. 

The words production and consumption express opposite mean- 
ings. One is the Creation, and the other the Destruction of 
Yalue. 

All the free trade school seem to forget, that food is necessary 
to support life. Nothing is strictly capital, except what comes 
within Smith's definition of fixed capital ; that is, natural 
agents, instruments, potcer and faculties, vjhich aid man in pro- 
ducing or adding to the value of such material objects as are desired 
by mankind. All else are products or materials for manufacture 
or consumption ; the latter may contribute to the comforts and 
enjoyments of man, but do not aid production. Capital must be 
confined to instruments, agents, powers, and faculties, which 
aid in production, and does not include the thing produced. 

Immaterial capital includes the powers and faculties of the 
mind, together with the knowledge, science and experience ac- 
quired, as a guide to direct the industry of man, and make it pro- 
ductive. It also includes the whole process of an industrial edu- 
cation,* and the skill acquired by practice and experience. 
Material capital includes what is defined by Smith as fixed 
capital ; it also includes gold and silver coin. 

Gold and silver coin is put down by Smith and all his followers 
as circulating capital, because its use consists in circulating from 
one individual to another. They have put it in the same category 
with food and other articles of consumption, and with the 
merchant's stock on hand for sale ; which I have endeavored to 
show, do not constitute any part of the capital of the community, 
because they do not add to the aggregate revenue or income of 
the community. If capital is to be divided into two classes, it 
should be denominated fixed, and changeable, capital ; and not 
fixed and circulating. The term fixed, does not mean local, and 
when applied to material capital, it does not mean that its owner- 

* See Section 9 of Chapter II. 



132 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

ship is unchangeable, but that it is fixed and unchangeable in 
form, function and character. 

A stock of materials to be worked up into manufactured pro- 
ducts, if capital at all, is not properly circulating capital, but 
changeable capital, as contrasted with fixed capital ; that is, it is 
to be changed by being worked up into something else. If the 
fact of the frequent transfer of money, merchandize, &o., from 
one person to another, makes them circulating capital, then the 
live stock on a man's farm, and even the farm itself, might be 
called circulating capital. 

Sec. 6. Coin, an Instrument of Commerce. 

In this view of the subject, gold and silver coin should be ranked 
as fixed capital ; because, first, its form, function, and charac- 
ter are as fixed and unchangeable as that of a mill, storehouse, 
factory, or any machinery or instrument of industry ; and secondly 
it" is an instrument of commerce, without which an active do- 
mestic commerce cannot be carried on. 

Gold and silver, on account of their durability, utility and 
beauty, are objects of desire to the whole human family, and there- 
fore they have come into general use ; first, as a measure of value ; 
secondly as an instrument, medium, or means of payment ; and 
like tools and instruments to aid and promote industry, they serve 
as tools and instruments of commerce, to facilitate exchanges 
between producers and consumers. They are not, however, 
necessary to the prosecution of foreign commerce — which is 
usually carried on, first, by selling one article and buying another 
in the same market ; and secondly by means of bills of exchange 
drawn by the exporter on the consignee, for the proceeds of the 
property exported ; which bills are sold to persons wishing to pay 
for other goods purchased in the country where the property is 
sold. These modes of doing business are, in a national point of 
view, equivalent to barter ; because no money passes either way, 
from one nation to the other. Money is the great instrument of 
domestic commerce, and necessary to its very existence ; without 
which it would soon grow languid, and industry would languish 
with it. In this country, it is the policy of the law to secure 
with peculiar care, the tools and instruments of industry of the 
laborer, mechanic and farmer ; and the nation should secure from 
exportation its coin as an instrument of commerce, with equal care. 
The mechanic and farmer sell their products, but keep their tools 
and instruments of industry as capital, in order to continue pro- 
ducing. So with nations which do not produce a surplus of the 
precious metals. They should not treat gold and silver as pro- 
ducts to be exported as merchandize ; or suffer them to be ex- 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 133 

ported on the same terms the products of the country are exported ; 
but should treat them as fixed capital, as tools and instruments 
of domestic commerce, and preserve them with great care, as 
necessary to the healthful industry of the country. The most 
effectual mode to check the exportation of the precious metals 
from such countries, is to levy a duty on such export of ten or 
twelve per cent. ; which would tend to encourage the exporta- 
tion of the domestic products of the country, and increase their 
value. 

Sec. 7. Production and productive industry defined. 

Production does not consist in the creation of matter, but of 
values, which are more or less durable in their character. It may 
be divided into material and immaterial ; depending on the appli- 
cation of the causes or means of production, so as to give value 
to matter or to man. Though any and every labor and human 
effort which tends to promote human happiness and enjoyment, is 
useful to man, yet those that produce utilities which are consumed 
with and at the time of production, such as household labor, the 
labor of domestic servants, and that of all the agents of mere 
amusement and pleasure, are not reckoned as productive. The 
distinction between such kinds of labor, and productive industry, 
is nearly the same as that between products for consumption 
and capital. Growing crops and animals, and adding value to 
material things, by means of labor, constitute material produc- 
tion. Communicating useful instruction to man, or promoting 
the security of his person and his rights, by means of government 
and the administration of justice, constitutes immaterial produc- 
tion. The former only is classed in common parlance with 
productive industry ; and if material values are produced, no 
matter whether they consist of the necessaries of life^ or the most 
worthless luxuries, the labor of producing them is reckoned as 
productive industry. 

Political economists usually class merchants, navigators, and 
transporters of products, not as producers, but as distributors of 
wealth, though statisticians uniformly reckon their income as part 
of the productive industry of a country. The transportation of 
products adds value to them, and is a kind of quasi production of 
value ; though much might be avoided by a more complete division 
of employments, in accordance with the wants of the people. 
But as to trade and commerce, including only the business of buy- 
ing and selling, however necessary it may be and useful to the 
community, it cannot be properly classed as productive industry ; 
unless every species of useful labor is so classed. 



134 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

Sec. 8. Use of Capital — Immaterial and Material Capital. 

Products of all kinds, whether raw materials to be manufactured, 
food to be consumed, manufactured products for use and consump- 
tion, or materials and products to be converted into capital, are 
produced and preserved by labor, aided by capital, both material 
and immaterial. Timber is said to be produced by cutting and 
preparing it for use, and ores, by raising them from the mines. 

The following things are necessary to the production of material 
values. 

1st. Materials or lands to work upon. 

2d. Instruments, or capital to work with, aided by the laws of 
nature and natural agents 

3d. Skill — and, 

4th. Intellectual capacity, science and business talent, to di- 
rect the labor. The two last have been classed in section five, as 
immaterial capital. 

Immaterial capital is even more necessary than material capi- 
tal, to the progress of individuals and communities in productive 
industry. It is true that a certain amount of material capital is 
necessary to make labor effective ; yet intellectual capital, expe- 
rience, and skill, are still more indispensably necessary ; without 
which man labors to no purpose. If he live in a country of great 
natural resources, and have an abundance of immaterial capital, 
no matter how destitute he may be at first of material capital, in 
a few years, by means of properly directed industry and frugality, 
he can accumulate sufficient products for a year's subsistence in 
advance, and sufficient capital to make his industry effective. 
This is verified by thousands of examples of the facility with 
which men of talents, education, industry, and economy, rise 
from poverty to the station of employers ; uniting the character 
of business men and capitalists ; not only in the United States, 
but also in Great Britain, and many other countries of Europe. 
On the contrary, if a man have very little intellectual capital, 
skill, experience and capacity for business or labor, it will re- 
quire the use of a comparatively large amount of material capital 
managed by others, to support him and a family comfortably. 

The same remarks apply equally well to nations that have great 
natural resources. Material capital can be accumulated by com- 
munities and nations, by means of industry properly directed, 
together with frugality, much more rapidly than it is possible for* 
them to accumulate immaterial capital. Nations and communi- 
ties which have a very small amount of immaterial capital, usually 
produce so little, that all or nearly all their products are con- 
sumed as fast as they are produced 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 135 

Common agricultural labor, and the most common processes ot 
miming and the mechanic arts, are comparatively simple, easily 
learned by the ignorant, and require only observation, attention, 
and practice, and very little development of intellect, to perform 
them tolerably well. But the more complicated branches of me- 
chanism and what may properly be termed machine-factures, or 
production by means of machinery, are always more or less diffi- 
cult to learn, require considerable intelligence and practical skill 
in the workmen, and a high degree of science, and great vigi- 
lance, attention, and business talent in the superintendants ; which 
can be acquired only by a mind well disciplined by study and 
application to practical business. 

As a general rule, it requires several years of training and dis- 
cipline of both body and mind, to fit persons for any nice me- 
chanical or manufacturing employment, and make them skilful 
workmen. Great difficulty has, therefore, been experienced in 
every country, in introducing the mechanic arts and any new 
branch or modes of manufacture, and obtaining skilful workmen 
to carry them on successfully ; and many of the monarchs of 
Europe during the last five centuries, have made great efforts, 
and held out strong inducements to encourage skillful workmen 
from other countries to settle in their dominions, and establish 
their respective branches of manufacture. The mechanic arts 
and manufactures have never flourished in any country, without 
the fostering care of the government. Why did the ancient 
Spartans remain for centuries a rude, ignorant, uncultivated peo- 
ple, without change or improvement, devoted to agriculture and 
the arts of war, while their neighbors, the Athenians, were mak- 
ing rapid strides in the mechanic arts, commerce, literature, and 
refinement ? Was it not owing to the difference in the policy of 
the government as well as in the spirit of the people ? to the fact 
that in Sparta, the mechanic arts, commerce, literature, and 
everything but agriculture, physical strength, and the arts of war, 
were discouraged by the laws and the officers of the government, 
and held in contempt by the people ; while in Athens they were 
encouraged by the laws and government, and held in esteem ? 

We find that nations increase in productive industry in propor- 
tion as they increase in intelligence, in the use of the metals, and 
a knowledge of mechanism. An industrial education is as neces- 
sary, as a literary and scientific one. There is not a sufficient 
number of men of science and of practical knowledge and expe- 
rience, in Catholic, Mahomedan, or Pagan countries, to direct the 
industry of the people ; nor is there intelligence, practical know- 
ledge, and skill enough among the mass of the people, to make 
their industry very productive. 



136 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

Sec. 9. Division of Employments, and limits to division. 

Great importance has been generally attached to a, division of 
employments, which has been often miscalled a division of labor. 
A division of employments beyond a doubt contributes greatly to 
increase the productive industry of a nation or people ; first by 
saving much time in changing from one employment to another ; 
secondly by dispensing with many tools and much capital which 
are necessary to pursue several different employments ; and lastly, 
by enabling laborers to acquire more skill, by confining themselves 
to a more simple process or routine of labor. 

A division of employments presupposes an exchange of the sur- 
plus products of each producer. A man who devotes himself ex- 
clusively to one occupation, produces what is necessary to satisfy 
but one want, and would have no means of satisfying his other 
wants, if he could not exchange his surplus products for the pro- 
ducts of others. The division of employments is therefore limited 
by the demand for the products of each laborer respectively; or 
in the language of science, by the extent of the market ; and 
cannot be carried to any great extent, among the people of a 
sparsely settled country. The extent of the market depends 
much on the character of the products ; whether they are perish- 
able or not, and whether they are more or less valuable in propor- 
tion to their weight and bulk. Markets are extended by increased 
facilities of transportation. 

Nature has fixed limits to the division of employments. As 
agricultural employments vary with the season of the year, they 
do not admit of much division. Nor do mining, smelting metals, 
navigation and transportation, or even commerce, except in cities, 
admit of a very minute division of employments. In fact, quite 
too much importance has been generally attached, to a minute 
subdivision of employments ; and too little to invention, to the 
combination of labor, and to immaterial capital. 

Sec. 10. What constitutes a field of employment — the importance 
of securing it. 

Before men can labor productively, they must have a field of 
employment. A field of employment consists, first, of the natu- 
ral resources of a country ; or lands and materials to work upon. 
Secondly, of the capital employed, or tools and natural agents to 
work with. And thirdly, of the demand, and market for the pro- 
ducts of labor. All these things must concur ; and each must be 
co-extensive with the number of laborers, in order to employ 
advantageously all the inhabitants of a nation. 

Markets for products are nearly as necessary to encourage 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 137 

industry, as lands and materials to work upon, and tools to work 
with. When either is wanting, industry will languish. Markets 
depend much on a proper division of employments, and the dis- 
tribution of labor and capital among the several employments, in 
accordance with the natural resources and wants of the country ; 
so that each class of laborers and producers may aid in creating a 
market for the products of every other class. 

Political economists of the free-trade school, have .attached too 
much importance to material capital, a minute subdivision of 
employments, foreign commerce, and natural facilities for foreign 
commerce — and quite too little, to immaterial capital, and domes- 
tic commerce. They have generally overlooked the importance 
of a division of employments in accordance with the natural 
resources of a country, and the wants of the people — and of 
securing the domestic market*, as a field of employment, for the 
laborers of the country. There is in Great Britain and Holland 
vastly more property than can be advantageously employed as 
capital, strictly speaking ; and hence tho large amount sent 
abroad for investment, and the immense amount invested in 
palaces, splendid dwellings, furniture, and objects of taste and 
pleasure. 

The natural resources of a country consist of its territory, soil, 
climate, fertility, timber, fuel, mines, minerals, quarries, navigable 
waters, rivers, brooks, water-power and fisheries ; and their value 
depends much on the distribution of them over the country, so as 
to be convenient of access to all the inhabitants. 

Ireland has very few productive mines, but little ore of any 
kind, and very little fuel. Its natural resources are too limited, 
to furnish a sufficient field of employment for so large a population. 
The people, however, might (under other circumstances) manu- 
facture for themselves ; but by means of free imports from Great 
Britain, their markets are substantially taken from them, for the 
benefit of British manufacturers and laborers, and the manufac- 
turers and laborers of Ireland are deprived of a field of employ- 
ment, which properly belongs to them. All the provinces, colo- 
nies, and dependencies of Great Britain are in a similar condition. 
Their markets, which should furnish a field of employment for 
their own laborers, are, to a very great extent, monopolized by 
the British people ; and the industry of the Colonies, is left to 
wither — and they are kept poor and dependent. 

The same evils, (to a limited extent,) have been visited upon 
these United States — by means of delusions on the subject of 
free-trade. Our markets have been partially sacrificed for the 
benefit of British and French manufacturers and laborers, and 
foreign importers, and much of the field of employment, which 



138 OX THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OE WEALTH. 

justly belongs to our own citizens, has been transferred to foreign- 
ers. This has depressed nearly all branches of industry and 
business, and greatly lessened the aggregate amount and value of 
the industry of the nation. 

Sec. 11. On the production and accumulation of wealth. 

As production depends on labor, aided by capital, the laws of 
nature and natural agents, the rapidity of production depends on 
the effectiveness and productiveness of labor. The effectiveness 
of labor is determined by the quality and quantity of its products ; 
but its productiveness is determined as well by their exchangeable 
value, as by their quantity and quality ; and their value depends 
on the demand for them, when compared with the supply in the 
market. Labor is effective, in proportion as it is aided by skill, 
good tools, and machinery, and directed by intelligence, science, 
and business talent. But labor is productive in a national point 
of view, in proportion to the utility to the community of its pro- 
ducts, and whenever any thing of a perishable nature is produced 
that is not needed, and not wanted, either for use at home, or for 
exportation, it is useless and valueless in a national point of view, 
as explained in Section 3. The same is the case when a larger 
quantity of perishable commodities are produced than are 
needed ; the surplus is wholly useless and valueless to the nation. 
And when such surplus does not consist of perishable commodities 
and is of value to the community to retain for future use, it 
reduces prices so much, that the producers get less for the whole 
product, than they would if the aggregate quantity was less ; and 
therefore they are injured, instead of being benefited by the sur- 
plus. This fact has been well illustrated by Tooke on Prices. 

That nations as well as communities are capable of producing, 
and often do produce, much greater quantities of certain products 
than they need for their own use, and can sell to advantage, is 
well known to every intelligent reader. This surplus causes a 
glut of the market and a depression of prices. People are not 
willing to labor for nothing, or for a mere trifle, and as the 
demand for any particular branch of industry falls below the sup- 
ply, and the price declines, production soon declines also, and 
industry languishes. The industry of a country can be increased 
in amount and value, only in proportion as it is diversified, direct- 
ed into different channels, and employed upon different objects, 
in accordance with the resources of the country, and with the 
wants of the people, and of the commercial world. In this mode, 
all the commodities produced, could be disposed of at fair prices ; 
the farmer, mechanic, miner, and manufacturer, each furnishing 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 139 

a market for the others ; the wants of all would be supplied about 
equally well, and no surplus left, to be wasted. 

The material wealth of a country depends more on the aggre- 
gate value, than it does on the quantity of property in it. The 
exchangeable value of the farming and wood lands of Great Britain 
is about twice as great as that of all the lands of the United 
States. This is in consequence of the density of the population, 
and the demand for the products of land to supply their wants. 
If, however, we regard the future prospects of landed wealth in a 
nation, more depends on the quantity and quality of its lands, 
than on their present value ; for as the population becomes more 
dense, the demand for food and for lands will increase ; which 
will necessarily enhance the aggregate value of the landed and 
other property of the country, even without the aid of any other 
cause. Population is therefore an element of wealth, as well as 
of power. Population is an element of wealth, first, by creating 
a demand and furnishing a market for property and products, 
and thereby enhancing their value ; secondly, by means of such 
increased demand and market, it promotes the division of 
employments, facilitates domestic commerce and the mutual 
interchange of products, and encourages and increases the pro- 
ductive industry of the country, and renders the labor of each 
man more effective, and more valuable. This view of the subject 
shows that there are two sources of wealth — first, productive 
industry, and secondly, population ; but they must be, aided by 
economy, and a desire to save, or they will both be of no avail. 

The accumulation of wealth depends as much on frugality and 
economy, as it does on production. The annual production of 
almost every community, is equal in value to from one fifth to 
one seventh of the entire amount of their property ; and their 
consumption is usually nearly equal, and in some quite equal, to 
their production. This being the case, no matter how wealthy a 
people may be, a few years of indolence and extravagance will 
reduce them to poverty : on the contrary, a few years of well 
directed industry and frugality, will raise them to a state of com- 
petency. 

Frugality and economy being necessary to the accumulation of 
wealth, let us examine the subject of consumption or expenditure. 
In this age of science, intelligence, and machinery, it is not diffi- 
cult, in a country like ours, for every industrious adult of good 
health to supply himself with the necessaries of life ; and nearly 
all those who are intelligent as well as industrious, can supply 
themselves also with the comforts of life, and with some luxuries, 
and yet save some portion of their annual earnings, to be accu- 
mulated, either as capital, or as products for future consunip- 



140 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

tion. Our natural wants are easily supplied in this country ; but 
our artificial or factitious wants, comprising the luxuries of life, 
are unlimited in their character, and may be indulged in by indi- 
viduals to their total destruction. Luxuries may be divided into 
two classes ; first, those of sensuality, and secondly, those of 
ostentation. The first are the most limited in their character, 
but the most dangerous to the health and morals of the individual. 
The second are founded in a desire to appear rich, and are wholly 
unlimited in amount, and the range of subjects to which they 
apply, and when indulged in to excess, generally produce pecu- 
niary embarrassment and bankruptcy. 

There is no way for individuals to accumulate property, but to 
consume annually less than their* income, and to save the surplus. 
The necessaries of life are comparatively cheap, and require but 
little labor to produce them, in proportion to their capacity to 
satisfy our natural wants — while luxuries are generally dear, and 
require much labor to produce them ; and yet, the most of them 
do not even supply the place of necessaries, which are required 
as much with, as without them. Where a taste for luxuries per- 
vades the middling as well as the wealthy classes of a community 
or nation, they often consume all their income from year to year, 
and from century to century, without progress, or increase of 
either wealth or population. 

The accumulation of wealth, therefore, depends, 

1st. On production, or productive industry — 

2d. On frugality and economy, so as to keep expenditures 
below income, and leave a surplus — and, 

3d. On a proper direction of industry, in accordance with the 
resources of the country, and with the wants of the people, and 
of the commercial world ; so that all real wants may be supplied, 
and the surplus left may not comprise articles that are of a 
perishable character, but may consist^ of capital, articles which 
may be converted into capital, and dwelling houses, furniture, 
clothing, books, and such other articles as are not immediately 
consumed in their use, including very few luxuries. 

The rapidity with which wealth is accumulated, depends — 
first, on the amount and value produced over and above what 
is annually consumed — and secondly, on the character of that 
surplus — whether it consists of perishable articles and frivolous 
luxuries, or capital, articles that may be converted into capital, 
and those not immediately consumed in their use, which have a 
substantial utility. 

Perishable articles do not admit of being accumulated to any 
considerable extent, for future use. It is therefore impossible to 
increase the wealth of a community or nation in the smallest 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 141 

amount, by increasing; the production of perishable products, 
beyond the wants of the people, and the demands for export, 
within a comparatively short period. On the contrary, the metals 
of all kinds are very durable in their character, and are mostly 
converted into, and used as capital. Products of wood, stone and 
brick, and improvements on lands, roads, &c, are all compara- 
tively durable, and of substantial utility to man. Books and 
clothing also, and the raw materials to make into clothing, and 
even some kinds of provisions, may be preserved by care, for 
many years, and may be accumulated for future use. The indus- 
try of a people should therefore be so distributed among the seve- 
ral employments, that the substantial wants of all may be sup- 
plied — that the surplus annually produced, may be of the character 
described — and that as much of it may consist of capital, as can 
be useful in promoting industry. Production is, however, very 
much influenced, and, in many cases absolutely controlled, by 
foreign commerce. 

Liberty and security of person and property, are necessary to 
the production and accumulation of wealth, to any very consider- 
able extent. There can be no reason to doubt that civil liberty, 
free domestic competition, and freedom from legal restraint and 
from monopolies, tend to promote industry and the production of 
wealth. Every citizen should be free to pursue such employment 
as he sees fit — provided it is not inconsistent with good morals, 
and the general welfare. Production should be unrestrained by 
laws, though legislation may often aid it — by regulating the mode 
of conducting business by associations — by collecting and dissemi- 
nating information of the aggregate products and wants of the 
nation, and of the commercial world — and by encouraging the 
diversion of industry into new channels, in accordance with the 
condition and wants of the people. But commerce should often 
be regulated ; in order to check extravagance, and the use of 
what is pernicious, and to secure the home market to the citizen, 
as a field of employment which properly belongs to him, and as a 
means of encouraging domestic production. 

Sec. 12. Markets, the principal stimulants of industry. Colonial 
policy of Europe. 
Population alone, adds value to lands and property of every 
kind, and is, therefore, one of the principal sources and causes 
of wealth. And why is it so ? Simply because it creates a market, 
by causing a demand for property and products. It enhances 
their price and exchangeable value, rewards the producer for his 
industry, and encourages and increases industry and production. 
Population thus creates markets, and markets operate to enhance 



142 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

prices, and to increase wealth, industry, and production. Markets 
are therefore among the principal causes and sources of value and 
of wealth, and stimulants of industry. The farmer, mechanic, 
miner, aud manufacturer, are all beneficial to each other ; for the 
reason that each wants the products of every other, in exchange 
for his own — and thus each creates a market for the products of 
all the others, and thereby enhances prices and stimulates their 
industry. Hence the advantage to the farmer, of increasing 
mechanical, manufacturing, and mining industry, as far as prac- 
ticable, in his own country, in order to create a market for his 
products, and to encourage domestic commerce. 

The fact is, that mechanical industry in most countries is about 
twice as profitable as agricultural industry, and manufacturing 
with machinery is generally from three to five times as profitable. 
Every manufacturing nation can produce more manufactured 
products than are needed at home, and hence the importance of 
markets to them, and the anxiety with which they seek markets 
abroad. The fact of markets being among the principal causes 
and sources of wealth, has led to the colonial system of Europe 
— and prompted manufacturing nations to plant colonies and 
extend their foreign dominions, as a means of creating markets 
for their mechanical and manufacturing industry. And in order 
to render their colonies as good markets as possible, they endeavor 
to confine their colonists as far as practicable, to agricultural 
pursuits ; to prevent them from manufacturing even " a hobnail " 
for themselves. Great Britain not only holds in colonial bondage 
British India, Canada, and numerous islands and other provinces 
and possessions, but she holds Ireland also in the same condition, 
and for the same purpose — to furnish a market for the products 
of her manufacturing and mining industry at high prices, in pay- 
ment of agricultural products at comparatively low prices. 

Markets being of great value to a nation, it is not only good 
policy, but a matter of justice to herself and to her own citizens, 
for every nation to secure her own markets, for the benefit of her 
own citizens, so far as they are capable of supplying them, and to 
encourage an increase of any particular branch of industry, which 
may be adapted to the climate and natural resources of the coun- 
try. So far as foreign manufactures imported into a country 
supply the place of those which might be manufactured at home, 
and thus a supplant so much domestic industry, they do not add 
one dollar to the wealth of the country beyond what they destroy 
in the shape of its industry ; but on the contrary, the country 
loses every single dollar that is paid for them ; unless something 
is exchanged for them which is not needed, or one luxury is 
exchanged for another. Such importations also tend to undermine 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 143 

and destroy the manufacturing laborer as well as the capitalist — 
to check the increase of manufactures, and to disperse the capital 
and the laborers already employed in the business — and thus they 
undermine and destroy at the same time, the markets for the 
farmer, and produce a permanent injury to all classes^of the com- 
munity. 

The consumption of many expensive luxuries is prejudicial to 
the prosperity of a country ; but the degree of injury arising from 
it, depends on the condition of the country, and whether they are 
produced at home, or imported from abroad ; and if the latter, 
whether they do, or do not, come into competition with domestic 
industry. When domestic luxuries are consumed, the demand 
for them stimulates and increases domestic industry ; but when 
foreign luxuries are imported, the possession of them, by supply- 
ing or aiding in supplying the market, lessens the demand for 
domestic products, and thus diminishes the domestic industry of 
the country — and makes it poor to the full extent of the value to 
the country, of the money or other commodities given in exchange 
for them. If on the contrary, foreign luxuries imported do not 
come in competition with domestic industry, and something is 
exchanged for them of which the people have a surplus — their 
importation may not, under such circumstances, be of any injury 
whatever. 

Sec. 13. The different employments and pursuits personified. 

The sentiment is frequently rung in our ears by partisan poli- 
ticians and partisan newspapers, that the farmers and agricultu- 
ral laborers of the United States, are " the bone and sinew of 
the country," as they express it ; and nearly the whole news- 
paper press in the greater part of the slave States, inculcate the 
idea, that planters and prof essional men are the only personages of 
much importance ; that mechanics and commercial men are an infe- 
rior order of beings ; and that the farming and planting interests 
only should seriously occupy the attention of .Congress. Let us 
examine this question, and in order to do so, let us personify civi- 
lization and analyze civilized society, and see what its parts are 
composed of. It is claimed that agriculturists are " the bone 
and sinew of the country," and of the social fabric ; very well, 
admit it. 

Iron, copper, gold, silver, tin, and other metals, and the miners 
and workers in metals who convert them into edge tools, and into 
various tools, instruments, implements, and rnachiaery, and thereby 
lay the very corner stone and foundation of all productive indus- 
try, agricultural, mechanical, and manufacturing, as well as of 
navigation and transportation by both land and water, may be said 



144 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

to constitute the heart of the system ; in as much as they 
furnish the power which puts in motion, sustaius and propels all 
the productive industry of the civilized world. Civilized man 
does nothing in any capacity, and can do nothing without the use 
of the metals ; and the quantity of the metals used by any people 
may be taken as a fair test of the amount of their productive in- 
dustry, and of the progress they have made in the useful arts, and 
in the march of civilization. A people without the use of the 
metals, using stone axes, and stone spades, and other utensils 
made of baked clay or stone, must be utterly unable to make 
cloth of any kind, or cultivate the earth, must dwell in caves and 
miserable huts, live on natural fruits and the spontaneous produc- 
tions of the earth and the game they can kill, as their only food, 
and clothe themselves in furs and skins. They are necessarily in 
the lowest state of savages, like the tribes of North America, 
north of Mexico, and those of the southern part of the Conti- 
nent, at the time of its discovery; a grade below the G-erman and 
Celtic tribes of northern Europe in the time of the Roman em- 
pire, who had some knowledge of iron, and other metals, and had 
a small quantity of iron in use to point their spears, and to make 
an edge to a few rude tools and instruments of agriculture. 

Mechanics and the mechanic arts, with the aid of machinery in 
modern times, comprise the stomach, the digestive and assimilat- 
ing organs, and the entire muscular part of the system. By 
making the tools and implements, they create almost the whole 
power and means by which even agriculture is or can be pur- 
sued. They prepare raw materials for use ; make them into 
cloth, clothing, bedding, furniture, dwellings, workshops, &c, 
&c, and by fitting raw materials for use and for market, they 
furnish the principal part in value of the materials of commerce. 
Agriculture, and agriculturists, do in fact form the great 
framework, and constitute the bones and cartilages, or bone and 
sinew , as the democracy express it, the mere skeleton of the sys- 
tem ; to which the whole is attached, and on which it all, in some 
measure, depends. It may be fairly likened to a skeleton in more 
than one particular ; first, it is so entirely dependent on the me- 
chanic arts, and on commerce, that without them, it is necessarily 
inactive, and nearly torpid. The agriculture of all savage and 
barbarous nations where there is very little commerce, aud not 
much is known of the mechanic arts, is mostly confined to the 
rude culture of a very little grain, and a few vegetables, and to 
raising cattle, sheep, camels, goats, &c. ; hence famines were fre- 
quent, in early ages of the world, though they are entirely un- 
known in modern times, among civilized nations. Secondly, it 
may be likened to a skeleton, because ail nations exclusively, or 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 14-5 

mostly devoted to agricultural pursuits, are sparsely scattered over 
a large territory in proportion to their numbers, and arc always 
poor ; destitute of many of the comforts of life ; and have very 
little industry or activity, compared with manufacturing and com- 
mercial nations. Look abroad among the nations of the earth, 
both ancient and modern, and see if any people ever became rich 
and powerful, or enjoyed in abundance the comforts of life, who 
depended on agriculture alone for a support, and on the people of 
other nations to furnish them with the products of mechanical 
industry. If history furnishes such a case, it has escaped my 
notice. On the contrary, ancient Tyre, Carthage, and Athens, 
and in more modern times, Venice, Grenoa, Holland, and Eng- 
land, are all striking examples, of nations becoming rich and 
powerful by means of commerce and the mechanic arts, with a 
very small territory, and little aid comparatively from agricul- 
ture. 

To carry out the figure, public roads, navigable waters, canals, 
railroads, and common carriers, constitute the bloodvessels, arte- 
ries, veins, glands, and secretory ducts of the system. Commerce 
and commercial men constitute the lungs and life blood of civili- 
zation ; without which it never did exist in any age of the world, 
or any country, and without which it never can exist so long as 
man is partially a physical material being. The ancient civiliza- 
tion of the world, of Greece and Rome, and the modern cases of 
China and Japan, show, however, that an extensive domestic com-, 
merce only is necessary to support civilization ; that though for- 
eign commerce may aid, yet it is not indispensable. And though 
commerce is as necessary to civilization as the circulation of the 
blood is to the human system, yet, since the precious metals have 
become the universal medium of commerce, and standard of com- 
mercial exchanges and of contracts, foreign imports may be 
stimulated to such an unnatural degree of activity, as to resemble 
the circulation of the blood in the heat and violence of a burning 
fever, which is soon succeeded by exhaustion and debility. Such 
was the condition of the foreign commerce of the United States 
from 1834 to 1842 inclusive, when, by means of the excessive 
importation of foreign goods, beyond our immediate ability to pay, 
we got into debt to Europe about two hundred millions of dollars, 
a drain of the precious metals ensued to pay the interest on our 
foreign debt and a portion of the principal, and commercial em- 
barrassment, depression of property ana* business, and severe dis- 
tress, spread throughout the country, and produced ten times as 
much suffering as the Asiatic cholera, or any other epidemic or 
scourge which ever afflicted us as a people. We suffered simi- 
1 



140 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

lar evils from like causes from 1783 to 1789, and from 1815 to 
1824. 

The public press, printers, and publishers of books and papers, 
the post-office department and the conductors of it, and the mod- 
ern system of telegraphic communications, constitute the nervous 
system ; and our scientific and learned men, authors, schools, and 
seminaries of learning, and the conductors of them, legislators, 
high executive and judicial officers, members of the learned pro- 
fessions, business men, and editors, constitute the brain and di- 
recting mind of the nation. All parts of the social system, and 
all branches of industry, are dependent upon each other, and are 
necessary to make the whole complete. Agriculture, of all 
others, probably, has the least influence upon the wealth and 
power of a nation. Turkey, Spain, Portugal, all Spanish 
America, and all the nations of Africa, are striking instances 
of the indolence, inactivity, poverty, weakness and ignorance of 
nations devoted almost exclusively to agriculture and war, 
depending on. foreign commerce to supply them with manu- 
factured goods, and enjoying substantially the blessings of free 
trade. 

Sec. 14. Effect of the mechanic arts and of commerce on the char- 
acter and enterprise of nations. 
Where men are congregated together by commerce, manufac- 
tures, and the mechanic arts, in cities and large towns, they see 
more objects to stimulate them to activity and enterprise, than 
those do who are scattered over the country as agriculturists ; 
their intellectual passions are more stimulated, and become 
stronger ; and at the same time, the division of employments 
being more complete, and their minds more concentrated for years 
upon one department of industry or business, they are generally 
enabled to attain a higher degree of science and skill than is 
attainable under less favorable circumstances. Hence the minds 
of these classes of persons become more active and acute in their 
respective employments, more inventive, more inclined to seek 
after new discoveries and inventions, and new modes of enter- 
prise, than agriculturists ; and hence nearly all the discoveries, 
inventions, and useful improvements, have been made by the 
mechanical, manufacturing, and commercial classes. Hence their 
minds are more full of schemes and projects, often ill digested ; 
and they have more enterprise, but less stability of character, as 
a general rule, than agriculturists. They are more daring and 
hazardous, but less safe ; and their operations frequently partake 
of the character of gambling speculations. But even their wild- 
est visions, such as the constant search of mechanics after prin- 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 147 

ciples upon which, to construct a perpetual motion, have often 
resulted in the discovery of mechanical principles which have 
been of great value to mankind. 

"With the exception of William Penn, Lord Baltimore, and 
their followers, and the Puritans who emigrated to New-England 
to enjoy freedom of conscience, and freedom of religious opiuions, 
all the colonies on the western continent, north of Mexico, were 
planted by commercial companies, and for commercial purposes. 
Such also was the mode and purpose for which the colonies of 
Holland, Great Britain, France, and Portugal, were planted in 
the East Indies. The English East India Company, while a mere 
commercial company, backed up by the manufactures of Great 
Britain, which furnished its chief materials of export, has waged 
war on a larger and more magnificent scale than was ever done 
by any of the modern nations of Europe, prior to the French 
revolution ; and since 1770, has conquered, and subjected to the 
British dominion, over one hundred millions of inhabitants. Such 
are the effects of mechanical and manufacturing industry, and 
commercial enterprise, upon the progress and power of nations. 
Such employments and pursuits seem to have furnished the pro- 
pulsive energies which have led to progress in improvement, in 
wealth, and in civilization, in all ages ©f the world. This position 
is verified by the history of Tyre, Carthage, Athens, Venice, 
Genoa, Belgium and Holland, as well as Great Britain ; while the 
influence of agriculture has been of a conservative character, 
inclining the people to remain the same, unchangeable, and with- 
out innovation, improvement, or progress. 

Sec. 15. Effect of the mechanic arts and manufactures upon mar- 
kets and agriculture. 

The prosperity of any people, the comforts they enjoy, and 
their wealth and power, depend on the amount and value of their 
productive industry. No matter what the soil, climate, or the 
resources of their country, or their form of government, religion, 
or social system, without industry, it is impossible for them to 
procure or enjoy many of the comforts of civilized life. The 
productiveness of industry depends as much on the price and 
aggregate value, as it does on the quantity and quality of its pro- 
ducts ; and as the price of commodities depends on the demand 
for them, and the extent of the market, the productiveness and 
profits of industry are dependent upon, and governed by, the mar- 
ket for its products. 

It is inconsistent with the very nature of things, and therefore 
impossible, for agricultural industry to be very productive and 
profitable, without the aid of the mechanic arts, and the enliven- 



148 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

ino* and fostering influence of an active commerce, steady de- 
mand, and regular markets for its products. Nine-tenths of the 
products of agriculture are so heavy and bulky in proportion to 
their value, and the cost of transporting them any considerable 
distance is so great, that if there is not a large mechanical and 
manufacturing, or commercial population in the vicinity, there 
can be no demand of any amount for them, no regular market, 
and not much value. In many of the interior districts of the 
Western States, Indian corn has been worth but ten or twelve 
cents a bushel, and frequently could not be sold for cash at even 
that low price. The principal market for the common kinds of 
breadstuffs and provisions of all sorts, is necessarily a domestic 
one in all countries ; it is a market created by persons engaged 
in the mechanic arts, manufactures, commerce, mining, war, or 
some employment or pursuit other than agriculture. Farmers 
cannot furnish a market for each other ; and cannot live by bar- 
tering and exchanging with each other their products. 

Agriculture never did flourish in any country, where the me- 
chanic arts were not flourishing ; if we except a few islands in 
hot climates, whose products are in great demand, which procure 
in exchange for them an abundance of all the products of the me- 
chanic arts, at reasonable prices. Such is the situation of the 
Island of Cuba, and in fact of all the West India, and many of 
the East India islands. Cuba, under the dominion of the Span- 
iards, the Roman Catholic religion, and the enervating influence 
of slavery and a tropical climate, is much more flourishing than 
the Province of Upper Canada, under the influence of civil lib- 
erty, a mild climate, the Protestant religion, and the boasted 
energies of the Anglo-Saxon race and character. The contrast 
between the prosperity of Cuba and that of the old tobacco-growing 
States, is very great indeed ; and it is quite striking also, between 
Cuba and the southern cotton-growing States. This must be 
owing to the fact that the demand for coffee and sugar, the staple 
products of the island, has been rapidly increasing, and has nearly 
kept pace with the supply ; so that the price has declined only 30 
or 40 per cent, since the year 17S0, not more than the decrease 
in the expense of cultivation, by reason of the improved mode 
of culture ; and these products are so valuable, in proportion to 
their weight and bulk, that they will bear transportation to any 
part of the world. On the contrary, the increase of slaves in 
our slave States has been great, and the principal part of slave 
labor devoted to growing cotton, tobacco, and Indian corn, until 
the supply of those great staples has greatly exceeded the demand, 
and depressed their prices very low, the greatest part of the time, 
for many years past. 



ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 1-10 

It has long been the policy of the slaveholding States, to dis- 
courage the mechanic arts, as well as the more complicated 
manufactures with machinery, and to rely upon agriculture. The 
pernicious consequences of that policy are developing themselves 
rapidly ; there is very little foreign market for corn or provisions 
of any kind ; tobacco has long been much depressed in price ; and 
now the culture of cotton is but little better than that of tobacco. 
The rule laid down by political economists as general and univer- 
sal, that the price of an article depends on the proportion between 
the demand and supply of the market, is fully verified by the 
constant decline of the price of cotton for the last sixty years. 
Though the demand has increased more than twenty fold, yet the 
supply has increased still more, and faster, and thus depressed 
its price beyond all example. 

Corn being worth only from a quarter of a cent to a cent per 
pound, and the expense of transporting it a single hundred miles, 
by teams, being nearly half a cent per pound, it is obvious that 
the principal market for it must be a domestic one, and confined 
to a small circle ; while coffee, sugar, cotton, wool, and all manu- 
factures of cloths and costly goods, will bear transportation thou- 
sands of miles, and the markets for them, wore it not for com- 
mercial duties and restrictions, would be coextensive with the 
civilized world. The principal market for the agricultural 
products of all countries above the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, 
must be a domestic one, even if all the world should adopt the 
theory and practice of free trade ; for the reason that nearly all 
their products are so bulky and heavy in proportion to their 
value, that they will not bear transportation very far. The price 
of the farmer's produce depends upon the demand, compared 
with the supply ; the demand depends upon the number of con- 
sumers, and their ability to pay ; the consumers of most kinds of 
produce must reside within a comparatively short distance of the 
producer ; the mechanic arts and manufactures supply the means 
of subsistence to a dense population, and enable them to pay 
good prices for all the products of the farmer, and thus create a 
demand and a market, for the produce of the farmer in his 
own vicinity, and at the same time furnish the means of payment, 
and the very kind of payment the farmer needs to supply his 
wants. 

It is therefore obvious, that agriculture is dependent on the 
mechanic arts and manufactures, not only to supply the necessary 
tools, instruments, and implements for carrying it on advan- 
tageously, but also for a market for its products, without which 
it cannot be prosperous and flourishing. No exclusively agricul- 
tural nation above the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, ever did, or 



150 ON THE NATURE AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 

ever can become rich or prosperous. Without the advantages of 
the mechanic arts, and of manufactures, and a large mechanical 
and manufacturing population near at hand as consumers, markets 
are necessarily poor and dull ; the demand for provisions and 
most kinds of agricultural products, small in proportion to the 
supply, and their prices low and depressed ; the country con- 
stantly drained of its precious metals to pay for foreign luxuries 
and manufactured goods, and its commerce thereby embarrassed ; 
industry and improvements of every kind discouraged for want 
of a proper and certain reward for labor ; the mass of the people 
inactive, indolent, and necessarily poor, for want of sufficient 
industry ; and the whole population in a dull, stagnant, and 
stationary condition, merely vegetating in times of peace, having 
little or no activity, enterprise, or energy, except what is excited 
by war, and a desire for conquest and plunder. Such was the 
state and condition of ancient Sparta, as contrasted with Athens; 
such was the condition of all Europe, during the dark and middle 
ages ; and such is now the condition of Turkey and all Mahome- 
tan countries, of Spain, Portugal, part of Italy, and nearly the 
whole of South America and Mexico ; and the same anti-manu- 
facturing policy has a powerful and depressing influence also, 
upon the greater part of the slave States, and upon a large portion 
of the free States. The free trade between Ireland and the 
Canadas, and Great Britain, together with the statutes of the 
British Parliament to discourage manufactures and the mechanic 
arts in those countries, and keep them dependent on England, 
has had the same depressing influence, and kept the Canadas, as 
well as Ireland, poor. Why is China much more prosperous, 
wealthy, and flourishing than Turkey, Spain, Portugal, and even 
Mexico ? It cannot be owing to the government, for the Emperor 
of China is equally absolute and unlimited in his power as the 
Sultan of Turkey. Can any cause be assigned, except the 
mechanic arts and an extensive domestic commerce ? 

It is generally, if not universally admitted, that from the 8th 
to the latter end of the 12th century, the Saracens were more 
advanced in the mechanic arts, commerce, and all the arts and 
refinements of civilized life, than the Christian nations of Europe ; 
that the Moors of Spain were in advance of the Spaniards ; and 
that the Christians learned many of the arts, as well as the refine- 
ments and luxuries of civilization, from the Saracens, during the 
crusades of the 11th and 12th centuries, and imported them from 
thence into Europe. This superiority in civilization and refine- 
ment of the Saracens over the Christians, could not have been 
owing to their religion, nor to their government, nor to the supe- 
riority of their social system. It must have been owing partly to 



ON THE NATUF.E AND PRODUCTION OF WEALTH. 151 

the greater mildness of the climate, better adapted to the situa- 
tion and condition of man in a low state of civilization ; but 
mostly to the more improved and advanced state of the mechanic 
arts, and the greater amount of their productive industry ; though 
the state of the mechanic arts among them was very low, and the 
amount of their productive industry small, compared with that of 
the Romans, during the most flourishing period of the empire, 
and much more so when compared with many nations at this 
time. 



CHAPTER VII. 

On the metals THEIR use THE discovery and history 

OF WORKING THEM, AND THE PROGRESSIVE PRODUCTION OF 

THEM. 

Sec. 1. General history and use of the metals. 
Iron is the most abundant, the strongest, hardest, and most 
useful of all the metals. It is so important, and its uses so 
numerous and- indispensable to the successful pursuit of almost 
every species of productive industry, that its use has been gene- 
rally treated as the chief test of civilization. It appears from the 
4th chapter of Genesis, that Tubal Cain (the seventh generation 
from Adam) was an instructor of every artificer in brass and iron. 
Working in gold, silver, and brass is mentioned in Exodus xxxi : 
3, 4, and 5. The use of iron and brass is also referred to in the 
■book of Job xx : 24; xxviii: 2; and xl : IS, supposed to refer 
to a period more than 1500 years before Christ 5 also in Leviti- 
cus xxvi: 19, and Beut. xxviii : 23, and 48, referring to periods 
nearly 1500 years, B. C. 

Mr. Jacob of England, in his learned Historical Inquiry into 
the production and consumption of the Precious Metals, makes 
the following remarks in the introduction : " The general voice 
of antiquity affirms, that Gold, Silver, and Copper, or Brass, were 
the first metals discovered ; and that they were used partly as 
ornaments, and partly as instruments of war, or of industry; for 
though, from their softness, they were not the best calculated for 
the latter purposes, they were better adapted than those of flint 
or other hard stones, or hard wood, which had been before used 
by the most ancient tribes, and which were also found among the 
savage people inhabiting Australia, when they were discovered 
in" the middle of the last century." 

A well known passage of Hesiod affirms, that in remote ages, 
u The earth was worked with brass, because iron had not then 
been discovered " and Lucretius bears testimony to the same 
purpose in Book V : 1. 1286. " Et prior aeris erat, quam ferri, 
cognitus usus." [The use of brass was known before that of 
iron.] This is confirmed by the implements of copper found in 



ON THE METALS. 153 

the ancient mines, in Siberia, and in Nubia ; whose working must 
have ceased some thousand years ago. 

" When Brazil was first discovered by the Portuguese, the rude 
inhabitants used fish hooks of gold, but had no iron, though their 
soil abounded in that metal. The people of Hispaniola (now call- 
ed St. DomiDgo,) and Mexico, were, in like manner, unacquaint- 
ed with Iron when first visited by the Spaniards ; though they 
had both ornaments and implements of Gold, and weapons of 
Copper ; which latter, we learn from the analysis of Humboldt, 
they had acquired the art of hardening by an alloy of tin. 

This subject has been illustrated in Denmark by opening many 
Scandinavian tumuli of very remote ages, from which have been 
collected specimens of knives, daggers, swords, and implements 
of industry, which are preserved and arranged in the Museum at 
Copenhagen. There are tools of various kinds formed of flint or 
other hard stone, in shapes resembling our wedges, axes, chisels, 
hammers, and knives, which are presumed to have been those 
first invented. There are swords, daggers, and knives, the blades 
of which are of gold, whilst an edge of iron is formed for the pur- 
pose of cutting. Some of the tools and weapons are formed 
principally of copper, with edges of iron ; and in many of the im- 
plements, the profuse application of copper and of gold, when 
contrasted with the parsimony evident in the expenditure of 
iron, seems to prove, that at the unknown period, and among the 
unknown people who raised the tumuli, which antiquarian research 
had lately explored, gold as well as copper were much more abun- 
dant products than iron." 

McCulloch in his Commercial Dictionary, title Iron, makes the 
following remarks, " Iron, though the most common, is the most 
difficult of all the metals to obtain in a state fit for use ; and the 
discovery of the method of working it seems to have been poste- 
rior to the use of gold, silver and copper. We are wholly igno- 
rant of the steps by which men were led to practise the processes 
required to fuse it, and render it malleable. It is certain, however, 
that it was prepared in ancient Egypt, and some other countries, 
at a very remote epoch, but it was very little used in Greece until 
after the Trojan war.' 

Sec. 2. Iron in Great Britain. 
At what period the art of smelting ore and making iron was 
introduced into England is unknown ; but Brande says there is 
authentic evidence to show that iron-works were established by 
the Romans in the forest of Dean in Gloucestershire and in other 
parts of the kingdom ; and that they were also established at an 
early period in Kent and Sussex. To make a ton of pig-iron 



154 ON THE METALS. 

requires nearly four tons of mineral coal, or the charcoal pro- 
duced by burning seven or eight cords of wood ; and to convert it 
into bar iron or castings, requires about half as much. 

In 1619, Lord Dudley invented the process of smelting iron 
with pit or mineral coal ; but his works were soon after destroyed 
by a mob. In the early part of the eighteenth century, well 
founded complaints were made of the waste and destruction of 
wood and timber by the smelting of iron ; and the dearth and 
scarcity of fuel that was thus occasioned, led, about the year 
1740, to the general adoption of Lord Dudley's process of using 
pit coal. 

Wood was becoming scarce in Great Britain, and it was found 
impossible to smelt iron with fossil or mineral coal, with a bellows 
worked by the hand, or horse power. The manufacture of iron 
was therefore comparatively small, until after the improvement of 
the steam engine by Watts, in 1767, its application to mining, 
to iron works, and to working the bellows in blast furnaces to 
smelt the iron with mineral coal, and the use of the reverberatory 
air furnaces invented by Mr. Cort in 1783. As the beds of coal 
are inexhaustible, the manufacture of iron advanced rapidly from 
that period. The quantity of pig iron made in England and 
Wales in 1740 from 59 furnaces was but 17,350 tons ; 22,000 
tons in 1750, and perhaps not over 30,000 tons in 1770. In 
1788 it had increased, by means of the steam engine and the use 
of fossil coal, to 6S,300 tons ; in 1796 to 108,793 tons, and in- 
cluding Scotland, to 124,879 tons, having more than doubled in 
Scotland in eight years. In 1802, the annual product of Great 
Britain was estimated at 170,000 tons; in 1823 it had increased 
to 442,066 ; in 1828 to 703,184 tons, by 278 furnaces in blast ; 
in 1839 to over 1,200,000 tons ; and in 1844 it was estimated 
at 1,500,000 tons ; while Spain produces annually but about 8,000 
tons. The hot blast for smelting iron was introduced in 1828, 
which produces more iron from the same quantity of ore, and 
with much less fuel than the cold blast. 

Various improvements were made in the manufacture of 
bar iron, particularly by the substitution of hammering machi- 
nery for hand labor ; by Mr. Cort's invention for puddling, 
^patented in 1783,) and, also, by that gentleman's invention of 
machinery for rolling iron, (patented in 17S4.) These 
astonishing results in the manufacture of iron were brought 
about by the steam engine, and its application to mining and the 
blast furnace, by the invention of machinery for hammering and 
rolling iron instead of doing it by hand labor, and by the use of 
pit or mineral coal. 



ON THE METALS. 155 

Statement of the production of iron in England and Wales in 
1740 and 1750, and in Great Britain at other periods, the num- 
ber of furnaces in blast, and the average production of each furnace. 



Year. 


Furnaces. 


Tons produced. 


By each Furnaco. 


1740 


59 


17,350 


294 


1750 


— 


22,000 





1788 


85 


68,300 


804 


1806 


169 


258,206 


1,528 


1828 


278 


703,184 


2,529 


1840 


402 


1,396,400 


3,475 


1844 




1,500,000 




1848 




2,000,000 





The annual production of iron in Great Britain from 1840 
to 1846, varied from about 1,200,000 to 1,600,000 tons, accor- 
ding to the demand for railroad iron.* 

The above are the quantities of pig iron made at different peri- 
ods. The quantity of bar iron increased in a corresponding 
ratio ; the usual estimate has been, that seven-tenths of the pig 
iron is made into bars, bolts, rods, sheets, nails, chains, anchors, 
&c, &c, by hammering, rolling, slitting and other machinery. 
It is said that, by the introduction of machinery for rolling iron, 
instead of hammering it, to convert it into malleable iron bars, 
bolts, &c, fifteen tons are obtained in twelve hours, while, in the 
same time, only one ton could be drawn from the hammer. 

The quantity and value of iron annually made in G-reat Britain 
from 1842 to 1844, are stated in Mr. Watterston's Cyclopedia 
of Commerce, as follows : 

Pig iron, 1,500,000 tons, worth £4 per ton, £6,000,000 

Cost and profits of converting seven-tenths of it into 

bars, bolts, &c, 3,000,000 

Total value of products of iron, £9,000,000 

exclusive of the additional value produced by converting a part 
of it into hardware and cutlery. 

The quantity of pit coal consumed in 1840 in making 
1,396,400 tons of pig iron, was estimated at 4,877,000 tons, and 
in making bar and other wrought iron, 2,000,000 tons. 

About three-quarters of this prodigious quantity of iron appears 
to be used in Great Britain ; the greater part of it being used in 
making machinery, steam-engines, railroads, carriages, cars, loco- 
motives, steamboats, and other vessels, cannon, and other fire- 
arms, stoves, and ploughs. McCulloch states the quantities 
exported as follows ; in 1767, at 11,000 tons; and the average 

* See Porter's Progress of the Nation and McCulloch's Statistics. 



150 ON THE METALS. 

annual export during the three years ending with the year 1S06, 
at but 28,000 tons. 

The quantity of foreign iron consumed in Great Britain and 
the British iron and hardware exported, are stated by Porter 
as follows 





Foreign Iron 


British Iron 


Hardware 




used. 


exported. 


exported. 


Tears. 


Tons. 


Tons. 


Tons. 


1806 


27,411 


36,925 


4,629 


1828 


13,984 


100,403 


12,100 


1836 


18,920 


192,352 


21,072 


1840 


13,263 


268,328 


14,995 


1844 


21,599 


458,745 


22,552 



The declared or real value of the British iron and steel hard- 
wares and cutlery exported is stated by Porter in pounds sterliDg 

as follows — 



Tears. 


Iron and Steel. 


Hardware. 


TotaL 


182S 


£ 1,226,617 


1 .,387,204 


2,613,821 


1836 


2,342,674 


2,271,313 


4,613,987 


1840 


2,524,859 


1,349,137 


3,S73,996 


1844 


3,193,368 


2,179,087 


5,371,455 



Sec. 3. Production, and consumption of iron in France, the 
United States, and Ireland. 

The learned M. Malte Brun in his Geography estimated the 
produce of the iron mines of France in 1826 at less than 80,000 
tons ; and Mr. Murray in his Geography estimated it in 1826, on 
the authority of M. Dupin of France, at 161,000 tons. About 
four-fifths of the fuel consumed in making it consists of wood, 
and as it is comparatively scarce and dear, the price of iron is 
proportionably high. 

The quantity made in France from 1837 to 1841 appears from 
the official documents to have been as follows, stated in tons ; the 
principal part of the pig iron having been finally converted into the 
malleable, wrought, or bar iron. 

Tears. Tig Iron. Malleable Iron. 

1837, 321,679 tons. 224,618 tons. 

1839, 350,177 " 231,761 " 

1840, 347,773 " 237,379 " 
1841., 377,142," 263,747 " 

The quantity of iron and hardware annually imported into France 

from 1840 to 1843, was between twenty and thirty thousand tons; 

the imports from Great Britain in 1842 amounting to 23,428 tons, 

16,464 of which was pig iron. The total annual consumption of 

iron in France, was less than 400,000 tons ; and less than the 



o:* the metals. 157 

quantity consumed in the United States, .by about half as many 
inhabitants. 

Prior to the American Revolution, the British government 
discouraged and prohibited almost every kind of manufactures in 
this country except those of a domestic character. Mills for 
rolling and slitting iron and plating forges were prohibited, and 
many efforts were made to prevent the colonists from manufac- 
turing any thing for themselves. Very little iron was made in the 
colonies prior to the Revolution, perhaps not over two or three 
thousand tons per year. 

Mr. Morse, in the fifth edition of his G-eography, published in 
1S05, treating of Pennsylvania, says, " Iron-works are of long 
standing, and their products increase in quantity, and improve in 
quality. The furnaces are 16, and the forges 37. The slitting 
and rolling-mills are said to cut and roll 1500 tons per annum. 
On the west side of the Allegany mountains are 1 L forges, 
which by estimation make annually about 400 tons of iron. 
There are about as many furnaces ; some of these have failed 
for want of ore." The quantity of iron then made annually in 
Pennsylvania was about 2000 tons, and about the same quantity 
in Massachusetts, according to Mr. Morse's statements. 

The quantity of pig-iron made in Pennsylvania in 1839 was 
over seventy thousand tons. 

A committee appointed by a convention of manufacturers of 
iron, held at Philadelphia in 1830, reported the amount of iron 
made in the United States, as follows : 

182S. 1830. 

Pig iron, tons, 108,564 137,075 

Castings from the ore at blast furnaces, 14,840 18,273 

Bloomed bar iron made from the ore, equal 

in pig iron at 28 ewt. pig iron, to a ton 

of bar iron, at 7,477 8,194 



Total iron made, reck'd in pigs and cast'gs, 130,881 163,542 
The pig iron was all converted into castings, bar iron, nails 
and other wrought iron. The quantity of iron made in the 
United States in 1810, 1830 and 1840, according to official 
reports and estimates, and in 1844, according to the estimates in 
the March No., 1845, of Hunt's Magazine, was as follows ; 

1810. 1830. 1840. 1844. 

Pig iron and castings made 

from the ore (tons,) 53,908 191,536 286,903* 486,000 

Bar and other wrought iron, 24,541 112.866 197,233 291,000 
Castings, made from pig iron, .... 121,500 

* Perhaps 40,000 tons of the castings were made from pig-iron, leaving 
only about 250,000 tons of iron made from ore in 1840. 



158 ON THE METALS. 

The production in the United States of iron from the ore may 
be estimated at 250,000 tons during each of the years 1840, 
1841 and 1842. It increased rapidly under the tariff of 1842; 
amounted to nearly 500,000 tons, in 1844 ; to about 600,000 
tons in 1845, and to about 800,000 tons annually during the 
years 1847 and 1848. The influence of large importations under 
the tariff of 1846, checked the further increase and caused a de- 
cline in the production to about 650,000 tons during the years 
1849, 1850 and 1851. 

The value of the unmanufactured iron and steel (that is the 
bar and pig iron and steel) and the manufactured iron and steel, 
(that is the hardware, castings, sheet iron, nails, and cutlery) 
imported into the United States, have been as follows. 

1839. 1844. 1850. 

Bar and Pig-iron, etc., $6,302,539 $3,313,796 $10,586,795 
Hardware, 6,507,510 2,380,027 7,078,603 

Total $12,810,049 $5,693,823 $17,665,398 

The quantity of unmanufactured iron and steel imported into 
the United States in 1839 amounted to over 100,000 tons ; in 
1844 to 68,924 tons, and in 1850 to over 351,000 tons; the 
weight of the hardware and other manufactures of iron and steel 
cannot be ascertained with certainty from the custom-house records, 
but probably amounted to over 40,000 tons in 1839, to 20,000 
tons in 1844, and 50,000 tons in 1850 ; making the whole im- 
ports of iron and manufactures of iron in 1839 about 140,000 
tons ; in 1844 nearly 90,000 tons, and in 1850 about 400,000 
tons. 

The annual consumption of iron and hardware in the United 
States increased from 1840 to 1850 from less than 400,000 to 
about 1,000,000 tons; and the annual consumption in Great 
Britain increased from about 1,000,000 to over 1,300,000 tons; 
while the consumption in Ireland did not probably exceed 50,000 
to 75,000 tons. 

Iron is found in many parts of Ireland ; and the great increase 
of iron works in the early part of the 17th century is said to have 
been a principal cause of the destruction of the forests. But 
these having been exhausted, and coal not having been found of 
such quality and in such quantity as to supply the deficiency, the 
Irish iron works have been almost wholly abandoned. The above 
are the remarks of McCulloch who states the importation of iron 
and all manufactures of iron and hardware into Ireland during 
the year 1835, at 49,930 tons. 



ON THE METALS. 



159 



Sec. 4. Production of Iron and other metals in the several coun- 
tries of Europe. 
Estimate made in 1S26 by Von Malchus, a statistician of 
Prussia, of the annual production of Iron, Coal, Copper, Lead and 
Salt in the different countries of Europe.* 



Sweden and Norway, 

Russia, 

Denmark, 

Great Britain, 

Holland and Belgium, 

Prussia, 

Saxony, 

Hanover, 

Austria and Hungary, 

Bavaria, 

Other German States, 

France, 

Spain, 

Portugal, 

Switzerland, - 

Italian S 

Turkey, 

Total (Von Malchus,) 

Add for Great Britain, 
Do for Ireland, 

Total, 

The table of Von Malchus seems to have been compiled mostly 
from official reports, and may be regarded as approximating very 
nearly to accuracy, except so far as regards Great Britain. 

As to Great Britain it gives the quantities of the metals pro- 
duced about the year 1806 ; the learned writer perhaps not being 
aware of so rapid an increase in the production of the mines of 
that country, there being no official reports of the products of 
iron from 1806, to about the year 1825. It thus appears that, 
about the year 1S25, the annual product of iron and copper in 
Great Britain was about as great as it was in all Continental 
Europe ; and that the proportion of coal and lead produced in Great 
Britain, was still greater. The annual product of British iron was 
then, very likely, from five to ten, and at present from ten to 
twenty times as great as the whole quantity produced in the Ro- 
man world, during the most flourishing period of the empire. 

*See the American Almanac for 1833. page 240. 



Iron. 


Copper. 


Coal. 


Lead. 


Salt. 


Tons. 


Tons. 


Tons. 


Tons- 


Cwts- 


78,913 


1,418 


30,650 


30 


65,000 


106,160 


3,684 


— 


909 


1,81S,100 


225,000 


6,000 


9,000,000 


15,000 


3,630,000 


18,125 


— 


2,770,000 


— 


— 


117,439 


750 


230.000 


2,961 


1,216,090 


4.000 


30 


31,000 


521 


30,000 


6^091 


70 


43,492 


2,885 


293.528 


56.513 


2.500 


113,000 


4,000 


5,469^951 


15,000 


9 


6,000 


— 


555,500 


29,805 


1,861 


16,100 


1,055 


1,022,785 


202,750 


100 


1,025,000 


1.250 


5.000^000 


8,750 


12 


— 


1^550 


5^800,000 


225 


— 


400 


45 


2,650.000 


3,750 


— 


— 


— 


15,000 


3,405 


14 


5,090 


132 


4,648,000 


— 


— 


— 


— 


3,400,000 


875 : 926 


16,448 


13,270,732 


30,338 


35,613,954 


375,000 


3.858 


6,000,000 


5,000 


3,218,000 


3,000 


500 


'100,000 


— 


— 


1,253,926 


20,806 


19,370,732 


35,338 


38,831,954 



160 ON THE METALS. 

The quantity of iron annually produced in the United States 
at this time (1851) is much greater than was produced in all 
Europe, half a century since. The iron mines of the United States 
are numerous and extensive, scattered through more than half the 
States of the Union, and apparently inexhaustible ; and instead of 
importing annually over 100,000 tons of iron, steel and hardware 
at an expense of from ten to thirteen millons of dollars, we should 
divert a portion of our farmers from farming to mining ; make at 
home the whole quantity of iron, steel and hardware we need ; 
and thus lessen the quantity of agricultural products annually 
raised, create a home market for them, and save our country from 
being drained of specie to pay the balance of trade against us. 

The metals, as has been observed, are the principal instruments 
and agents, and constitute the very main-spring of productive in- 
dustry, of every kind. There are but few mines, however, in the 
world, which could be worked with facility, or to much advantage, 
until after the invention of gunpowder to blast the rocks, and of 
the steam engine to raise and clear the mines of water, as well as 
to raise the ore from the bottom of the mines to the surface of 
the earth, often several hundred and in some instances over two 
thousand feet. Without the use of gunpowder, it was obviously 
impossible for the ancients to do much at mining ; and without 
the use of the steam engine, it was equally impossible to work 
mines very deep below the surface of the earth. Though the 
power of steam had been previously discovered, and many expe- 
riments made with it, yet the first person who constructed a 
machine in which steam was successfully applied to purposes of 
usefulness, was Captain Thomas Savary, of England, who obtained 
a patent for his invention in 1698. He applied his steam engine 
to pumping water out of the Cornish mines, and to raising the 
ore from the mines. A material improvement was made in 
Savary 's engine by Thomas Newcomen of Devonshire in 1705 ; 
and the movements of the engine were simplified in 1717 by Mr. 
Beighton, without changing its principle ; but after this time, no 
considerable improvement was made until the great improvements 
of James Watt about the year 1769. It is therefore safe to say, 
that mining was never carried on to any great extent in any age 
or any country, until after the introduction of the steam engine, 
in the 18th century. 

The annual products of the mines of England about the time 
of the revolution of 1688 are stated in Macaulay's History of Eng- 
land as follows : Iron, 10,000 tons : Copper, 375 tons : Tin, 1,600 
tons : Coal consumed in London about 350,000 tons : and in other 
parts of the kingdom about as much more. 



ON THE METALS. 



101 



Estimate of the number of tons of iron made annually in 
Europe at different periods, founded on the researches of Vun 
Male bus, Mc Culloch, and others, and taking into consideration 
the condition of each country, and calculating probabilities as to 
the quantities produced prior to You Malchus' estimates ; and iu 
many cases since. 



Great Britain, 

Ireland, - 

France, - 

Sweden and Norway, 

Russia, - 

Prussia, 

Austria and Hungary, 

German States, 

Belgium, - 

Spain and Portugal, 

Italian States & Switzerland, 



1500 


1700 


1750 


1S00 


1840 


7.500 


14.000 


25.000 


150,000 


1,300,000 


2.500 


5,000 


7.000 


4.000 


2,000 


14,000 


22.000 


30,000 


60.000 


350.000 


4,000 


10 000 


1S.000 


40,000 


80,000 


1,000 


3^000 


18,000 


40.000 


ISO. 000 


5,000 


10,000 


18.000 


40.000 


130.000 


8,000 


16.000 


20,000 


40.000 


90.000 


7,000 


10.000 


12.000 


20,000 


65.000 


4.000 


5.000 


8.000 


20.000 


135.000 


8^000 


S.000 


8.000 


S.000 


9.000 


3.000 


4.000 


4.000 


5.000 


10.000 


64,000 


107,000 


16S,000 


427,000 


2,351,000 



Total, 

The quantity of iron made in the United States according to 
official returns and reports (as heretofore stated) amounted in 
1810 to 53,908 tons : in 1830 to 191,536 tons : in 1840 to about 
250,000 tons: in 1850 to about 650,000 tons; and probably did 
not exceed 10,000 tons, in the year 1800 ; and 1000 or 2000 tons 
in the year 1750. 

As iron is the great handmaid and agent of industry, the 
quantity of it used by any people, is a test, and evidence of the 
amount of their productive industry. This test shows the great 
advancement of the British during the past century ; their supe- 
riority over every other nation in productive industry ; and the 
great superiority of modern over ancient nations. Next to Great 
Britain, the United States, Belgium and France have been 
making the most rapid progress in productive industry, and 
wealth. 

Sec. 5. Of Copper — its use and production. 

It is remarked by McCulloch, that if we except gold and sil- 
ver, copper seems to have been more early known than any other 
metal. In the first ages of the world, before the method of 
working iron was discovered, copper was the principal ingredient 
in all domestic utensils, and instruments of war ; and even now it 
is applied to so many purposes, as to rank next to iron in utility. 

Alloys of copper are numerous, and of great value. Those of 
copper and zinc, forming brass and bronze, are the most ancient, 
and the most common ; but those of copper and tin are perhaps 
the most important. Tin alloyed with copper makes it more 



102 ON THE METALS 

fusible, less liable to rust, or to be corroded by the air and other 
substances, harder, denser and more sonorous. This is the kind 
of alloy in use among the natives of Mexico, at the time of the 
discovery of America, and with which they constructed axes 
ether tools, and instruments of industry. 

Copper is spoken of in Brande's Encyclopaedia of Science and 
Art, as an abundant metal ; and though it is found in many ores, 
and in many countries, yet it is a very scarce metal, and found in 
but few places and mines, and in but small quantities, compared 
with iron. Great Britain has various copper mines, in Cornwall, 
Devonshire, Wales, &c, but particularly in the first. Though 
known long before, the Cornish copper mines were not wrought 
with much spirit until the last century. From 1726 to 1735, 
the mines of England and Wales produced on an average annu- 
ally, only about 700 tons of pure copper ; during the ten years 
from 1766 to 1775, they produced on an average 2,650 tons an- 
nually ; in 1798, the produce exceeded 5,000 tons ; and in 1830, 
McCulloch estimated their produce at 12,000 tons, the produce 
of the mines of Scotland about 2,000 tons, and the Irish mines 
500 tons, making the annual product of all the mines of the 
United Kingdom at that time 14,500 tons. 

McCulloch states that copper ores are abundant in Sweden, 
Saxony, Russia, Persia, Japan, China, and Chili ; that in the 
province of Dalecarlia in Sweden, there is a celebrated copper 
mine, supposed to have been worked nearly 1000 years ; which, in 
the forepart of the 17th century, yielded an annual product of 
nearly 4,000 tons of pure copper ; but it has since greatly declined. 

He quotes Thomson's travels in Sweden, p. 221. This state- 
ment sounds a little fabulous, when we take into consideration 
the products of the Cornwall mines, and the low state of produc- 
tive industry, at that period, and also the fact that but about 723 
tons of copper were exported from Stockholm, the principal place 
of export, in the year 1832. The product of the copper mines 
in the province of Olenetz, in Russia, is estimated at 3,375 Eng- 
lish tons a year. The copper mines of Chili are also very rich, 
and their produce is imported into Calcutta and Canton, direct 
from Valparaiso. The copper mines of Japan are said to be 
among the richest in the world ; the Dutch annually import about 
700 tons of their produce into Batavia, and the Chinese from 
S00 to 1000 into Canton and other ports. Considerable quanti- 
ties of copper are exported from the Persian mines, and some 
from the Russian mines of Georgia into Calcutta. 

Dr. Ure states the products of all the Russian copper mines 
in 1830 at 8,860 tons; in 1831 at 3,904 tons; in 1832 at 3,620 
tons ; and in 1833 but 3,387 tons. 



OX THE METALS. 163 

This and the table of Von Malchus comprise the substance of 
the meagre accounts I have met with in relation to the quantity 
of copper produced in the world ; from which it would appear, 
that the products of the mines of Great Britain are greater than 
the products of the mines of all the rest of Europe, and pro- 
bably nearly as much as those of the mines of all the rest of the 
world. 

The quantity of copper and manufactures of copper and brass, 
exported from Great Britain, and their value, have been as follows : 







Copper and 




Years. 


Copper. 


Brass. 


Value. 




Tons. 


Tons. 




1820 


6,098 


— 




1830 


9,157 


9,479 


£867,344 


1835 


9,111 


12,104 


1,094,749 


1840 


5,926 


15,557 


1,450,464 


1844 


— 


19,444 


1,736,545 



Brass is an alloy of copper and zinc ; the excess of copper and 
brass over pure copper, shows the quantity of brass exported, and 
also the rapid increase of the exportation of products of brass. 

Very little copper has been heretofore produced in the United 
States ; in 1844, the value of copper imported was $1,370,274, 
and the quantity retained for consumption no less than $ 1,268,977 ; 
nearly two-thirds of which came from Great Britain, a little from 
Holland, and nearly all the balance from South America and the 
West India Islands. The value imported into the United States 
annually on an average of five years, ending September 30th, 1838, 
amounted to about $1,300,000; and the quantity annually im- 
ported must have been about 2,500 tons. 

The recent explorations and mining operations in the upper 
peninsula of Michigan, Isle Royal, and on the northern shore 
of Lake Superior, seem to render it probable, that nearly the whole 
coast of that Lake, and part also of the north eastern coast of 
Lake Huron, are filled with veins of native copper, and copper 
ore, which will yield vast quantities of copper and much silver ; 
that the mines and veins are more numerous and extensive than 
all those which have been hitherto wrought in the world ; that 
the hills are of such moderate height, the climate so favorable to 
health and physical energy, and the facilities for transporting the 
ores and copper by navigable waters so great, that they can be 
worked to better advantage, and cheaper, than almost any other 
mines on the earth. If our citizens will turn their attention to 
the business of mining and smelting copper, they can soon supply 
our country 



104 ON THE METALS. 

Sec 6. Tin — Its Use and Production. 

McCulloch states in Lis Com. Diet., title tin, that the ores of 
this metal are found in comparatively few places ; the principal, 
and perhaps the only ones are Cornwall, Galicia, Erzgeberg in 
Saxony, Bohemia, the Malay countries, China, and Banca in Asia. 
They are peculiar to primitive rocks, generally in granite, either in 
veins or beds, and are often associated with copper and iron 
pyrites. Brande says it is also found in small quantities in Mex- 
ico and Chili. 

Tin is principally used as a covering of other metals ; to cover 
iron and prevent it from oxydizing, or rusting, and also to cover 
copper. Thin plates of iron are dipped into molten tin, which 
not only covers the iron entirely, but penetrates it, and gives the 
whole a white color. It is then called sheet tin, and is used for a 
great variety of kitchen and cooking utensils, and sometimes to 
cover the roofs of buildings. It is also alloyed with lead, to form 
pewter ; but as tin is used only as an alloy, and as a very thin 
covering to other metals, the quantity needed is very trifling, 
when compared with iron, lead, and some other metals, and very 
small also when compared with copper and silver. 

The tin mines of Cornwall have been worked from a very re- 
mote era. The voyages of the Phoenicians to the Cassiteridcs, or 
tin islands, are mentioned by Herodotus, lib. iii. c. 115. After 
the destruction of Carthage, the British tin trade, which was 
always reckoned of peculiar importance, was carried on by the 
merchants of Marseilles, and subsequently by the Romans. Be- 
sides Britain, Spain furnished the ancients with considerable 
quantities of tin ; but we have no precise information as to the 
purposes to which they applied it, except to cover copper vessels. 

Mr. McC remarks, that Queen Elizabeth brought over to Eng- 
land some German miners, by whom some of the processes were 
improved. During the civil wars, the mines were much neglect- 
ed ; but at the commencement of the last century, the business of 
mining was carried on with renewed vigor ; and from 1720 to 
1740, the annual produce of the British mines was about 2,100 
tons. The produce went on gradually increasing, till it amount- 
ed, in the ten years from 1790 to 1800, to 3,254 tons a year. 
During the next fifteen years, it was under 3000 tons per year ; 
since that time it has increased, and in 1827 and 1828 amounted 
to nearly 5000 tons each year, and in 1S37 to 5,130 tons ; and he 
says the average produce of the mines, might then be estimated 
at 4,500 tons annually, about one-fourth part of which is exported, 
and three-fourths of it used at home. 

He gives a table embracing an estimate of the annual produce 
of the east coast of the Malay peninsula at 17,000 piculs ; of the 



ON THE METALS. 165 

west coast of that peninsula, including Banca and the neighboring 
islands, at 53,000 piculs ; making in all 70,000 piculs, or little 
over 4,000 tons, each picul being about 136 pounds. He says 
the average export from Singapore, during each of the years, 
1820 and 1S27, amounted to 16,342 piculs, or about 970 tons, and 
that the great marts for the consumption of tin are China, Hin- 
dostan, and the continent of Europe, The annual export of tin 
from the Island of Java from 1828 to 1837 is stated at 36,000 
piculs, or a little over 2,000 tons. 

From these facts it would 'seem that the total annual product 
of all the tin mines of the world does not exceed 15,000 tons, 
about one-third part of which is from the single island of Great 
Britain. The amount specified as exported to the United States 
in 1S33, is about 237 J tons; and the value of tin imported into 
the United States in 1842, is stated in the report of the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury at $28,599, and of glazed or tinned hollow 
ware at $26,742. 

He gives a table showing the quantity of British and of foreign 
(Banca and Malay) tin exported by the British to different coun- 
tries of Europe, America, and western Asia, in 1833, specifying 
the quantities shipped for each, showing an aggregate of about 
1,250 tons of British tin, and about 2,000 tons of foreign tin 
shipped that year. 

The value of tin, and of tin and pewter wares exported from 
Great Britain annually on an average from 1831 to 1835 inclu- 
sive, amounted to i£2S4,295 ; and in 1844 to £506,691. 

Sec. 7. Lead — Its Use and Production. 

Lead is one of the most useful metals. From its great dura- 
bility it is extensively used in the construction of water pipes and 
cisterns, and as a covering for flat surfaces or tops of buildings ; 
and when converted into a carbonate of lead, or white lead, it is 
mixed with oil and serves as the basis of white paint, and also as 
the principal basis of paints of several other colors. Alloyed 
with tin, it forms pewter, and with antimony, it forms the alloy 
with which printing types are made. 

The lead mines of Great Britain have been worked from a very 
remote era ; but those of Derbyshire only were explored previous 
to 1S29. Their products cannot be accurately ascertained, 
but were estimated by McCulloch in 1833 as follows: those of 
Derbyshire from 5,000 to 6,000 tons annually ; those of Cumber- 
land and Northumberland from 11,000 to 12,000 tons, and the 
Scotch mines at 4,120 tons annually. He estimated their pro- 
ducts in his Register in 1839 at from 45,000 to 50,000 tons 
annually. He states the quantity of lead, and manufactures of 



166 ON THE METALS. 

lead exported in 1821, at 19,770 tons, and in 1833 at 13,898 
tons ; in 1844 it amounted to 15,664 tons. He attributes the 
great fall in price since 1825, principally to the vast supplies 
of that metal that have been recently furnished by the mines 
of Adra, in Grenada in Spain ; and says the richness of the 
ore and the facility with which it is obtained enable the Span- 
iards, who are but indifferently skilled in the arts of mining, 
to undersell every other people, and to supply most markets to 
which they have access. So much is this the case, that several 
of the least productive of the lead mines of Germany, and other 
countries, have been already abandoned ; and it it is even doubt- 
ful if the duties on foreign lead will be sufficient to hinder some 
of the British mines from sharing the same fate. 

He says the consumption of lead in France is rapidly increas- 
ing ; that it is nearly all imported ; that the imports averaged 
annually from 1819 to 1822 inclusive 6,211,500 kilogrammes, 
and in 1829 and 1830, 15,742,192 kilogrammes annually, and 
that the imports are almost entirely from Spain ; and he attri- 
butes the increased consumption in France to the fall of the 
price. A kilogramme is nearly two and one-fourth pounds avoir- 
dupois weight, and 1,000 kilogrammes about a ton; showing the 
quantity imported into France in 1830 to have been about 15,740 
tons. 

He estimated the quantity produced in the United States in ten 
years, from 1823 to 1S32, inclusive, at 55,903,88S pounds; equal 
to about 25,000 tons, or 2,500 tons annually. The quantity pro- 
duced from the mines of the United States in 1839, according to 
the returns with the census of 1840, was equal to nearly 14,000 
tons, and the quantity mined is increasing with great rapidity. 
The quantity of lead exported from the United States, as 
reported among our domestic exports for the year 1842, was about 
6,500 tons, valued at $523,428; and the quantity exported 
during the year ending June 30th, 1S44, amounted to nearly 
8,200 tons, valued at $595,238. 

The imports into the United States of lead, besides white and 
red lead, during the eight years, ending Sept. 30th, 1828, 
amounted to $2,010,981, or an average annually of $251,372; 
in 1841 they amounted to $3,702, and since that time to only 
a few hundred dollars annually. The imports of lead into the 
United States during the year ending September 30, 1835, 
amounted to over 1,500,000 pounds, valued at $54,112, and the 
red and white lead imported amounted to 832,215 pounds, valuwd 
at $50,225. The value of lead exported the same year amount- 
ed to only $17,346, leaving a balance against the United States 
that year for lead, of nearly $86,991 ; while the balance in favor 



ON THE .METALS. 16Y 

of the United States in 1S44 for lead exported, over and above 
the amount imported, was no less than $582, SS4 ; showing a 
difference in favor of the United States, between the years 1S35 
and 1S44, of no less than $629,875. Prior to 1835, the imports 
of lead into the United States were large ; the present balance in 
their favor is of great consequence ; and there is no good reason 
why the United States should not soon supply themselves with 
iron and copper, as well as lead, and have a surplus of each to 
export, instead of importing to the amount of from ten to twelve 
millions of dollars annually. 

The quantity of lead, copper, and manganese produced by the 
mines of France in 1841, and the quantity imported that year for 
consumption, is stated as follows : 

Lead produced from the mines 638 tons. Imported 17,375 tons. 
Copper do do 100 " do 9,910 " 

Manganese do do 4,978 " do 1,341 " 

Sec S. On Zinc — its use, and the trade in it. 

Zinc appears to be a rare metal, found in but few countries, 
and in no very great quantities. McCulloch says it is procured 
in Flintshire in Wales, and in the Isle of Man ; in the province 
of Yunan in China ; and in Grleinitz in Upper Silesia, from 
which latter place, the foreign zinc brought into England is 
principally procured. Besides its employment in the manufac- 
ture of brass, bell metal, &c, to alloy with copper, zinc has of 
late years been formed into plates, and applied to many uses for 
which lead was formerly used, such as the roofing of buildings, 
the manufacture of water spouts, dairy pans, &c. 

I have not met with any statement of the amount produced in 
Great Britain, or in any other country. The imports into Great 
Britain in 1831 were 3,S20 tons, and the exports 3,134 tons, and 
in 1832 the imports amounted to 3,438 tons, and the exports to 
2,4S7 tons. 

The value of the zinc imported into the United States in 1S42 
was $105,984, and in 1844 it amounted to $113,099, only 
$1,139 of which was re-exported. From these statements, it is 
evident that the quantity produced in the world is comparatively 
small, and that it is a metal of no very great importance, as it is 
principally used as a substitute for tin, lead, and pewter, on 
account of being cheaper than those metals. McCulloch 
remarks that the word zinc occurs for the first time in the 
writings of Paracelsus, who died in 1541 ; but the method of 
extracting it from its ores was not known until the early part of 
the last century. 



168 ON THE METALS. 

Sec. 9. Coal — its use and production. 

Fuel is as necessary to the existence and comfort of man in 
cold climates, as either bread, meat, or clothing. Though coal 
is of very little use to a people in a new country, while wood for 
fuel is abundant ; yet a dense population cannot exist in a cold 
climate without great difficulty and suffering, unless they have a 
good supply of pit or mineral coal for fuel to warm their dwellings 
and work-shops, as well as to propel machinery. The peat of 
Ireland serves as a partial but poor substitute for coal. 

There are no means of ascertaining with accuracy the quantity 
of coal raised from the mines of Grreat Britain ; the quantity 
shipped coastwise from one port to another, and to Ireland in 
1841 was 7 ; 649,S99 tons; 1,848,294 tons were exported the 
same year to British colonies and foreign countries ; the consump- 
tion of the British iron works annually was estimated at 6,877,000 
tons, and the quantity consumed in the manufacture of glass, 
cotton, wool, flax, silk, copper, tin, and in the potteries, about as 
much more, or nearly 7,000,000 tons ; nearly all of which was 
used on the spot, and not included in any accounts of shipments. 
Beside this, large quantities are used for fuel near the mines, not 
included in the shipments, and the total quantity produced by the 
mines were estimated at over 30,000,000 tons annually. McCul- 
loch in his Register estimated it in 1839 at 31,024,417 tons ; 
which serves as a substitute for about 40,000,000 cords of 
wood. 

The production of coal in Great Britain has increased with the 
increase of the mining and manufacturing industry, and the num- 
ber of the inhabitants. 

The number of coal fields opened in France in 1S36 was forty- 
six, and in 1841 they numbered sixty-two, comprising 256 mines, 
situated in forty-one of the sixty-eight departments ; of which 
number, nine furnished anthracite coal only, fourteen lignite only, 
and the remaining thirty-nine furnished bituminous coal, five of 
them yielding anthracite coal also. 

The following statement shows, in round numbers, the number 
of tons of coal raised from the French coal mines at four different 
periods, and the quantity in tons of foreign coal consumed in 
France during the same years : 

1814. 1826. 1836. 1841. 

Tons raised, 665,610 1,301,045 2,544,835 3,410,200 

Foreign coal consumed, 165,345 505,180 999,452 1,619,160 

Total consumed in France, 820,000 1, 800,000 3,517,000 4,980,000 

the exports of coal being small. Of the imports of coal in 1841, 
it is stated that 992,226 tons were from Belgium ; 196,502 tons 



ON THE METALS. 169 

from the Rhenish provinces of Prussia and Bavaria ; 429,950 
tons from Great Britain, and only 482 tons from all other coun- 
tries. The number of workmen employed in raising the various 
kinds of coal in France in 1841, was 29,320, of whom 22,595 
worked in the mines. 

The production of pit or mineral coal in the United States in 
1839, was about 1,800,000 tons. 

Sec. 10. Salt — the 'production and consumption. 

All the salt made in the United States, is made by either boil- 
ing or solar evaporation of salt water, and is strictly a manufac- 
tured and not a mineral product ; but the principal part produced 
in Europe is taken from mines in a crystallized state (See the 
table from Von Malehus ante, section 4.) 

Porter states the production and exportation of salt from Great 
Britain and Ireland as follows : 



Years. 


Production. 


Exportation. 




Cwts. 


Bushels. 


1827 


6,347,280 


7,475,025 


1830 


8,666,440 


10,499,778 


1835 


7,200,080 


8,317,029 


1840 


11,063,280 


12,847,663 


1844 


11,062,240 


13,476,884 



The whole of this large quantity of salt was produced in Eng- 
land, and no part of it in Ireland ; and in addition to the export- 
ation to the colonies and foreign countries above stated, large 
quantities are exported to Ireland for the supply of that country, 
which amounted during the year 1835, to 1,646,614 bushels. 

Though we produced in the United States in 1839—6,179,174 
bushels, and the production has been annually increasing since 
that time, yet there were imported into the United States in 1850 
— 1 1,224,185 bushels, at an expense of §1,237, 1S6 ; the exports 
are but a trifle. ^Macaulay says the first bed of rock salt discovered 
in Great Britain, was found in Cheshire in the reign of Charles 
II, but it does not appear co have been worked during that age. 

Sec. 11. General reflections. 
Iron, the most useful of all the metals, is diffused throughout 
the earth, and is found in greater or less quantities in almost 
every country, but is much the most abundant in high northern 
latitudes. Comparatively little iron ore is found in any of the 
countries bordering on the Mediterranean sea, and it would seem 
from ancient profane history, as well as from the scriptures, that 
copper and its alloy, brass, and even silver, and in western 
Europe, tin also, were about as abundant, and used in nearly as 
8 



170 ON THE METALS. 

large quantities as iron. The quantity of copper produced in 
Europe and western Asia at this time, from the best information 
I have been able to collect, does not exceed 25,000 tons annually ; 
and including all Asia, America, and the West Indies, not over 
31,000 tons ; and it is not probable, in the comparativly low state 
of the natural sciences, and of mining and other productive 
industry among the Roman people, that the annual product of 
copper could have been more than 10,000 tons, and of iron more 
than from 20,000 to 30,000 tons, or 50,000 tons annually at the 
most, during the most flourishing period of the Roman Empire. 
It is only during the last century, that much attention has been 
given to statistics, and all the estimates prior to that time, are 
founded on the state of science, industry, and condition of the 
people ; but those of a recent period are mostly of an official 
character, and generally collected with care. 

It appears that at this time, Great Britain produces about half 
of all the iron made in the world ; nearly half the copper ; and 
nearly one-third part the tin \ beside a pretty large supply for 
home consumption of lead, and some for export ; and also a 
considerable supply of zinc, and several other metals of minor 
importance ; but if we look back no further than the revolution 
of 1688, prior to the invention of the Steam Engine by Capt. 
Savary, to a period before that revolution and the revocation of 
the edict of Nantes had produced much effect upon the relative 
condition and enterprise of Great Britain and France, we shall 
find that the products of British industry, and of British mines, 
did not exceed those of many other countries of Europe in propor- 
tion to the number of inhabitants. 

Only a century and a half since, the commerce of Holland 
was more extensive than that of Great Britain ; and the pro- 
ductive industry and wealth of England and "Wales scarcely 
exceeded that of Holland and Belgium, with less than half as 
much territory. Holland then had extensive possessions in the 
East Indies, and Great Britain nothing but a few trading factories ; 
whereas she now holds dominion over a hundred millions of 
people, who have been conquered by a company of British 
merchants. A century since, (in 1750) Great Britain did not 
hold a foot of territory on the continent of America, which she 
now holds ; all her western possessions consisted of a few small 
Islands in the West Indies, the original thirteen states of this 
Union, and the unsettled territories attached to them, comprising 
about one million and a half of inhabitants. 

Prior to the accession of Henry VII. to the throne in 1485, 
England was mostly a grazing country ; poor when compared with 
the Italian States, Spain, Prance, Burgundy, (now Holland and 



ON THE METALS 171 

Belgium,) and even Portugal • and though her herds of cattle and 
sheep were numerous, which constituted her chief wealth, and 
her population was less than one-fith part as great as it is now, 
yet it would appear from the frequent dearths and famines, that 
the quantity of grain raised, was much less, and probably not 
half as great, in proportion to the population, as it is now. The 
tin and lead mines were then considerably worked, (as they were 
the most productive of any in Europe,) and tin, lead, wool, and 
a few coarse, unfinished woollen cloths, which were sent to 
Burgundy or Flanders to be dyed, dressed, and finished, were 
the principal exports. Jacob says, in his historical enquiry in 
relation to the precious metals, Chap, xii : p. 183, that "By 
comparing the price of wool as given in the reign of Edward the 
Third, with the exchequer records of the year 1354, we find 
that the quantity of wool exported amounted to full 12,715,200 
pounds weight. Besides the wool, there were in the same year 
coarse cloths exported, whose value amounted to .£16,266 in the 
money of that time, or to $41,490, in our present money. 

Wool then, and up to the latter part of the sixteenth century, 
constituted the principal part in value, of the exports of the 
kingdom. During the 13th and 14th centuries the average 
annual exports were only between two and three hundred 
thousand pounds sterling — during the 16th century they amounted 
to from £1,000,000 to £1,500,000 annually; during the first 
half of the 17th century, to from £2,000,000 to £2,500,000 ; 
and during the reign of Charles Second, to about £3,000,000 
per annum. 

The average exports of Great Britain during the three years 
ending with 1701, amounted to £6,449,594; — during six years 
ending with 1755, they amounted to £12,220,974 — and during 
eight years ending with 1792, to £18,621,942. 

The official value of the exports of the products of Great Bri- 
tain and Ireland in 1835 amounted to £77,932,616 ; and in 1844 
to £131,564,503. The standard prices of official valuations 
have not been changed since 1696 ; and they therefore show the 
relative quantities of goods exported at different periods. But a 
mere trifle is exported from Ireland. 

Nearly half the exports during the 17th century consisted of 
woollen goods ; at present about half their exports consist of manu- 
factures of cotton, and cotton yarn. The manufacture and trade 
in cotton has grown ujd since the year 1780, and the commerce 
with Great Britain has been doubled by that means. The reason 
why the commerce of Great Britain was so small up to the revolu 
tion of 1688, and even up to the American revolution, was this- 
they had very little to export which any nation wanted 



11 2 ON THE METALS. 

Henry VII and his successors encouraged domestic manufac- 
tures and commerce ; and as soon as these branches of industry, 
together with mining, began to improve and nourish, agriculture 
improved with them, until England became an agricultural as 
well as a manufacturing country. Mining and manufactures not 
only supply the tools, and instruments of agriculture, but they 
create a market for, and raise the prices of agricultural products ; 
and thus stimulate agricultural industry. 

The quantity of wheat raised annually in Great Britain is now 
eight or ten times as great as it was three centuries since — and 
that of other grains and vegetables about three or four times as 
much. These are singular facts, and show the close dependence 
of agriculture on commerce, and on mining, mechanical and 
manufacturing industry. 

The amount of iron now used in Great Britain in the shape of 
tools and instruments for agricultural purposes, is probably ten 
times as great as it was two centuries since. Ploughs were then 
rude things made of wood, with only a point of iron ; now all that 
part running in the ground is made of iron. Then the farmer 
could only scratch the surface of the earth a very little — but now 
he can plough as deep as he pleases. The agricultural tools of 
the present day render labour two or three times as effective as 
it was then, enable the farmer to plough his lands deeper, better, 
and easier, to cultivate them more thoroughly and subdue them 
more perfectly ; and therefore they produce more abundantly. 

To make the machinery of Great Britain and her railroads re- 
quired an immense amount of iron, and a large quantity is 
required annually for new mills, factories, machinery, railroads, 
&c , &c, as well as to repair the old, and supply such as has been 
worn out. 

Nearly all her machinery is moved by the Steam Engine, by 
means of coal. Her manufactures are thus dependent on the 
products of her mines. The manufactures and domestic products 
exported from Great Britain have increased with, and nearly as 
fast as the aggregate products of her mines of iron, copper, tin, 
lead and zinc, which have caused, as well as furnished the instru- 
ments of her increased productive industry. 

While England remained a grazing country, up to the end of 
the 17th century, and her principal exports were wool, coarse, 
unfinished, not dyed woollen cloths, a small quantity of tin, 
copper and hardware, and a few horses and cattle, the people 
were comparatively poor, and the nation feeble, and the popula- 
tion doubled only once in three or four centuries. During the 
first half of the eighteenth century, when the people turned their 
attention more to mining and manufactures, agriculture finding 



ON THE METALS. 1 73 

better markets, improved more rapidly than it had ever done 
before ; the people were much better supplied than at an)* pre- 
vious period, with grain as well as vegetables, and for the first 
time in her history, Great Britain exported large quantities of 
grain, and her population increased about 24 per cent, in fifty 
years. After the British people had made great progress in 
inventions, and in mining and manufacturing industry, and about 
one-third part only of the adult male population were engaged in 
agriculture, the population has increased nearly four times as fast, 
during the present century, as it did during the first half of the 
last century ; and agriculture is so much improved, that if they 
did not import a bushel of grain, the whole people, though nearly 
six times as numerous as they were three centuries and a half 
since, would not only be much better housed, and supplied with 
better clothing, lodging, fuel and other necessaries, but better 
supplied with bread, vegetables, and every kind of food except 
meat, at the present time, than they were then. Her manufac- 
turing power and industry is based on the production of her 
mines ; her mining and manufacturing industry furnishes nearly 
all the materials of her immense commerce, and is the source of 
her great wealth and power ; and by means of the improvements 
in tools and implements furnished by the mechanic arts, and the 
valuable markets furnished by her millions engaged in mining, 
manufactures and commerce, her agriculture has been improved 
to a degree unequalled in any country, in any age of the world. 

We have in the United States supplies of ores of iron, copper, 
and lead, in all probability, more abundant than Great Britain, 
and. much more easily obtained, than they can be in that country 
at this day. We have also large and numerous coal fields, an 
unlimited amount of water power, extensive forests and an abun- 
dant supply of timber, and the means of furnishing ourselves with 
a domestic supply of wool, flax, hemp, and silk, as well as cotton 
for manufacturing, four or five, if not ten times as great, as can 
be supplied by the British Isles. The natural advantages of the 
United States would seem to be much greater than those of Great 
Britain ; and we are nearly as much advanced in wealth, and 
much more so in mining and manufacturing industry, than she 
was half a century since. What then is our correct policy ? Is 
it to confine our industry mostly to agriculture as England did 
prior to the year 16SS, to discourage mining and manufactures 
by means of free trade, and try to feed the British and French, 
and let them clothe us, and furnish us with the metals we need ? 
Shall we follow the example of England of the 16th and 17th 
centuries, which kept her poor and feeble ? Or shall we follow 
her example of the ISth and 19th centuries which has made her 



174 ON THE METALS. 

rich and powerful ? Shall we remain tributary to England, as 
we, were while colonies, and keep ourselves poor as agriculturists, 
to foster and enrich her manufacturers and miners, or shall we 
make ourselves independent, and improve our condition, by furnish- 
ing the, metals and manufactures for ourselves ? 

Gold and silver will be treated of in another chapter. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

On the origin and progress of agriculture and the 
mechanic arts, and their effects upon the health, 



CONDITION, AND INCREASE OF MAN. 



Sec. 1. Origin and condition of the useful arts, and of agricul- 
ture among; ancient nations. 
The native Mexicans were unacquainted with the use of iron at 
the time of the discovery of America, but had learned the art of 
mining and forging copper, and hardening it, with which they 
made a rough species of edge tools to work in wood, as well as 
implements of a rude character for digging up and cultivating the 
earth. It seems, however, that they had no domestic animals 
which they used as beasts of burden, no knowledge of the use of 
animals for plouo-hino- or drawino- wheeled carriages, and that 
they had no such thing as a plough or wheeled carriage, wagon, 
or vehicle of any kind. When the nations about the eastern part 
of the Mediterranean sea first learned the use of wheeled carriages 
and ploughs, is unknown, as that time was prior to the period of 
authentic profane history, and the sacred Scriptures are silent on 
the subject. At the time of the Trojan war, nearly twelve hun- 
dred years before Christ, wheeled carriages seem to have been 
common among the Greeks. In 1 Kings xix. 19, which was 
nearly nine hundred years before the birth of Christ, we read of 
Elisha's ploughing with twelve yoke of oxen. The Indians north 
of Mexico, at the time of the discovery of America, had some 
rude axes and other instruments and implements made of stone, 
with which they could dig up and cultivate the earth by manual 
labor ; but it must have been a very laborious and slow process ; 
and it was utterly impossible to do much in cultivating the earth, 
in such a mode, and with such implements. Agriculture must 
necessarily have been confined to the raising of a few vegetables 
and the cultivation of a mere trifle of grain. Such was the con- 
dition of the Canaanites and of all the nations of Western Asia, at 
the time the Israelites went down to Egypt to buy corn ; hence 
famines were common in those days. 

The art of masonry, making mortar, making and burning brick, 
and the use of brick, stone, and mortar in building dwelling 



170 ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

houses and constructing temples, walls for the defence of cities, 
&c. was also learned at a very early period of the world. This 
we know from the accounts in the Scriptures of the building of 
the cities of Babylon and Nineveh, and the accounts of profane 
history of the building of the city of Thebes, in Upper Egypt 

The ruins of Thebes exhibit columns, statues, and fabrics of 
stone, curiously wrought with the chisel, and many of them cut 
out of a single solid stone of such an immense size, that it required 
a great number of men, and the most powerful machinery and 
complicated mechanism to move them from the beds where they 
were quarried, and elevate them to their proper positions ; where 
they have remained for thousands of years, no human being can 
determine how long, monuments of the mechanical power, skill, 
and industry of the Thebans. 

The Thebans must have been acquainted with iron, making and 
using edge tools, and working in wood, otherwise it would have 
been impossible for them to make wheeled-carriages, build 
scaffolds, and construct machinery of sufficient power to move 
many miles, and elevate to their respective places, such immense 
columns and stones of various shapes and sizes. Those cities 
were built and all these things were done when agriculture, 
strictly speaking (that is, cultivating the earth by ploughing or 
otherwise digging it up, and sowing grain,) was in its infancy and 
scarcely known. The Egyptians seem to have been the first 
nation that made any considerable proficiency in the mechanic 
arts, and particularly in the arts of building and sculpture, as 
well as in agriculture, about or nearly 2,000 years before the 
Christian era, as is supposed ; and these arts spread from there 
to Western Asia, and to Greece, and from there to Home, and 
the nations of Europe. The mechanic arts in Egypt were in 
advance of agriculture, which followed, and could neither precede 
them, nor advance any faster than they did ; and such would 
appear to be the condition of all countries, if we except, perhaps, 
colonies; agriculture is dependent upon the mechanic arts, and, 
upon commerce, and cannot advance any faster than they advance. 

The Israelites were at first a pastoral, and eventually became 
an agricultural people ; the Tyrians, as well as the Egyptians, 
Assyrians, and many other nations, were greatly in advance of 
them in the mechanic arts. When King Solomon formed the 
design of building a great and magnificent temple at Jerusalem, 
he sent to Hiram, King of Tyre, for carpenters and laborers to 
get out the timber and do the wood-work, assigning as a reason, 
that the Tyrians were more skilful mechanics and workers in 
wood than the Israelites. These Tyrian carpenters and laborers 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. lYY 

were paid by Solomon, with provisions and other agricultural pro- 
ducts. See 1 Kings, Chap, v., 6-9. 

Sec. 2. Improvements in agricultural implements in modern times. 

The tools and implements of husbandry of the first necessity, 
consist of the plough, spade, or pick-axe, hoe, pruning-hook, 
wagon, and axe. The ploughs in use among the Egyptians, 
Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans, were of various shapes and rude 
form, some of them having a little iron share, and a piece of wood 
very ill constructed, intended as a mould-board to turn over the 
ground, but the majority of ploughs had nothing of the kind. 
In more modern times, some ploughs were made with wheels, and 
the mould-board was improved in shape, and became better 
adapted to use ; but the plough was still a large, ill-shapen, rough 
wooden instrument, until after the invention of iron mould-boards, 
and iron landsides fitted to shares, constituting all that part of a 
plough which runs in the ground. The first iron plough was 
made of wrought iron in Scotland, towards the close of the 
eighteenth century. Cast-iron ploughs were invented soon after- 
wards, and were introduced into general use in Great Britain 
and many parts of the United States in the first part of the nine- 
teenth century. As all that part of the plough which runs in the 
ground is now made of iron, it soon wears perfectly smooth, runs 
much easier, cuts a more uniform furrow, and turns it over 
smoother, and more perfectly, than a wooden plough possibly can. 
It does its work much better and faster than a wooden plough, 
and requires not over half as much animal power to draw it 
through the ground. It is one of the greatest and most im- 
portant improvements in agricultural implements which has ever 
been made. 

During the present century, carriages and wagons have been 
greatly improved, and made to run much easier, by the intro- 
duction of iron axle-trees, the use of more iron in their construc- 
tion, and making the woodwork lighter. All the implements of 
agriculture have been greatly improved during the present centu- 
ry, and many new ones have been invented, such as machines and 
instruments for threshing, planting, hoeing, raking hay, &c. Very 
little improvement seems to have been made in agricultural 
implements for thousands of years, until after the middle of the 
eighteenth century ; in fact, the whole history of the loorlcl shows, 
that agriculture is t/ie last department of industry in which im- 
provements have usually been made ; and when made, that they Ziave 
been, in most cases, only new applications of some mechanical power 
or instrument previously used. 



178 ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

Sec. 3. Civilization — its origin in ivarm climates. 
The art of building with brick and stone was brought to a tol- 
erable state of perfection, first in Upper Egypt at Thebes, and 
afterwards at Babylon, Tyre, Sidon, Lower Egypt, Asia Minor, 
and Greece, whilst most of the other mechanic arts and agricul- 
ture were in a comparative state of infancy. This may have been 
owing to the following causes ; in the warm climates of Egypt, 
south-western Asia, and in the valleys of the rivers Tigris and 
Euphrates, the earth produced enough spontaneously, and with 
very little attention from man, to supply him with food ; the 
warmth and even temperature of the climate seemed not to require 
much clothing ; and the scorching sun in the heat of the day, 
rendered a dwelling to shelter him from its ro.ys, an object of 
greater necessity, than any thing else which nature did not furnish 
him. Hence a dwelling was the first, and greatest object of 
necessity ivhich man was required to furnish for himself, by his 
own art and industry ; and hence large and magnificent dwellings, 
palaces, castles, and temples, became objects of pride, ambition, 
and rivalship, among the wealthy and powerful, which stimulated 
kings and princes to tax their subjects to labor for years, for the 
erection of vast fabrics, for the gratification of their vanity, pride 
and ambition. The inventive genius of man being exercised for 
centuries in making the necessary edge tools to work in wood ; in 
constructing wheeled-carriages, and machinery for moving the 
materials, and raising them ; and in devising and inventing all the 
tools, implements and mechanical powers, which constituted the 
great chain of means proper and necessary to be used in con- 
structing and erecting those vast monuments ; these means, 
implements, and tools suggested to his mind the mode of gratifying 
other wants, and providing himself with other comforts, and were 
converted to other uses ; and thus led the way to other and more 
extensive inventions and improvements in the mechanic arts, and 
to the application of many of them to agricultural purposes. 

Architecture seems to have been among the first of the me- 
chanic arts, which occupied the attention of man, and led the 
way to the introduction of other arts, and to the civilization of 
mankind. The germ of civilization thus put forth, and bore its 
first fruits in warm climates, and was transplanted from age to 
ag°,, by colonists, travellers, merchants, and warriors, to more 
northern countries. In the cold and severe climates of the north, 
the earth produced spontaneously very few fruits, scarcely any 
grains, and very little vegetable food of any kind wholesome for 
man ; he found it necessary to live mostly on animal food, and was 
overwhelmed with wants. The severity of the climate in winter, 
rendered not only a warm hut or cabin, but a goodly quantity of 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 179 

wann clothing absolutely necessary to his existence ; and the only 
practicable mode of living, was by hunting, as he could live on 
the flesh, and clothe himself with the skins of his game ; and if he 
had any surplus skins, he could use them in covering his cabin, and 
making it more comfortable. 

Not only the sciences, but nearly all the mechanic arts, the 
civilization of the world, and the improvements, inventions and 
productive industry of man in agriculture, as well as in the 
mechanic arts and in commerce, and the principal part of the 
human family, were confined to warm and dry climates, to the 
warm countries bordering on the Mediterranean sea, and the 
southern parts of Asia. In fact, in those periods of the world, 
when the mechanic arts were comparatively in their infancy, man 
enjoyed so few comforts of life, and was subject to so many 
privations and sufferings from the severity of the weather, cold 
and dampness of the atmosphere in high latitudes, as to produce 
very great mortality, particularly among children — and render it 
impossible for the inhabitants to increase. Though Italy is not 
larger than the island of Great Britain, and now contains but few 
more inhabitants, and in a few years will contain less ; yet the 
population of Italy was probably seven or eight times as great as 
that of Great Britain, during the second and third centuries after 
the Christian era. 

The early civilization of the old world was entirely confined to 
countries lying below the 35th degree of latitude ; from thence it 
spread to Asia Minor, the isles of the Mediterranean Sea, and to 
Greece, and extended to the 40th degree of latitude, where it 
remained until the Roman power extended it a few degrees farther 
north. In those early ages, all the inhabitants living above the 
50th degree of latitude, subsisted by hunting and fishing ; and 
those living between the 40th and 50 degrees of latitude subsisted 
mostly in the same manner, though some of them were wandering 
shepherds, and subsisted upon the flesh of their flocks and herds, 
and made clothing and tents of their skins. These were the only 
modes of existence in countries where the winters were cold and 
severe, before any considerable progress had been made in the me- 
chanic arts. To cultivate the earth without tools and implements of 
husbandry, was impossible ; and such tools and implements cannot 
be made, until a people have made some progress in the useful 
arts. For want of fixed habitations, and of scythes and instru- 
ments to cut and secure hay for their flocks, they were under the 
necessity in many countries, of going south in winter, and re- 
turning again to the north in summer. 

M. Compte, a learned French philosopher, in a very able work, 
entitled " Traite do Legislation," shows that in the early ages of 



180 ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

the world, and until within a comparatively few centuries, the 
natives of all the isles of the ocean, as well as the inhabitants of 
continents, in cold climates, were generally more rude and 
savage, and had made less progress in civilization and productive 
industry, than those of warm climates. This is the case with our 
North American Indians even at this day ; those of the south 
have made more progress in civilization, are generally more 
intelligent, have more industry, and are more inclined than those 
of the north, to abandon the chase, and live like the whites, by 
agriculture and the mechanic arts. A hunting people live very 
much isolated and scattered, have but few bonds of union, ycry 
little society, and scarcely any government except a chieftain to 
lead them to battle in time of war. Each one is exerting himself 
in solitude to procure food for himself, or his children, and they 
rarely act in concert, except in matters of war. In warm 
climates, subsistence is much more abundant, population more 
dense, the bond of union which holds society together, the natural 
sympathy of man for man appears much stronger, society is 
generally more firmly knit together under a strong monarchical 
government, in most cases absolute ; and the mass of the people 
are more or less subject to the control and direction of the mon- 
arch and his principal officers ; and hence the practicability of 
effecting great objects, building cities, magnificent palaces, temples, 
&c.,by concert of action ; and hence the rise and progress of the 
art of building and of the mechanic arts. 

Sec. 4. Glass-windows , Chimneys, Stoves, the Steam Engine, 
Fuel, Cold and Heat, and their influence on the comforts 
and industry of man. 

Tt is somewhat uncertain when and by whom the art of making 
glass was discovered ; but it is supposed to have been discovered 
in Syria, three or four centuries before the Christian era ; it was 
not much used or known at Rome until the time of Augustus 
Caesar, and totally unknown to the Egyptians, Greeks, and all 
the nations of antiquity. Its principal use among the Romans 
seems to have been to make bottles, drinking vessels and matters 
of ornament ; it does not appear to have been much used, if at all, 
for windows. It was occasionally used in churches, palaces and 
castles, in some parts of Europe, as early as the seventh century, 
though very expensive and rarely used, until after the 12th centu- 
ry ; and it was not introduced even into the better sort of farm 
houses in England, until the commencement of the seventeenth 
century. Prior to the use of glass, windows were made sometimes 
of white linen cloth, but most generally of lattice work, and must 
have let in more wind and cold than light. 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 1S1 

Originally houses were built with an aperture in the roof, (like 
an Indian wigwam or cabin.) for the smoke to escape ; but the 
Greeks and Romans generally warmed their houses by portable 
stoves, pans or brasiers, without any pipe, in which they used 
charcoal and charred wood, and threw perfumes on it to prevent 
unpleasant effluvia. Seneca says that flues were introduced at 
Home when Nero was Emperor ; but other authors make no men- 
tion of chimneys, elevated funnels or flues for carrying off smoke, 
nor were any to be found in the houses discovered at Pompeii and 
Herculaueum ; they are therefore supposed to be a moderninven- 
tion, and to have been first erected in Italy in the eleventh 
century, under the name of camini. They were introduced into 
England and France in the 12th or 13th century, but did not 
come into general use among the middling classes of people, until 
the reign of Queen Elizabeth, in the 16th century. See the 
History of the /Middle Anes, Chap. IX. part 2d, by the learned 
Henry Hallarn, who states substantially the same facts in relation 
to the origin and introduction of glass-windows and chimneys. 

Stoves with pipes or flues, were invented according to Mr. 
White, in 16S0, by one Delaslme, and were wholly unknown to 
the Greeks, Romans, and all other nations of antiquity, whose 
stoves were but open pans, in which fires were made, mostly of 
charcoal and charred wood. Stoves were at first made of bricks, 
somewhat similar to an oven ; sometimes they were also made of 
earthen, and were not often, if at all, made of iron, until near the 
commencement of the present century. 

Though the power of steam was previously known, and some 
attempts had been made to construct engines to convert it to the 
use of man, yet the first steam engine of any practical utility, was 
constructed by Thomas Savary, to whom a patent was granted in 
1698. The steam engine was, however, so imperfect in its con- 
struction, and so expensive to keep in operation, in proportion to 
its power, that it was of comparatively little use, until it was 
improved by James Watt, a Scotchman, about the year 1767 ; soon 
after that time, it was rapidly brought into use', and has been for 
over half a century extensively used in working pumps for drain- 
ing mines, and in raising coal, iron ore, and other ore from the 
mines, as well as for working machinery for mechanical and manu- 
facturing purposes. Some of the coal mines of England have 
been worked to the depth of nearly 1000 feet, and the coal ail 
raised to the surface of the ground by the steam engine. 

Great Britain had in 1841, over eighteen and a half millions of 
inhabitants, and the consumption of coal in 1839, for domestic 
purposes alone, was about fourteen million tons, or over three- 
fourths of a ton for each person. This enormous quantity of fuel 



182 ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

contributed immensely in that high latitude, and comparatively 
cold and damp climate, to aid in keeping up an uniform tem- 
perature of atmosphere in their houses and work-shops, to keep 
them dry, and promote the health of the people. 

After acknowledging the kind agency of Providence in sup- 
plying the coal beds, they were still almost useless to man, with- 
out the aid of the steam engine to raise the coal out of the mines. 
Prior to the year 1740, the quantity of iron made annually in 
Great Britain, was only about 20,000 tons : at present it amounts 
to about 2,000,000 tons annually, and about 7,000,000 tons of 
coal are consumed annually in making it. Without the steam 
engine, coal could not be raised in very great quantities ; without 
vast quantities of coal , such an immense quantity of iron could not 
be made ; nor could such an enormous quantity of machinery as is 
used in the cotton, icoollen, silk and other manufactories be kept in 
motion ; without a vast quantity of iron, railroads could not be 
made throughout all parts of the kingdom, nor could such an im- 
mense quantity of machinery be constructed ; without all these rail- 
roads, and all this machinery, a, population of about twenty mil- 
lions, could not be supplied with such an enormous quantity of coal 
for fuel, nor could they be furnished with employment, whereby they 
might obtain a subsistence upon so small an island. The subsistence 
of millions of people may be said to depend on the steam engine. 

McCulloch,in his Gazetteer, remarks as follows : coal stands at 
the head of the mineral products of England ; and we are probably 
more indebted to our inexhaustible supplies of this valuable min- 
eral, than to any thing else, for the extraordinary progress we 
have made in manufacturing industry. The coal mines are all in 
the north and west parts of the Kingdom, and these consequently 
are the great seats of our manufactures. 

He estimated the production and consumption of coal in Great 
Britain in 1839, as follows : 

Tons. 

Domestic consumption and smaller manufactures, 18,000,000 

In the production of pig and bar iron, - 6,000,000 

For Cotton manufactures, - - 800,000 

" Woollen, linen, and silk do. - 800,000 

" Copper smelting, brass manufactures, &o. 925,000 

" Saltworks, - - - 350,000 

" Lime works, - - - 500,000 

" Railway carriages, steam boats, &c. - 1,200,000 

Total consumption in England in 1839, 28,575,000 

Exported to Ireland, do. - 1,000,000 

Do. to colonies and foreign parts do. - 1,449,417 

Total, - - 31,024,417 



AND TBE MECHANIC ARTS. 183 

During: the same year, the imports of coals into London 
amounted to 2,638,256 tons. 

Let us pause and contemplate these facts for a moment. 
Great Brits in in the year 1S39 consumed over twenty-eight and 
a half million tons of mineral coal, raised from her mines, gene- 
rally severally hundred feet in depth, by the aid and power of 
the steam-engine. This enormous quantity of fuel is equal to 
about 36,000,000 cords of wood of average quality ; and would 
be about as much as could be procured from 500,000 acres of 
wood-land, of average quantity of wood. There are about fifty- 
six million acres of land in the Island of Great Britain, and it 
would require one-third of the whole, or more, to supply such, 
a quantity of fuel annually for a single century. Let it be borne 
in mind, also, that about two-thirds of this vast quantity of fuel, 
is consumed in cooking and warming dwelling-houses, work-shops, 
stores, manufacturing establishments, &c. &c, the principal part 
of which is required in consequence of the severity and dampness 
of the climate. Not over one-third part as much fuel is needed 
for warming dwellings, work-shops, stores, &c. in Italy, Greece, 
or Spain, as in Great Britain. 

Even in Greece, sunny Greece, the warm climate of Greece, 
while that country was in the height of her glory, in the days of 
Aristotle, the comforts of life produced by mechanical power were 
so few, and the power of the people to protect themselves from 
the cold during the mild winters of that sunny climate, was so 
small and limited, that cold was regarded as the greatest evil man 
had to contend with ; greater than even hunger itself. (See 
Aristotle's Politics. Book 2d. chap, iv., sections 7 and S.) In 
this age of the world, mechanical power is increased to such an 
extent, that man can provide himself with a plenty of clothing, 
warm, dry, and comfortable dwellings, and an abundance of fuel, 
and can protect himself perfectly against the cold, in as high a 
latitude as will furnish sufficient vegetation for food. Heat is 
now the great enemy of the human family; it relaxes and 
enfeebles the system, so that man will scarcely do more than 
half as much labor annually at the 30th, as he can from the 40th 
to the 50th degree of latitude ; it operates upon and excites the 
nervous system, and the action of the brain ; increases the circu- 
lation of the blood, and the secretion of bile*, and produces fevers 
and diseases of various kinds, often so sudden and powerful in 
their effects, as to baffle the science of medicine. Greece is in 
nearly the same latitude, and it is quite as warm as the States 
of North Carolina and Tennessee, and probably warmer, and yet 
the mortality of those States is nearly twice as great as the 
mortality of the States north of the 41st degree of latitude. 



184 ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE 



Even in the city of Philadelphia, as far north as the 40th degree 
of latitude, Dr. Emerson, a learned physician, in commenting 
upon the bills of mortality of that city, puts down heat, the ex- 
cessive heat of summer, as the most powerful cause of the great 
mortality of the citizens. Examine the bills of mortality of the 
city of New York, and it will be found that the deaths from 
cholera infantum during the month of August, run from 30 to 70 
weekly ; during the month of July, from' 20 to 50 weekly ; and 
during the winter mouths not over 2 or 3 weekly. What but the 
excessive heat of summer could produce such effects ? Cold was 
once, and until a comparatively recent period, the greatest enemy 
of man ; but he has now almost entirely overcome it by means of 
mechanical power, new inventions and discoveries in mechanical 
science, and the consequent accumulation of the comforts of life. 
Heat is now his greatest enemy, against which, as yet, he has 
found no effectual protection, though the modern improvements 
in building, in the medical sciences, and the general increase of 
the comforts of life, have diminished the ratio of mortality con- 
siderably among the middle and higher classes of people even in 
hot climates, though probably not one-fourth part as much there, 
as in cold climates. 

My readers will readily perceive the impossibility of mechanics 
and manufacturers working in cold climates, except in summer, 
in houses and workshops constructed, warmed and lighted, as they 
were in ancient times. In order to perform much labor of a 
mechanical or manufacturing character in cold and damp climates, 
good, dry, and comfortable, well-lighted, and well-warmed work- 
shops are absolutely necessary ; otherwise the labor of the work- 
men must be mostly confined to a few months of the warm season, 
and they must lie almost idle during more than half the year. 
Not so in warm and dry climates, where the atmosphere is so 
warm and dry during the most of the year, that all the mechanic 
needs is a shelter or covering sufficient to protect him from the 
heat of the sun, to enable him to continue his labor, with but 
little interruption, during the whole year. It is not, therefore, 
surprising that the inhabitants of France and England, as weil as 
of all Central and Northern Europe, remained in a rude and bar- 
barous condition, living either in the pastoral or hunting state, 
ignorant of the mechanic arts, and destitute of what even the 
poor now esteem the ordinary necessaries and comforts of life, for 
centuries after the inhabitants of Egypt, Southern Asia, Greece, 
Italy, Spain, and Northern Africa had made considerable progress 
in the mechanic arts, commerce, and civilization. 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 185 

Sec. 5. Invention of Saw-Mills — mode of building, and condition 
of dwellings before that time. 

When the first mill was erected for sawing lumber by 
mechanical power is not known ; it is certain, however, that saw- 
mills were not in use among the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, or 
any of the ancient nations. The first saw-mill, of which we have 
any record, was erected on the Island of Madeira in 1420 ; and 
the first one in Norway, in 1530. Saw-mills were not introduced 
into England until the seventeenth century, and for a long time 
occasioned alarm, commotion and excitement among the sawyers, 
for fear they might be thrown out of employment. The first one 
was erected in London in 1633, but it was demolished soon after- 
wards, for fear it might be the means of depriving the poor of 
employment, and the means of subsistence. Saw-mills were 
introduced into the colony of Massachusetts about the same time. 
Prior to the invention and use of saw-mills, hoards and plank 
were sawed by hand, which rendered sawed lumber very scarce and 
excessively dear. It must have cost as much as eight, or ten limes, 
and perhaps twenty times as much labor to make it, as it does 
now. 

The Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, and other ancient nations, 
understood sawing stone and marble much better than wood, and 
could probably do it nearly as cheap. Hence all the ancient 
nations built their houses, and other edifices, of brick, stone, 
or marble, and used wood only for doors, casings, and perhaps 
upper floors, and roofs in some cases, and a few other purposes. 
When they had any lower floor, it was stone or brick laid on the 
ground ; but the great mass of the people had no floors at all, 
and cooked, eat, and lived on the bare ground ; in fact, such 
appears to have been the case among the wealthier class of 
Romans, while Rome was in the height of her power and 

Jacob, in his u Historical Inquiry into the Precious Metals," 
Chap. xxi. p. 277, says that " When Erasmus visited England 
in the former century, (the 16th,) the houses were built of mud 
and wood, were thatched with straw, and instead of floors the 
bare earth was covered with rushes or straw ; but in the 
latter end of the 17th century, the dwellings in towns were chiefly 
constructed of stone or brick, were covered with slate or tiles, and 
floored with timber." 

Let us take a retrospective view, and see what was the kind, 
condition, and comforts of the dwellings and work-shops of the 
ancient nations, as well as those of the people of Europe, up to 
the 12th century, and even of the great mass of the people up to 



186 ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

the latter part of the 17th century. Their buildings were made 
of brick, mud, wood, and stone, without chimneys or flues to carry 
off the smoke, and without stoves having pipes ; being warmed 
by means of a fire built on the ground, in the middle of a room, 
or by coals or charred wood in a brasier or open pan, without a 
pipe, the smoke rising into the room and passing off through an 
aperture in the roof, in many respects like an Indian wigwam or 
cabin. Secondly, Their buildings were without glass windows, 
and lighted from the aperture in the roof, and by means of win- 
dows sometimes made of white cloth, but more generally of 
wooden lattice work, which in cold weather let in more wind and 
cold than light. Thirdly, the labor and expense of sawing lumber 
was so great, that their buildings were generally without floors of 
any kind, there being nothing but the naked ground to stand, 
work, and put their furniture and work upon, or brick or stone 
floors, lying upon the ground, and generally equally damp, cold, 
and unhealthy, as the ground itself In fog^y, cloudy, rainy or 
snowy weather in winter, in England, the north of France, or any 
of the central and northern parts of Europe, such dwellings wo'uld 
necessarily be cold, damp, smoky, dark, gloomy, and unhealthy. 
Such buildings were totally unfit for work-shops during more 
than half the year ; hence the utter impossibility, in cold and 
damp climates, of prosecuting the mechanic arts to any great 
extent in such buildings, and for want of the mechanic arts aori- 
culture was in a very backward, rude, and infant state ; husbandry 
being mostly of a pastoral character, and the principal business 
of the farmer, the raising of cattle. 

Sec. 6. More people suffer for want of comfortable dwellings, 
clothing, and fuel, than for want of food. 
Though food is the first want of man, and while in a savage and 
barbarous state, undoubtedly millions have perished for want of a 
regular and sufficient supply of nourishment ; yet where man has 
acquired the art of making iron, and instruments and utensils of 
husbandry, the mechanic arts and commerce have sprung up, and 
a division of employments has taken place, the earth in all warm 
and temperate, as well as hot climates, and generally up to nearly 
the 60th degree of latitude, seems to bring forth abundantly, and 
to increase her productions in proportion to the progress the 
people have made in the mechanic arts, and in commerce ; 
famines become unknown, a general failure of all the different 
crops of a country never occurs, and the people seldom perish, 
nor are their days shortened for want of food. Though the 
island of Great Britain has about eight times as many inhabitants 
as it had seven or eight centuries since, yet the whole population 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 187 

would be better supplied now, without importing a pound of 
breadstuffs, than they were then. In fact, it may be said with 
truth, that famines, dearths, and scarcities of provision?, and 
suffering for want of food, have always occurred among savages, 
barbarians, hunters, shepherds, and agricultural nations ; but have 
rarely been very destructive to human life in any age of the world, 
among any people who had made much proficiency in the me- 
chanic arts. 

As a general rule, man, in all civilized countries not even ex- 
cepting Great Britain, can supply himself with a sufficiency of 
food to promote health and longevity, much easier than he can 
procure a comfortable dwelling suitable to promote health, and a 
sufficient supply of comfortable clothing, bedding, and fuel. M. 
Quetelet, a learned Belgian writer, in his Essais sur L 'Homme, 
shows that the mortality annually in the poorest district of Paris, 
is nearly twice as great as in the wealthiest district ; that the 
mortality increases regularly, from the wealthiest to the poorest 
district ; and that it is very little affected by any cause, except 
the degree of comfort, and the wealth and ease or poverty of the 
inhabitants. The lives of the poor are not shortened in Paris by 
want of food, as much as those of the rich are by high living, over- 
eating, and want of exercise, which often bring on the gout, 
dyspepsia, and a long train of other diseases. The cause of the 
great mortality of the poor in Paris, and in all civilized countries, 
is not a want of food, but a want of warm, dry, airy and comfort- 
able dwellings, and a want of sufficient good bedding, clothing, 
and fuel, to keep up as near as practicable, an uniform tempera- 
ture of the human system day and night, during the year. 

In this age of the world, when food and clothing seem to be 
generally abundant in every civilized country, the greatest enemies 
to human life, and the most active causes which produce disease 
and death, are heat, cold, and dampness in excess. Though the 
laboring classes are more exposed to these elements and causes 
of disease than the wealthy, yet moderate and regular exercise 
daily, contributes to health, and they are not subject to the end- 
less train of diseases brought on by luxury, excessive indulgence, 
and indolence ; and, upon the whole, the laboring classes in the 
United States who have comfortable dwellings, live quite as long 
if not longer than the wealthy and luxurious. Such is not the 
case however, among those who are engaged on our public works, 
canals, and railroads, who live in temporary shanties, so open that 
rain drives in at every storm or shower, and destitute of any iloor 
except a few loose boards laid on the ground. Such dwellings 
are always wet in wet weather, and the floors are kept damp and 
cold during the principal part of the year, by the ground on 



188 OHIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

which they lie. They are soon heated through by the sun in 
summer, and are penetrated with the cold and the winds very 
quickly on a change of the weather ; in fact, they afford to their 
inmates very little protection from the weather, and leave theui 
almost as much exposed to heat and cold, wind, rain, and damp- 
ness, as if they were under the shelter of nothing better than a 
forest tree. Such dwellings, together with an insufficient quantity 
of bedding, ate the fruitful source of disease and death ; and 
accordingly we find the mortality of persons in such circumstances 
is immensely great, generally two or three times as great as it is 
among persons in the middle ranks of life. The same difficulty 
and danger attend persons who are poor, on settling in a new 
country ; they live in miserable dwellings, or huts, with floors as 
just described, of loose boards either lying on the ground, or 
within a few inches of it ; they are hot during the day in summer, 
and damp and cold at night, and damp during the greater part of 
the year. Such is the case also, to a considerable extent, in 
large cities, where thousands of persons live in cellars, and miser- 
able shells of houses, on low wet ground by the side of water 
courses, where the air at night is generally damp, and often foggy ; 
and in addition to all this, great numbers are crowded together in 
small apartments, and lodgings poorly ventilated, where they neces- 
sarily suffer from each other'' s breath and the exhalations from the 
human system. Wherever such diseases as the plague, yellow fever, 
Asiatic cholera, dysentery, fyc. have appeared in cities, they have 
uniformly made zheir appearance among the poor in such dwellings, 
along the water courses; and there also they have continued the 
greatest length of time, and been the most destructive to human 
life. 

Such also was the condition of the dwellings to a very great 
extent of all the people, both rich and poor, throughout the 
world, prior to the invention of saw mills, glass windows and 
chimneys. Even the rich had no floors except brick or stone, 
laid upon the ground, and as damp and cold as the ground itself; 
and the poor generally had no floors but the naked ground. 
They had no glass windows by which they could admit the light, 
exclude the cold and dampness of the atmosphere, and shut out 
the damp atmosphere at night ; nor had they any chimneys or 
stoves by which they could warm their houses and dry them when 
necessary, and at the same time carry off the smoke, without 
letting in the cold. 

Great care is now taken, by persons who are able, to have 
either cellars under their houses, or to raise them up some feet 
from the ground, so that the dampness of the earth may not 
affect their floors, and thus penetrate into their rooms ; and in 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 189 

building brick houses, many persons put studs upon the inside of 
the brick wall, and lath and plaster upon them, in order to keep 
the dampness of the walls from penetrating through into the 
rooms. All these improvements of modern times, have con-~ 
tributed to increase the comforts, promote the health, lessen the 
sickness and mortality, and lengthen the life of man. 

Sec. 7. The Mariner's Compass, and its influence on Navigation: 
Prior to the invention of the Mariner's Compass, it was 
impossible to navigate the ocean with safety, or even at all, except 
along its coasts ; and hence navigation and transportation by 
water was pretty much confined to the Mediterranean, Black, 
and Red Seas, and the coasts of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. 
This invention is claimed by the Neapolitans to have been made 
by one of their citizens about the year 1302 ; while the Vene- 
tians state that they introduced it from China about the year : 
1260. This valuable invention extended, and changed the 
character of navigation, led to the discovery of the New World, 
by Columbus in 1492 ; and stimulated man, by opening to his 
view, the broadest field of commercial enterprise which he had 
ever witnessed. -* 

Sec. 8. Progress of improvement in the mechanic arts, and 
manufactures ; and their effects upon man. 

The increase of population, of power, and of wealth, lias 
progressed step by step, in all civilized countries, with the 
inventions and improvements in the mechanic arts, the increase 
of productive industry, and the extension of commerce ; and 
accordingly we find that for centuries prior to the Christian era, 
as well as long afterwards, the nations about the Mediterranean 
sea and southern Asia, had from five to ten times .as much 
population, in proportion to their territory capable of cultivation, 
as the nations of central and northern Europe ; though the latter 
are now much more densely populated, and in most instances^ 
have two or three times as dense a population as the former. 

Though the art of spinning and weaving wool and flax into 
cloth was introduced by the Romans into Gaul, now France, 
and into Great Britain, before the Christian era, or about that 
time, yet the manufacture of cloth in these countries was 
extremely limited, until within the last two or three centuries. 
Flanders or Burgundy, now Belgium, was the first country in a 
high latitude and cold climate where the manufacture of cloth of 
any kind was ever carried on to such an extent as to make it an 
article of foreign commerce and exportation Though the Flemish 
seem to have been in advance, in the manufacture of cloth, of the 



190 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

English, French, Spaniards, and all the nations of central, 
western, and northern Europe during the time of the crusades, 
and for some centuries previous ; yet they were behind the 
Venetians, and did not make very rapid progress in manufactures 
until the latter part of the thirteenth century, after the introduction 
of chimneys with flues, and glass windows in their houses and 
workshops. Flanders flourished and increased in population, 
wealth and power during the whole of the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries, and until the commencement of the religious persecu- 
tions and wars of Philip II. of Spain, and the Duke of Alva, 
about the year 1567, with greater rapidity than any other part 
of Europe, except Yenice. Venice prospered by means of 
manufacturing industry and commercial enterprise combined ; 
but the chief source of the prosperity and increase of population 
and wealth in Flanders, was their extensive manufactures of wool, 
linen, laces, &c. Vast quantities of wool were sent annually 
from Spain, England and France to Flanders, to be manufac- 
tured into cloth, and the cloth, when manufactured, transported 
back to the countries which furnished the wool. This course of 
business made all those countries, in some measure, tributary to, 
and contributors to the prosperity and wealth of the little Duke- 
dom of Burgundy. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, 
Bruges, and afterwards Antwerp and Amsterdam, were more 
wealthy and prosperous ; and Bruges, in the height of her 
prosperity, was also more populous than either London or Paris. 
The revenues of the Duke of Burgundy were then estimated as 
greater than those of England or France. (See Hallam's Middle 
Ages, Harper's edition, 192, note.) 

The first impulse to the manufacture of wool in England was 
given in the 14th century, by Edward III., who invited, and 
gave great encouragement to Flemish manufacturers to remove 
to England and establish themselves there, in the woollen manu- 
facture ; and during the religious persecutions and civil wars in 
the Netherlands, the latter part of the 16th century, the greater 
part of the Protestant refugees fled to England, and sought the 
protection of Queen Elizabeth, where they contributed to increase 
and extend the manufacturing skill, science, industry, and pros- 
perity of the British nation. Louis XIV. of France, revoked the 
edict of Nantes in 1685, and commenced the violent persecution 
of the Protestants of his dominions ; and it has been generally 
estimated, that half a million or more escaped from the country ; 
and that an hundred thousand of them went to England, the most 
of whom were mechanics and manufacturers. These several 
emigrations of mechanics and manufacturers to England, may be 
regarded as the principal causes of the growth of manufactures in 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 191 

that country, prior to the general introduction of. machinery and 
of the Steam Engine, about the year 1775. 

To enable the reader to judge of the changes in the condition 
of the people of England, made since the beginning of the Refor- 
mation, I have collected the following statements from the history 
of England by Sir James Mcintosh, and from Henry Hallam's 
history of the middle ages. Referring to the 14th century, Sir 
James writes as follows : " The frequency of famines, and the 
excessive fluctuation of the prices of the necessaries of life, were 
among the most wide- wasting evils which afflicted the middle age. 
In a period without commerce, the scarcity of one district could 
not be relieved by the redundant produce of another." " The 
pestilential fevers which raged with such malignity may in part he 
ascribed to want of food, fuel, air, and clothing ; to towns 
crowded and filthy, as well as to the low state of medical know- 
ledge." Mr. Hallam, in his ninth chapter, shows the style of 
building during the middle ages ; the miserable and comfortless 
condition of the dwellings, even of the wealthy ; the character of 
their clothing, made mostly of leather, furs, and shins ; the scanti- 
ness of their furniture, having but a few beds, chairs, or benches, 
tables, and kitchen furniture, mostly of a very coarse kind, with 
very little bedding ; and their want of a great proportion of the 
comforts of life, now enjoyed by mechanical and manufacturing 
laborers. They had a little plate, a few ornaments, very few 
looking glasses, or even glass windows, which were then regarded 
as moveable property and rather rare ; and the servants of even 
the wealthy slept on mattresses of straw. The industrious, tem- 
perate, and provident portions of the manufacturing classes of 
England, at this time, have better clothing, lodging, and furni- 
ture, than the nobility had in the 15th century. 

Sec. 9. On Paper — its uses and manufacture. 
Paper is manufactured of vegetable mater reduced to a pulp by 
means of water and grinding. For the chief purpose to which it 
is applied in modern times, the ancients had recourse to a variety 
of materials ; such as stone — tablets of wood, plates of lead, skins, 
parchment, linen, and above all, the papyrus. Of all these articles, 
papyrus was found the most useful for ordinary purposes as a 
subsitute for paper. The art of making papyrus into paper was 
invented in Egypt several centuries before the Christian era. 
The art of making paper of cotton cloth or rags is suppposed to 
have been borrowed from the Chinese or Persians, and introduced 
into Europe in the eleventh century by the Saracens ; the prac- 
tice of making linen into paper commenced in the 12th or 13th 
century, and in France and England early in the 14th century. 



102 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

The application of paper to purposes of writing and printing, 
and the fact of its being indispensable for such uses, render its 
manufacture of the highest utility and importance. France, 
Holland, and Genoa, had for a long period a decided superiority 
over England, in the manufacture of paper. The first paper mill 
erected in England was built during the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; 
but even during the 17th century, the greatest part of the paper 
used in England was imported from the continent, and much of 
it from France. The manufacture is said to have been consider- 
ably improved by the French refugees, who fled to Great Britain 
in 1685 ; the manufacture of white paper was commenced in 
England in 1690. The quantity annually manufactured in Great 
Britain was estimated about the year 1721 at 300,000 reams 5 
which was about two thirds the whole consumption of that coun- 
try. In 17S3 the value of the paper annually manufactured in 
Great Britain was estimated at £780,000. Dr. Brande estimated 
it in 1840, at from £1,200,000 to £1,300,000, and McCulloch, 
at £1,500,000. The former says there were then about 700 
paper mills in England, from 70 to 80 in Scotland, and very few 
in Ireland. (See Brande's Encyclopaedia of Science and Art.) 

Porter states the licenses granted for the manufacture of 
paper, and the quantity charged with excise duty in 1841 as 
follows. Licenses granted in England 370, Scotland 49, and 
Ireland 48, total 467 ; and the quantity made at 97,103,548 
pounds. Ireland is partially supplied with paper from England. 

The value of the paper, pasteboard, cards, &c, manufactured 
in the United States in 1810, according to the census of that year, 
amounted to $1,939,285; and in 1840 to $6,153,092; the 
paper mills at the latter period numbered 426. The imports of 
paper of all kinds into the United States in 1842, were valued at 
$92,771. The value of paper, paper hangings, and all manu- 
factures of paper made annually in France, is estimated at 
43,000,000 francs or about $8,184,000 

Sec. 11. On the production, manufacture^ and trade in Wool and 
Woollen goods. 
We read that Abel was a keeper of sheep, (Gen. iv : 2 and 4,) 
and in the same chap. v. 19, that Jabal was the father of those 
that dwelt in tents and of such as have cattle ;that Noah dwelt 
in a tent, and his sons covered his nakedness with a garment, 
(Gen. ix: 21, and 23.) Whether the tents and garments spoken 
of in 4th and 9th Gen. were made of skins, or wool spun and wove 
into cloth, is perhaps uncertain; but we read in Leviticus xiii. 47, 
and 59, that the Israelites after they left Egypt had garments 
made of both wool and flax. Woollen and linen cloths, together 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 193 

with leather and skins, constituted almost the entire clothing of 
the ancient Egyptians, Israelites, Phoenicians, Greeks, and 
Romans, and of all the nations of Europe, except the Saracens 
and Turks, until the introduction of the cotton manufacture at a 
comparatively recent period. In temperate as well as in cold 
climates, sheep, next to cattle, are the most useful to man, of all 
the animal creation. They afford a large supply of food and the 
principal material of clothing, and can be reared in situations and 
soils unfit for agriculture, and do well, where other animals would 
scarcely live. England, as shown in Chap. VII., was mostly a 
grazing country, until the 17th century, and up to that time the 
principal exports of the English consisted of wool, coarse unfin- 
ished woollen cloths, a small quantity of tin, copper, and hard- 
ware, and a few horses and cattle ; and up to the end of the loth 
century, the exports were but trifling in amount, consisting of 
wool, cattle, horses, and tin. 

The total number of sheep and lambs in England and "Wales 
in 1S00, including the number slaughtered and lost that year, was 
estimated at 26,148,463 ; and their product of wool at 3S4,000 
packs of 240 lbs. each ; equal in the aggregate to 92,160,000 
pounds. The number of sheep in Scotland was estimated in 
1814 at 2,S50,000, and in 1837 at 3,500,000 ; in Ireland at 
2,000,000 ; and in England and Wales at 26,500,000 ; making 
in all in the United Kingdom 32,000,000. Dr. Campbell, in his 
" Political Survey of Great Britain," published in 1774,observes : 
— " Many computations have been made upon this important 
subject. According to the best information that can be obtained, 
there may be from 10,000,000 to 12,000,000 sheep in England, 
some think more. The value of their wool may, one year with 
another, amount to £3,000,000 ; the expense of manufacturing it 
may probably be £9,000,000, and the total value £12,000,000. 
We may export annually to the value of £3,000.000, though one 
year we- exported more than £4,000,000." 

About the year 1696, Gregory King and Mr. Davenant estima- 
ted the value of the wool shorn in England and Wales at 
£2,000,000 per annum ; and they supposed the value of the wool, 
including that imported, was about quadrupled in the manufacture, 
making the annual value of the manufactures of wool £8,000,000. 

The quantity of wool imported into Great Britain, the quantity 
retained for home consumption, and the official as well as the real 
or market value of woollen manufactures exported from the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland at different periods, 
were as follows . 



194 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

1SI0. 1820. 1830. 1833, 

Wool imported, lbs 10,914,137 9,7s9.(>20 82,313.059 3S,076,4l3 

do. retained for consumption.. 7,091.773 81,522,859 39,066,620 

Woollen Manufactures exported, 

1S20. 1S30. 1S35. 1S40. 

Official value, £5,558,709 £ 7,406 909 — 

Declared value, £5,5S6,13S 4,S50,S84 6,840,511 5,327,853 

The declared value of the exports of woollen manufactures and 
yarn in 1844, amounted to £S,204,S36, and the quantity of wool 
imported amounted to 05,079,524 pounds. McCulloch states 
that in 1700 and 1701, the official value of the woollen goods 
exported, amounted to about £3,000,000 a year : and that the 
average official value of the exports for the six years ending with 
17S9, was £3,544,160 per annum. Since the introduction of 
machinery and the prodigious increase of the cotton manufacture, 
'cotton fabrics have for many uses supplied the places of woollen, 
as well as of linen cloths, and the woollen manufacture has in- 
creased very slowly in Great Britain during the last century and 
a half. McCulloch estimates in his Gazetteer, the value of the 
fabrics of wool annually manufactured in Great Britain at that 
time (1S40,) at £22,000,000, and those of cotton at £35,000,000 ; 
and if the estimate of Dr. Campbell, of the value of woollen man- 
ufactures in 1774, at from ten to twelve millions of pounds 
sterling, was veiy^ near correct, the manufacture of wool has not 
increased since that time, as fast as the population. 

McCulloch states that the total annual product of wool in Eng- 
land and Wales was then (1840,) estimated at 470,000 packs of 
240 lbs. each ; amounting in the aggregate to 112,800,000 lbs. 
He states the number of sheep in France at 39,000,000, and the 
wool annually produced by them on an average from 1830 to 1840, 
on the authority of Berghaus, at 42,000,000 kilogrammes ; about 
93,000,000 lbs. 

Let us compare the number of sheep in those countries, and 
the quantity of wool annually produced, with the number of 
sheep in the U. States, and the production of wool in 1840-, 
according to the census. 

No. of sheep. Pounds of wool. Pounds to each sheep. 

In England & Wales, 26,500,000 1 12,800,000 over 4.25 
" Scotland, about 3,500,000 

"France, 39,000,000 93,000,000 2.4 

" our Free States, 12,144,468 27,488,407 2.25 

u " Slave States, 7,166,906 8,313,707 1,16 

United States, 19,311,374 35,802,114 1.85 

These facts indicate the character of the husbandry of those 
countries, and show very clearly, that the same truth holds good 



AND TIIE MECHANIC ARTS. 195 

in relation to growing wool, as well as to other branches of 
agriculture ; that wherever manufactures arc flourishing, there is 
an active demand for raw produce at good pi-ices, and agriculture 
is generally flourishing, and conducted with science and skill ; 
and that wherever there are no manufactures, there is but little 
demand for raw produce, and agriculture is generally in a very 
sluggish and low state, and wages and lands, as well as produce, 
very low. 

Sheep do well on rough, rocky, hilly and mountainous lands, 
which are totally unfit for cultivation ; they also do well on the 
dry and rolling prairies, as well as on the dry opening lands of 
the North-western States. The Alpaca or Peruvian sheep has 
been introduced into England, and naturalized in that country 
within the last fifteen years. It is a large, hardy sheep, accus- 
tomed to climbing and living on short fare among the lofty Andes 
of Peru ; has done well in England, and is said to yield an 
average of ten pounds of fine wool, worth from Is. 8d. to 2s. 6d. 
sterling per pound. There are great quantities of rough, and 
mountainous lands, in the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
Virginia, and Tennessee, and some in the Carolinas, Georgia, 
Kentucky, and many other states, of but little value for anything 
but grazing, on which many millions of Alpacas and other sheep 
might be kept ; and instead of producing about one-third part as 
much wool in the United States as is produced on the island of 
Great Britain, our present States and Territories are capable of 
producing ten times as much. 

We not only import large amounts of woollen manufactures, 
but large quantities of wool also. Our imports of wool in 1842 
and 1S45 were as follows : in 1S42 wool costing less than eight 
cents per pound, 10,637,251 pounds, value $685,649 ; over eight 
cents per pound, 783,701 pounds, value $111,733 ; and in 1845, 
wool not exceeding seven cents per pound, 23,382,097 pounds, 
value $1,593,789 ; and over seven cents, 450,943 pounds, valued 
at $136,005. 

The value of manufactures of wool imported into the United 
States, were, in 1S25, $11,392,264 ; in 1830, $5,766,396 ; in 
1835, $17,S34,424 ; in 1840, $9,071,184 ; in 1845, §10,666,176 ; 
and in 1850, $17,151,500. 

The value of the woollen fabrics manufactured in the 
United States in 1840 according to the returns of the census, 
amounted to $20,696,999, besides mixed goods, and about 
$25,000,000 worth of woollen cloths made in families. 

The woollen fabrics made annually in France, have been 
estimated by Berghaus at about $50,000,000, and by ^ther 
persons much higher. Their exports of manufactures of wool 



196 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

from 1831 to 1837, averaged annually, nearly $8,000,000 ; from 
1S38 to 1842, nearly $12,000,000 annually; and in 1843 they 
amounted to $14,835,000. While France as well as Great Britain 
export a large amount of manufactures of wool, both Ireland and 
the United States import a large proportion of the woollen goods 
consumed by their inhabitants— -and import wool also. 
Sec. 11* The production, manufacture, and trade in the manu- 
factures of Flax and Hemp. 

Flax is a native plant of Egypt, and of almost every country of 
Europe, and has been used for cloth from the earliest periods of 
profane as well as sacred history ; but its use at present is almost 
superseded by cotton, which is generally supposed to promote 
health much more, and to be better for clothing on that account 
than linen. 

Flax was carded, spun, and woven by hand all over the world, 
until about the year 1810, when machinery was first applied to its 
manufacture. The imports of flax into Dundee in Scotland, 
increased from 74 tons in 1745, to 2,444 tons in 1791 ; and from 
about 3000 tons, in 1814, to 15,000 tons in 1830. The imports 
amounted during the year ending May 31st, 1833, to 18,777 tons 
of flax, and 3,380 tons of hemp : the whole quantity imported into 
Great Britain and Ireland in 1834 was 40,586 tons ; in 1840, 
62,662 tons ; in 1845, 70,931 tons ; and in 1849, 90,339 tons. 

The low wages of spinners in Ireland hindered the application 
of machinery to the spinning of flax many years after it had been 
extensively introduced into England and Scotland. But the 
rapid progress of the manufacture in Great Britain, made it evi- 
dent that unless similar machinery were set in motion in Ireland, 
the linen manufacture of that country would be entirely annihi- 
lated. There were in 1834, 152 flax factories in England, 170 
in Scotland, and but 25 in Ireland ; the spinning of flax in Ireland, 
being at that time mostly done by hand. McCulloch estimated 
the annual value of the manufacture of linen, in Great Britain 
and Ireland, from 1834 to 1838, at £8,000,000,as follows. 

Value of raw material one third, . . £2,666,666 

Wages of laborers, 3,333,334 

Profits,use, wear and tear of capital, wages of 

superintendants, &c, 25 per cent, . 2,000,000 

£8,000,000 

The value exported from the United Kingdom in 1830 amounted 

to £2,066,424, in 1835 to £3,208,778,and in 1844 to £4,075,476. 

The exports from Ireland to Great Britain, except yarn, are nearly 

as much annually, as the exports from Great Britain to foreign 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 107 

countries, so that the manufactures of linen in Great Britain, 
except yarn, are about equal to, or very little more than the 
consumption. Since the application of machinery to spinning 
linen, the weight of the linen yarn exported has increased from 
2,611,215 lbs. in 1835, to 17,733,575 lbs. in 1S40, and to 
25,970,569 lbs. in 1S44 ; valued in 1844 at £1,050,676 sterling ; all 
of which was spun in Great Britain. Such is the effect of 
machinery. 

The manufactures of flax and hemp in France consisting of 
linen, thread, lace, &c, are still more valuable than those of Great 
Britain and Ireland ; they were estimated in 1839,at 260,000,000 
francs, equal to §48,880,000 ; the average annual exports of 
which, including linen clothing from 1836 to 1S40, amounted to 
over $8,000,000. 

The value of the manufactures of flax (exclusive of mixed and 
family made goods) in the United States in 1840 was only 
§322,205. The value of the manufactures of flax and hemp 
imported into the United States, has been as follows. 

Of Flax. Of Hemp. 

1825, $3,887,787 §2,134,384 

1830, 3,011,280 1,333,478 

1835, 6,472.021 2,555,847 

1839, 7,703,065 2,096,716 

1842, 3,659,184 1,273,534 

1845, 4,923,109 897,345 

1850, 8,134,674 588,446 

The United States produced in 1839, according to the returns 
of the census, 95,251* tons of flax and hemp (mostly hemp,) and we 
might produce sufficient of each, to supply the wants of the coun- 
try, and furnish the value (when manufactured), of many millions 
of dollars for exportation annually. 

Sec. 12. The production, manufacture and trade in Silk and 
Silk Goods. 

Though silk was made into cloth at a very early period in 
China, India, Persia, and some other countries of Asia, and its 
use became known to the Romans before the Christian era, yet 
the rearing of silkworms and the silk manufacture were not 
introduced into Europe until the time of the emperor Justinian, 
about the year 530. But after the introduction of these arts at 
Constantinople, Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, Greece continued 
to be the only European country in which they were practised 
until about the middle of the twelfth century, when they were 

* About 11,674 tons should be deducted for error in Virginia. 



198 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

introduced into the island of Sicily. From this island they 
spread into Italy ; and Venice, Milan, Florence, and Lucca, 
were soon after distinguished for their success in raising silk- 
worms, and for the extent and beauty of their manufactures 
of silk. 

The silk manufacture was introduced into Tours in France, by 
some workmen from Italy, on the invitation of Louis XL, about 
the year 1480, and at Lyons in 1520; and into England about 
the same time, though it did not make much progress in England 
until the age of Queen Elizabeth. 

England is situated in too high a latitude to rear the silk- 
worm, and produce raw silk to advantage ; the quantity of raw 
silk produced in that country is small. The quantity of silk 
manufactured in Great Britain is indicated by the quantity of 
raw, waste and thrown silk imported at different periods. It 
was very trifling until the civil wars in Flanders drove many of 
the Flemish manufacturers and artisans to England during the 
reign of Queen Elizabeth ; and the revocation of the edict of 
Nantes in 1685, which drove great numbers also from France; 
many of whom fled to England. But the manufacture progressed 
very slowly, until after the introduction and use of machinery. 

The average annual importation of raw, waste, and thrown 
silk into Great Britain at different periods, was as follows, 
stated in pounds. 

Raw and Waste. Thrown. 



1765 to 1.767 


352,000 


lbs. 


363,000 


lbs 


1785 to 1*787 


544,000 


a 


337,000 


a 


1801 to 1812 


760,000 


a 


350,000 


u 


1821 to 1823 


2,044,000 


a 


355,000 


a 


1830 


4,256,982 


u 


436,535 


a 


1840 


4,531,115 


u 


288,147 


a 


1849 


5,004,232 


u 


614,689 


a 



There has been scarcely any increase in the quantity of thrown 
or spun silk annually imported (into Great Britain since the year 
1765) ; but the importation of raw silk has kept pace with the 
invention, improvement, and use of machinery. There were in 
1834, no less than two hundred and fifty-six silk factories in 
England, six in Scotland, and but one in Ireland ; employing in 
England 29,947 persons, in Scotland 686 persons, and in Ireland 
but 48. In 1839, the number of silk factories in England had 
increased to 286, employing 33,470 persons, while there was no 
increase in Scotland and Ireland 

The value of silk goods of all kinds manufactured annually in 
Great Britain and France about the year 1840, was estimated by 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 199 

McCulIoch as follows : in Great Britain, £10,000,000 sterling, 
and in France 300,000,000 francs, equal to about £12,000,000. 

The average annual value of silk and silk goods exported from 
France from 1836 to 1841 was about 137,000,000 francs, equal 
to about 4-5 per cent, of the whole value produced ; while the 
declared value of British silks exported from Great Britain and 
Ireland from 1841 to 1844, averaged annually only £695,872 
sterling; or less than eight per cent, of the value manufactured. 

The value of silk goods imported into the United States, 
during the undermentioned fiscal years, was as follows : 



1825 


$10,299,743 


1830 


5,932,212 


1835 


16,677,547 


1839 


21,742,369 


1840 


9,835,757 


1845 


9,928,411 


1850 


*19,692,818 



Sec. 13. The production, manufacture, and trade in Cotton and 
Cotton Goods — the prices of cotton, &$c. 
Though cotton is a native plant of India, the interior of Africa, 
and Mexico, and perhaps of some other warm countries, and it 
has been spun into cloth, and furnished the principal clothing of 
the Hindoos from time immemorial, and of the natives of Mexico 
at the time of the discovery of America ; yet its manufacture 
seems to have been unknown to the ancient Egyptians, Greeks, 
and Romans, and to have been first brought into Europe by the 
Moors, who introduced it into Spain in the ninth or tenth 
century. It was first introduced into Italy in the thirteenth or 
fourteenth century, and into Flanders and France at a still later 
period ; and was not introduced into England until the sixteenth 
century. The fibres of cotton being shorter than those of flax, 
and more difficult to spin and weave by hand, the quantity nianu 
factored in Europe was very small, until after the invention and 
general use of machinery for spinning and weaving it ; and the 
Europeans were principally supplied with cotton cloths from 
India, and some from China, during the whole of the last century, 
and to a considerable extent, down to the close of the wars grow- 
ing out of the French revolution in 1815. 

* This is the amount according to the valuations, including silk and 
worsted goods, valued at $1,653,809. There is no reason to doubt that thev 
were undervalued from fifteen to twenty per cent, on an average, and that 
their real value for the fiscal year, ending June 30th, 1850, was as much as 
twenty-three millions of dollars. 



200 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

Mr. Baine, in his " History of the Cotton Manufacture," 
expresses the opinion, that the cotton manufacture was first intro- 
duced into England by the Protestant refugees who fled from 
Flanders, during the religious persecutions, the latter part of the 
sixteenth century. He shows that the average importation of 
cotton into England from 1701 to 1705 was only 1,1 TO, 881 
pounds ; in 1130, only 1,545,4*72 pounds; in 1751 it amounted 
to 2,976,610 pounds ; the average quantity imported from 1771 
to 1775, was only 4,764,589 pounds ; and the average from 
1776 to 1780, hut 6,766,613 pounds. These facts show how 
small and trifling the quantity of cotton manufactured in England 
until after the invention of the spinning jenny by Hargreaves in 
1767. Though the culture of cotton had been introduced into 
these United States, (then colonies,) prior to the revolutionary 
war, and small quantities were made into cloth by females by 
hand for domestic uses, yet no cotton was exported by them until 
about the year 1784, and very little until after the invention of 
the cotton-gin by Mr. Whitney in 1793. The quantity exported 
in 1791 was but 189,316 pounds; and in 1792 but 138,328 
pounds; in 1794 it increased to 1,601,700 pounds. 

The following tables show the cultivation, manufacture, and 
foreign trade in cotton at different periods : 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 



201 



I. Statement showing the millions of pounds of Cotton ex- 
ported from the United States during the undermentioned years 
and periods — the average price per pound, and the aggregate 
value in millions of dollars, according to the custom-house valua- 
tions. Also the quantities manufactured in Great Britain, France, 
and the United States. 



Average of 
years. 


Millions of 


Value 
In milions 
of dollars 


Average 


Quantity manufactured 


. stated in 


pounds 


price per 


million 


5 of pound 


s, by 


exported. | 


exported. 


.b. Cents. 


G. Britain. 


France. 


U. States. 


1700tol750 


None 




30 to 75 


1.9 




a trifle. 


1751 


do 




do 


2.97 




do 


1764 


do 




do 


3.87 




do 


1771—1780 


do 




do 


5.75 




do 


1781—1790 


do 




do 


18 




.5 


1791— 1S00 


5.53 




33.8 


30.5 


10 


6 


1801—1810 


43 




22 


67.2 


18 


12 


1811—1820 


69.67 




20.5 


104.8 


30 


25 


1821—1830 


203.4 




13.2 


180.3 


69.6 


50 


1831— 1S40 


431.73 




12.24 


340.9 


102 


SO 


1S41— 1850 


699.35 




8-29 


560 


170 


175 


1820—1821 


124.89 


20.1 


16 


114 


47 


40 


1821—1822 


144.67 


24 


16.6 


120.5 


61 




1822—1823 


173.72 


20.4 


11.6 


177 


50.5 




1S23— 1824 


142.37 


21.9 


15 


131 


75 




1824—1825 


176.45 


36.8 


21 


206 


60 




1825—1826 


204.53 


25 


12.2 


150.25 


96 




1826—1827 


294.31 


29.3 


9.9 


250.5 


87 




1S27— 1828 


210.59 


22.5 


10.2 


208.25 


61 


50 


1828—1829 


264,84 


26.5 


10 


190.75 


71.5 




1S29— 1830 


298.46 


29.6 


10 


255 


87.3 




1830—1831 


277 . 


25.3 


9.1 


257 


65.5 




1831—1832 


322.21 


31 7 


9.5 


268.8 


78 


75 


1832—1833 


324.7 


36.2 


11.1 


286.3 


87 




1833—1834 


384.71 


49.4 


12.9 


302.4 


80 


80 


1834—1835 


387-36 


64.9 


16.6 


330.9 






1835—1836 


423.63 


71.2 


16.7 


375.2 


112 


90 


1836—1837 


444.2 


63.2 


14.2 


368.5 


120 




1837—1838 


595.95 


61.5 


10.3 


455 


137 




1838—1839 


413.62 


61.2 


14.8 


365 


114 


110 


1839—1840 


743.94 


63.8 


8.5 


500 


160 


124 


1840—1841 


530.2 


54.3 


10.2 


450 


158 


125 


1841—1842 


584.71 


47.5 


8.1 


475 


159 


114 


1842—1843 


792.3 


49.1 


6-2 


560 


160 


137 


1843—1844 


663.63 


54 


8.1 


580 


160 


150 


1844—1845 


872.9 


51.7 


6 


600 


165 


170 


1845—1846 


547.5 


42.7 


7.8 


500 


170 


190 


1846—1847 


527.2 


53.4 


11 


480 




200 


1847—1848 


813.6 


62 


7.6 


620 




230 


1848—18-19 


1.026.1 


66.4 


6.6 


750 




240 


1849—1850 


635.4 


72 


11.3 






230 


1850—1851 


927.2 


112.3 


12.1 






190 



202 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

II. Summary statement of the production and export of cotton 
by all the principal cotton-growing countries of the world at 
different periods, stated in millions of pounds. 



Tears, 


1791. 


1801. 


1811. 


1821. 


1834 


In the U. States, 












Millions of pounds produced, 


2 


30 


80 


180 


460 


exported, 


1 


201 


62J 


124? 


384 


Brazil produced, 


22 


36 


35 


32 


30 


exported, 


20 


24 


31 


28 


30 


West Indies produced, 


12 


10 


12 


10 


8 


exported, 


12 


17 


7 


9 


8 


Egypt produced, 






i 

8 


6 


25J 


exported, 








5 


23 


The rest of Africa produced, 


46 


45 


44 


40 


34 


exported, 












India produced, 


130 


160 


170 


175 


185 


exported, 




30 


41 


50 


SO 


The rest of Asia produced, 


190 


160 


146 


135 


110 


exported, 


5 


7 


6 






Mexico and S. America, ex- 












cept Brazil, produced, 


68 


56 


57 


44 


35 


exported, 




221 








All other countries produced, 




15 


11 


8 


13 


exported, 













Total produced in the world, 490 530 555 630 900 

Mr. "Woodbury estimated in millions of pounds the quantity- 
manufactured in different countries -as follows : 

1791. 1801. 1811. 1821. 1834. 



China and India, 285 


280 


270 


260 


242 


Mexico and S. America, 50 


45 


48 


42 


35 


Germany, 15 


22 


25 


30 


36 


Spain, 2 


3 


5 


8 


10 


Prussia, 2 


5 


6 


7 


20 


Turkey and Africa, 52 


50 


48 


45 


42 


Other countries except those 










stated in table No. 1, 60 


50 


50 


45 


40 



Prior to the year 1820, no country of Europe except Great 
Britain, manufactured any cotton cloths for exportation. Mr. 
Woodbury states the value of the exports of cotton manufactures 
from India in 1802 at $20,000,000, and in 1813 at $18,000,000 ; 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 203 

the exports of cotton goods from China in 1806 at $4,000,000 ; 
in 1820 at $3,000,000, and in 1826 at but $1,750,000. Under 
the withering influence of free trade with England, the manufac- 
ture of cotton has declined in India, China, Turkey and South 
America, as above stated, and their markets filled with British 
goods, and many of the manufacturers ruined. 

The quantity of cotton spun in the United Kingdom in 1838, 
as stated in Brande's Encyclopaedia, was as follows. 

In Great Britain, 426,090,116 lbs. 

and in Ireland only 4,412,860 " 



Total, 430,502,976 

These tables show the wonderfully great and rapid increase in 
the manufacture of cotton during the present century, in a few 
countries only, and particularly in Great Britain, while the 
manufacture in India, China, Turkey, South America, and 
Africa has declined. Though there has been very little increase 
in the cultivation of cotton in any country except the United 
States, the increase here has been so immensely great, as to 
exceed the demand, and leave large stocks on hand at the close 
of almost every year. 

They also show that the price of cotton is governed entirely oy 
the relative proportion betwetn the supply and demand in the mar- 
ket, and that there is no truth in the assumption of some of the 
free trade politicians, that our tariff of duties on foreign goods, 
and particularly on fabrics of cotton, tends to depress the price 
of cotton. We had a tariff passed in 1824, which took effect in 
1825 ; another passed in 1S28 ; and it is just as reasonable to 
assume that the tariff act of 1824 raised the price of cotton in 
1825, from fifteen to twenty-one cents per pound, as shown in 
Table No. 1, as it is to argue that the tariff of 1842 depressed the 
price in 1843 and 1845. What depressed the price in 1848 — 
and again in 1849 ? 

We see that the tariff of 182S produced no sensible effect on 
its price, for it remained about the same after as before the tariff, 
being about ten cents per pound in each of the years 1827, 1828, 
1829 and 1830. What but the excessively great crop of 1839, 
depressed the price in 1840, from nearly fifteen to eight and a 
half cents per pound ? What but the smaller crop of 1840 again 
raised the price in 1841 to ten and a fifth cents per pound ? 
What but the medium crops of 1841, and 1843, kept the average 
price at over eight cents, while the excessively great crops of 
1842, and 1844, depressed the price to about six cents per pound ? 
It is easy to see that the high prices of 1834, 1835, and 1836, 



204 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

were caused by our bloated paper currency, and speculating 
mania; and that the high prices in 1837, 1838, and 1839, were 
caused b} T the operations of Mr. Biddle and other bankers, specu- 
lating in cotton, and making heavy loans to cotton speculators. 

The extraordinary fact is shown, that the middling crops raised 
in 1838, 1840, and 1841, of from 1,360,000 to 1,684,000 bales, 
were worth nearly as much in the market, as the heavy crops 
raised in 1839, 1842, and 1844, of from 2,177,835 to 2,394,503 
bales ; and the amounts produced by the crops raised from 1S42 
to 1850 prove conclusively, that a crop of two million bales is 
worth more in the market than one of two and a half million bales. 

These tables show the causes which govern prices, in the clearest 
and most conclusive manner, and prove that the prices of commo- 
dities are not directly affected by their utility, nor by the amount 
of labor required to produce them, but solely by the demand 
compared with the supply ; their utility, and cost of production, 
having only an indirect effect, by increasing or diminishing either 
the supply or the demand. The tariff acts of the United States, 
by increasing the manufacture and the demand for raw cotton, and 
the supply of cotton goods, have a strong tendency to raise the 
price of cotton, and lower the price of cotton goods ; because they 
increase the demand for the former, and the supply of the latter. 

Cotton will grow on almost any land adapted to Indian corn, 
or any other grain, from the equator to about the thirty-eighth 
degree of latitude, though it nourishes most, and is mostly con- 
fined in the United States to those states lying below the thirty- 
fifth degree of latitude. As it will grow in about half of North 
America, two-thirds of South America, the whole of the arable 
part of Africa, in Spain, Portugal, Greece, Turkey, all southern 
Asia, New Holland, and all the islands in the torrid zone, and is 
so valuable in proportion to its weight, that it will bear transpor- 
tation thousands of miles, the production can be increased to any 
amount, which the wants of the commercial world require ; it is 
impossible to monopolize it. 

The cotton crop of the United States in 1839, according to the 
returns with the census of 1-840, amounted to 790,479,275 pounds, 
only about 84,000,000 pounds of which were raised in the States 
north of the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, including North Caro- 
lina, Tennessee, and all the states north of them. 

Power Looms. — The power loom was invented in 1787 ; but 
it was at first so imperfect, that it was not applied to any 
practical use until 1801 ; and so great was the prejudice of hand- 
loom weavers against it, that it was introduced very slowly. 
The estimated number of power looms in use in Great Britain 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 



205 



in 1813, was but 2400, and in 1820 only 14,150. In 1834 the 
number in the United Kingdom had increased to 116,891. 

III. Statement of the number of Power Looms in use in Great 
Britain and Ireland in 1S34, according to the Report of the 
Factory Inspectors, employed in Weaving : 



In 


Cotton. 


Wool. 


Worsted. 


Silk. 


Linen. 


Total 


England and Wales, 


90,525 


2,136 


3,123 


1,714 


41 


97,539 


Scotland, 


17,531 


22 








168 


17.721 


Ireland, 


1.416 











190 


1.606 



109,472 2,158 
For mixed materials in England, - 



3,123 1,714 
Total in the United Kingdom, 



399 116.5 



25 



116.891 



Notwithstanding this great increase in the number of power 
looms, and the fact that the same number of persons can weave 
about eight times as much per week with power looms, as they 
can with hand4ooms, yet the number of hand-loom weavers in 
Great Britain in 1833, was estimated at from 200,000 to 
250,000. 

IV. Statement of the number of Cotton, "Woollen, Linen and 
Silk Factories at work, the number not in use, and the number 
of adults and children employed in them respectively, in England, 
Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, in 1834, according to the official 
returns. See McCulloch's Statistics, title Cotton. 



1834 

Cotton. 

England, 
Wales, 
Scotland, 
Ireland, 



Factories. 



Nfo. of Persons employed in them 



Total 



1,070 

5 

159 

28 



42 



Total, 1,262 42 

Woottm. — 

Eno-land, 1,102 9 

Wales, 85 — 

Scotland, 90 — 

Ireland, 36 — 



Total, 1,313 9 



Under IS. 


Over 18 


years old. 


Persons. 




Males. 


Females. 




78,007 


50,675 


53,410 


182,092 


443 


250 


458 


1,151 


14,424 


6,168 


12,403 


32,995 


1,283 


960 


1,553 


3,796 


94,157 


58,053 


67,824 
15,041 


230,034 


31,807 


18,613 


65,461 


521 


190 


66 


777 


1,736 


1,083 


686 


3,505 


508 


674 


341 
16,134 


1,523 


34,572 


20,560 


71,266 



206 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 



" 1S34. 
Silk in 

England, 
Wales, 
Scotland, 
Ireland, 


Fact 
at work. 

231 

6 
1 


ones. 
Empty. 

25 
25 


No. of Persons employed 
Under 18. Over 18 

Males. 

18,083 4,009 


in them 
years old. 
Females. 

7,855 


Total 
Persons. 

29,947 


415 

27 


103 

2 


168 
20 


686 
49 


Total, 

Flax. 

England, 

Wales, 

Scotland, 

Ireland, 


238 


18,525 


4,114 
2,551 


8,043 


30,682 


152 


9,263 


4,379 


16,193 


170 
25 


5,999 
2,047 


1,550 
463 


5,860 
1,171 

11,410 


13,409 
3,681 


Total, 


347 


17,309 


4,564 


33,283 



Grand Total,3,160 



164,563 87,291 103,411 355,265 



V. The number of spindles in use in cotton factories at differ- 
ent periods, is estimated in McCulloch's Statistics as follows : 
In 1819 in Great Britain, 
1832 do. do. 
1845 Mule Spindles 

In England & Wales, 11,364,584 
Scotland, 1,476,083 



Ireland, 



159,333 
13,000,000 



- 


7,000,000 


- 


9,000,000 


Throstle Spindles. 


4,190,035 


15,554,619 


253,795 


1,729,878 


56,170 


215,503 


4,500,000 


17,500,000 


. 


815,000 


- 


1,500,000 


- 


3,500,000 


- 


420,000 


- 


1,350,000 



In the German Customs Union, 
Austria and Italy, 
France, 
Belgium, 
Other countries of Europe, 



Total on the Continent of Europe, - - 7,585,000 

Statement of the number of cotton and woollen factories in the 
United States, the spindles in use, persons employed, and capital 
invested in 1840, according to the census of that year. 

Cotton. Woollen. 

Number of factories, 1,240 1,420 

spindles, 2,284,631 



" persons employed, 72,119 21,342 

Capital invested, $51,102,359 $15,765,124 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 207 

The number of spindles in use in cotton factories in tie 
United States in 1845, was over three millions, or about the same 
as in France. 

Table IV. shows that in 1834, there was a large number of 
cotton factories in Great Britain not in use ; and the fact is, that 
factories and machinery for manufacturing cotton might be 
multiplied still more rapidly in that country than they have been, 
if they could command the markets of the world, and the demand 
for their products were unlimited. Nothing but a limited market 
for their products, checks their increase. The supply is now 
greater than the demand three quarters of the time ; and the 
manufacturers by arrangements among themselves, in order to 
prevent an excessive glut of the markets, and to keep up prices, 
stop some of their factories, and work short time in others, 
whenever the markets are over-stocked, prices low and dull. 
At the end of May 1847, there were in Lancashire (England) 
12,107 factory hands out of employment, and 6,628 working 
short time ; and such is often the case. Great Britain has the 
capacity to increase her manufactures of cotton and iron, to such 
an extent, as to supply all the nations of the earth ; and if she 
could command their markets by means of unlimited Free Trade, 
the manufactures of every other country would wither, and 
gradually sink into insignificance, like those of Ireland. Look at 
Tables III. IV. and V. ; contemplate the relative condition and 
manufacturing industry of Grreat Britain and Ireland, and the 
effect on the latter of free trade with the former, and you have 
a sample of what would be the depressing and blighting effects on 
almost every country of Europe and America. This subject is 
farther illustrated by the following tables in relation to the trade 
in the manufactures of cotton. 

VI. Statement of the value of manufactures of cotton of all 
kinds, including twist and. yarn, exported from Great Britain at 
different periods. 



Years. 


Official value. 


Declared, or real 


1697 


£5,915 




1720 


16,200 




1751 


45,986 




1764 


200,354 




1780 


355,060 




1790 


1,662,369 




1800 


5,854,057 




1810 


18,951,994 




1815 


22,289,645 


£20,620,956 


1830 


41,050,969 


19,428,664 



208 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 



Years. Official value. Declared, or real value. 

1840 73,152,251 24,6G8,618 

1844 91,039,574 25,805,348 

1849 * 26,890,794 

In addition to the above exports, Great Britain exported 
annually a large quantity of cotton goods to Ireland. The quan- 
tity of cotton cloth and calico exported to Ireland in 1835 
amounted to 14,170,000 yards. 

VII. Statement in millions, of the quantity and declared value 
of the cotton goods and yarn — and also the value of the hosiery, 
lace, and small wares, exported, and the estimated value of the 
manufactures of cotton retained for home consumption in Great 
Britain and Ireland, during the undermentioned years. 

v.... Cotton Cloth. Manufactures. Cotton-yarn, and Twist, 

Yards. Value. £. lbs. Value. £. 



1830 
1835 
1840 
1842 
1844 

Years. 



1830 
1835 
1840 
1842 
1844 



444,5 
557,5 
790,6 
734,0 
1,046,6 

Hosiery,Lace.&c 

Value exported. 



14,1 
15,1 
16,3 

12,8 
17,6 



64,6 

83,2 

118,4 

137,4 

138,5 



4,1 

5,7 

?,1 

7,7 
6,9 



£1,2 
1,2 
1,2 

1,0 
1,2 



Total value 


Value retained for 


Total value 


exported. 


home consumption 


produced. 


£19,4 


£11,6 


£31,0 


22,1 


13,9 


36,0 


24,6 


13,1 


37,9 


21,6 


11,9 


33,5 


25,8 


12,7 


38,5 



By comparing tables I. and VII., the reader can see how the 
proceeds of the manufacture of cotton are divided between the 
planter and the British manufacturer. Take for example the 
years 1840 and 1845. In 1840 there was manufactured in 
Great Britain about 500,000,000 lbs. of cotton, for which the 
manufacturer paid 5|d sterling per pound, or j£10,500,000 — 8j 
cents, or 4jd of which went to the planter, and 2|cts or ljd to 
pay for transportation, commissions, insurance and mercantile 
profits. The whole proceeds amounted to nearly £38,000,000, 
about £8,000,000 of which went to the planter, about £5,000,000 
to the commercial classes, including commissions on sales of the 
goods in Great Britain, and £25,000,000 for the cost and profits 
of manufacturing the cotton. In 1845 the planter received still 
less for his crop, not realizing much over five cents per pound for 



* See on this subject, Section 29 of Chapter XII. 



AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. 209 

his cotton, while the profits to the British manufacturer were as 
great as they were in 1840. 

The value of cotton goods of American manufacture ex- 
ported annually from the United States from 1847 to 1850, 
was less than five millions of dollars. On the contrary, the 
manufactures of cotton imported into the United States in 1836 
were valued at - - - $17,876,087 

in 1845, at - 13,863,282 

and in 1850 they were valued at - - *19,685,936 

Account of the cotton manufacture in the United States, 
during the years ending May 31st, 1840, and 1850. 

Capital invested, $51,102,000 $74,500,000 

Value of Manufactures, 46,350,000 61,869,000 

Value of raw materials used, not stated, 34,835,000 

Males employed, > '-'QiiQ 33,150 

Females employed, ) ' 59,136 

The increase of the cotton manufacture has been checked, and 
during the last two years (1850 and 1851) it has declined, under 
the tariff of 1846. The effects of that tariff on manufactures of 
cotton, wool, and iron, have been very nearly the same.f 

Sec. 14. Leather, and manufactures of Leather. 

The art of curing the skins of animals to fit them for clothing, 
was one of the first learned and practised by man. Skins cured 
with the fur or hair on them, constituted the entire clothing of 
savages, and nearly the whole of that of the pastoral nations of 
antiquity. The art of tanning hides and converting them into 
leather was learned at a later date, and has been much improved 
even during the present century. 

The leather manufacture of almost every civilized country is of 
very great importance ; that of the United States and France, 
being inferior in value and importance, only to that of cotton ; 
and that of Great Britain being inferior in value only to cotton, 
wool and iron. If we examine the instruments of husbandry, the 
harness on our horses, the implements used in most of the me- 
chanic arts, and in the structure of a great number of engines and 
machines ; or if we contemplate the necessary parts of our cloth- 
ing, shoes, boots, slippers and gloves, and also our trunks, valises, 
books, carriages and many other things, we- shall at once realize 
the great importance of leather — and its adaptation, in a great 

*The imports under the tariff of 1846, have heen undervalued at least 20 
per cent., and amounted in 1850 to ahout $23,500,000. 

-f See on this subject, ante pages 158 and 201 ; also Hunt's Magazine for 
October, 1851, pages 461 and 484; do. for November, 1851, pages 576 to 
OS J. 



'ZlO ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF AGRICULTURE, 

variety of circumstances, to aid the industry, and supply the 
wants of man, in every state and condition of life. Without it, or 
even without it in great quantities, to what difficulties should we 
be exposed ? 

Prior to 1812, the excise duty on leather tanned in Great 
Britain was 1 Jcl sterling per lb., when it was raised to 3d per lb. ; 
no duties have been levied since 1832. The average quantity of 
leather made in England and Wales annually from 1824 to 1830 
was about 50,000,000 lbs., and in Scotland about 6,000,000. 

The value of the leather made annually about the year 1830 
was estimated by McCulloch at .£4,000,000, and the entire 
annual value of the manufactures of leather at <£12, 500,000. 
The quantity of leather made annually in Great Britain about the 
year 1840 has been estimated at 65,000,000 lbs. — and the entire 
value of the manufactures of leather at £13,500,000 sterling. 

The value of the leather wrought and unwrought, saddlery and 
harness exported from Great Britain amounted in 1830 to 
£335,451, in 1840 to 417,074, and in 1844 to £465,042. 

The value of the manufactures of leather in the United States 
in 1S40, according to the census, amounted to $33,134,403. The 
value of the hides, of leather and manufacturers of leather imported 
into the United States have been as follows in 

1840. 1S48. 

Raw Hides, . . . $2,756,214 $4,262,069 

Leather and manufactures of leather, 542,498 1,346,492 

Exports of do do 233,917 330,000 

The value of the manufactures of leather in France in 1839 
was estimated by Berghaus at 163,000,000 francs, or about 
§30,644,000. This was less than that of the United States. 
The value of the manufactures of leather exported from France, 
and the value of raw hides imported into that country stated in 
millions of francs have been as follows : — 

1836. 
Exports of manufactures of leather, 28 
Imports of hides, 19,6 

Prior to the sixteenth century, a very large proportion of the 
clothing (including breeches, frocks, gowns or loose coats) of the 
common classes of people of central and northern Europe, were 
made of leather. Leather, in those days, had a much greater 
relative importance than it has at present. This change has been 
effected by the improvements made in the art of spinning, weav- 
ing, coloring and dressing cloths ; and by the introduction of 
machinery and the cotton manufacture, during the last hundred 
years. 



1836 to 1840. 


1841. 


25,6, 


29,5 


18,9 


27,1 



CHAPTER IX. 

ON THE PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

Sec. 1. On the Cereal Grains, or Bread Corns. 

The seeds of certain plants have been used by man from time 
immemorial for making bread. The principal bread corns are 
wheat, rye, oats, barley, buckwheat, maize or Indian corn, rice 
and millet. These grains grow spontaneously in some climates 
and countries, and the most of them are native plants of many 
countries ; but all the grains, vegetables, plants, fruits, grasses, 
which man has cultivated with labor and attention for ages, and 
transferred from one climate and country to another, have gradu- 
ally improved in quality, and become more productive. 

Wheat, barley, and rye, have been cultivated in Egypt from 
time immemorial, and constituted the principal bread corn of that 
country, as appears from the Scriptures. See Exodus, ix. 31. 
Wheat and barley appear to have been the principal bread stuffs 
of the Israelites. See G-enesis, xxx. 14. Deut. viii. 8. 

Sec. 2. The production and consumption of Wheat. 

Wheat is the most valuable to man of any species of grain ; but 
unfortunately it is the most tender, and easily affected by the 
weather, wind, soil, climate, heat, dampness, insects of various 
kinds, and frosts, of any of the grains ; and requires greater care 
and attention in preparing and cleaning the ground, securing it 
against water, and getting goosl seed, free from foul stuff, than 
any other crop which the farmer cultivates. Though it grows 
over a large part of the globe from the 30th to above the 60th 
degree of latitude ; from Italy and the shores of the Mediterranean 
Sea, to, and including the southern parts of Sweden and Norway, 
yet it requires a fine, rich, loamy limestone, or gravel and clay 
soil ; neither very wet nor very dry, and a favorable season to 
bring forward as well as to ripen and harvest the crop. When 
sown on very rich interval or bottom lands, the straw often grows 
so rank and large that it is tender, falls down, and the wheat 



212 

blasts ; when sown on light and poor sandy soils, it will often 
scarcely produce as much as the seed ; when sown on wet ground, 
and the water stands on it during the winter, it seems to turn to 
chess or cheat ; when sown on stiff clay soil, and the early part of 
the spring is unfavorable, and the top of the ground thaws during 
-the day, and freezes at night for many days in succession, the 
ground often heaves, breaks the roots, and kills the wheat ; and 
when the wheat gets large in the fall, it is sometimes smothered 
and killed by deep snows. When the soil, climate, season, aud 
mode of cultivation are all favorable, it yields an abundant and 
rich harvest, and is in some countries, the most profitable crop a 
farmer can raise, but in most soils, it is the most unproductive 
and hazardous. 

Mr. Hallam makes the following remarks, in the ninth chapter 
of his Middle Ages. " The culture of arable land was very imper- 
fect. Meta remarks, in the reign of Edward I. or II. that unless 
an acre of land produced more than six bushels of corn, the farmer 
would be a loser, and the land yield no rent. And Sir John 
Collum, from very minute accounts, has calculated that nine or 
ten bushels were a full average crop, on an acre of wheat. An 
amazing excess of tillage accompanied, and partly, I suppose, 
produced this imperfect cultivation..'''' These remarks refer to 
England, but would apply to the United States at the present 
time ; the crops of wheat per acre, even in wheat-growing districts, 
do not average over twelve or fifteen bushels ;* and taking the 
whole United States, will not average over ten or eleven bushels 
per acre ; while the average crop for the whole of England was 
estimated by McCulloch some years since, at twenty-six bushels 
per acre, and it has been estimated by some authors as high as 
twenty-eight to thirty bushels per acre. The annual crop of 
wheat in England and Wales is over 100,000,000 of bushels: it 
is estimated in Brande's Encyclopaedia of Science and Art, at 
120,000,000 bushels. The wheat crop of the United States, in 
1839, amounted to but 84,823,272 bushels ; and the great crop 
of 1845, did not exceed 110,000,000 bushels. 

As wheat is much superior for bread to any other grain, and 
the quantity which can be raised more limited than that of the 
coarser grains, the surplus wheat beyond the wants of the country, 
is never very great in the United States. There is scarcely any 
wheat cultivated in the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Florida, and in 
many large districts of country in most of the other States ; and 
the supply for the whole population of the Union, is less in 

*The wheat crop of New York of 1844 averaged only about 13 bushels 
per acre, as appears by the census of 1845. 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 213 

proportion to the inhabitants than the quantity raised in Great 
Britain is for the inhabitants of that island. 

During the reign of Henry VIII., England produced very little 
wheat •* the wealthy only lived on wheat bread ; the mass of the 
people lived on rye, barley and oats ; and at the revolution of 
16SS, the annual wheat crop of England and Wales was estimated 
at but 1,750,000 quarters, or fourteen million bushels, over and 
above the seeds ; or about one-sixth part as much as it was in 1840. 

Even as late as the year 1765, the annual wheat crop was 
estimated at less than thirty-five million bushels. Up to the 
year 1828, the production of wheat in Great Britain increased faster 
than the population, and was greater then, in proportion, to the 
population, than it was one, two, three, or even five centuries since. 

Mr. Jacob says, "In ancient times in England, wheat could not 
be considered as the chief food of the inhabitants ; very little of it 
was used by the agricultural population, which then composed 
nine-tenths of the inhabitants ; and among the people in the 
towns, it was by no means the universal, or principal food. Rye 
and barley were the chief articles of consumption." 

The inhabitants of Great Britain, as a whole, eat more wheat 
annually, in proportion to their numbers, than the people of the 
United States ; and whatever want and suffering there may be in 
Great Britain among the poor, is owing entirely to an^unequal 
and unjust distribution of the products of labor, and not to any 
general want, nor to any deficiency in the aggregate amount of 
the comforts of life. 

Sec 3. Production and use of Rye. 
Rye grows and flourishes in all countries and climates, and on 
all soils where wheat will grow ; but being coarser, and less 
palatable for bread, it is much less esteemed, though it contains 
very nearly the same amount of nourishment. It has been culti- 
vated from time immemorial, and is supposed to be a native of the 
Island of Crete. The berry is much less plump than wheat, and 
on that account wheat, on first rate soils, and good seasons, will 
produce the greatest number of bushels ; but it is very little 
affected with the many casualties, which often occur to ruin 
wheat ; and will grow and fill well, on any soil and any land, rich 
or poor, high or low, wet or dry, which is fit for either wheat, 
barley, oats, corn, or most other grain. It is one of the least 
hazardous crops which can be cultivated, and together with Indian 
corn, is the principal grain used for bread, by nearly half of the 
agricultural population of the United States of America. The 
quantity of rye raised in the United States in 1839, was 

* See the Com. Diet- title bread. 



214 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OP AGRICULTURE, 

18,645,567 bushels. Mr. Ellsworth, in his report as Commis- 
sioner of the Patent Office, estimated the crop of 1842 at 
22,762,952 bushels, and that of 1844 at 26,450,000 bushels. Much 
of it has been heretofore distilled into whiskey. It constitutes 
the principal bread corn of Germany and Russia. The cultiva- 
tion of rye in the United States may be increased to almost any 
extent which the market may demand. 

Sec. 4. Production and use of Oats. 
Oats grow in any climate and country where wheat and rye do. 
They were cultivated by the ancient Romans, and are now exten- 
sively used for bread in Ireland, the highlands of Scotland, and 
some in England, and various countries on the continent. The 
quantity raised in the United States in 1839, was 123,071,341 
bushels. They are almost all used for horsefeed, and none, or 
scarcely any is made into bread. They make bread greatly 
inferior to that of either rye, or, Indian corn, and are not esteemed 
of very great value in the United States, as their place can be 
supplied by other grains, which are more nutritious. We have 
reason to believe, that they were much used among the Romans, 
as frequent mention is made of them in the works of Roman 
authors. They are much more easily cultivated than wheat, in 
a low state of agriculture. 

Sec. 5. Production and use of Barley. 
Barley has been cultivated about the shores of the Mediterra- 
nean Sea, from time immemorial ; its native country is unknown, 
some ascribing it to Tartary, others to Siberia, and a few to 
Scotland ; and like many other plants and grains, it is most likely 
that it is a native of many countries. It grows and flourishes in 
the same climates as wheat, rye, and oats, including all temperate 
and cold climates and countries. In Spain and Sicily, it is said 
to produce two crops a year. It was extensively cultivated in 
Palestine, and used for bread, as appears by the scriptures of the 
Old and New Testament. It is used for bread at this day in many 
countries of Europe, and some in Great Britain ; though its 
principal use in Great Britain, and its only use in the United 
States, is to malt, and make into beer. 



PRINCIPAL TKOBUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 215 

Statement in millions of bushels of the quantity of malt con- 
sumed in the United Kingdom* 





England and Wales. 


Scotland. 


Ireland. 


1801, 


18 millions, 


6 millions, 


1 million, 


1821, 


26 


1.3 " 


2 


1831, 


33 " 


4.1 " 


2.1 " 


1841, 


31 " - 


4. " 


1.1 



The average consumption to each individual in England and 
Wales during the present century, has been about two bushels. 
A century since, it was over four bushels to each person. 

The quantity of barley cultivated in the United States is small, 
and considering the use to which it is applied, it is fortunate for 
the country that it is so ; and the quantity, according to Mr. 
Ellsworth's estimates, is declining. It amounted in 1S39, to 
4,161,504, and in 1844, to but 3^,627,000 bushels; more than 
half of the whole is raised in the single State of IN ew York, where 
the temperance reformation has taken deep root, which has 
occasioned a decline in its cultivation. 

Sec. 6. Production and use of Buckwheat and Millet. 

Buckwheat is supposed to be a native plant of Asia, and to 
have been introduced into Europe but a few centuries since. It 
has been cultivated in Great Britain since the latter part of the 
sixteenth century, though not to any great extent. It is consid- 
erably used for bread in the United States, France, and some 
other countries of Europe, but is not much used in Great Britain. 
The quantity raised in the United States in 1839, was 7,291,743 
bushels ; in 1S42, it was estimated at 9,483,400, and in 1844, at 
9,071,000 bushels. 

Millet is a coarse grain, used mostly for poultry, but little 
cultivated, and of but little value comparatively to the human 
family. 

Sec. 7. Production and use of Rice. 

Rice has been cultivated from time immemorial, and furnished 
much of the bread stuff of the inhabitants of India, and of the 
greater part of southern Asia, and the neighboring islands. It 
requires wet, flat and marshy lands, and does the best on lands 
covered with water a part of the year, by the overflow of rivers, 
marshes or artificial irrigation. It grows only in hot and warm 
climates, and requires such peculiarities as to soil and irrigation, 
that its culture can never be very extensive ; and in the United 
States, it is mostly confined to the states of North and South Car- 
olina, Georgia, and Louisiana. The total amount cultivated in 

* Five bushels of barley will make about six bushels of malt, 



216 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

the United States in 1839, was only 80,841,422 pounds, equal to 
nearly 1,350,000 bushels of wheat for food. The quantity raised 
in 1842, was estimated by Mr. Ellsworth, at 94,007,000 pounds ; 
and in 1844, at 111,759,000 pounds. As the quantity of land 
adapted to it, and on which it can be cultivated advantageously, is 
quite limited, the increased demand keeps pace with the supply, 
and keeps it up to a fair price ; and it is almost the only article 
cultivated in warm climates, by the labor of African slaves, which 
has not fallen rapidly in price, during the last half century. 

Sec. 8. Production and use pf Maize, or Indian Corn. 

The discovery of America led to the introduction to the civi- 
lized world, of the knowledge, use and cultivation of maize, or 
Indian corn, and potatoes, which are native plants of the western 
continent, and have done more to benefit mankind, than all its 
mines of gold and silver. Indian corn is a native plant of a warm 
climate, but by planting it farther north, and replanting the seed 
thus grown from year to year, the climate has had an effect to 
lessen the blade and stalk, as well as the ear and kernel, and so 
far changed its character, as to adapt it to the climate ; so that 
corn which has been planted in Canada for a series of years, being 
small, grows quick and generally ripens as far north as the 46th 
or 47th degree of latitude. It grows, and can be cultivated to 
advantage from the equator to about the 46th degree of latitude, 
though wheat, rye, barley, oats, and buckwheat cannot be culti- 
vated much below the 30th degree, except on lands several thou- 
sand feet above the ocean. McCulloch remarks that, "It was 
introduced into the Continent of Europe, about the beginning, and 
into England a little while after the middle of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. Its culture has spread with astonishing rapidity ; being now 
extensively grown in most Asiatic countries, and in all the 
southern parts of Europe. It has the widest geographical range 
of all the cerealia, growing luxuriantly at the equator, and as far 
as the 50th degree of north, and the 40th of south latitude. It 
has been raised in England in nursery gardens near the metrop- 
olis, for more than a century." 

It will also grow on any soil, rich or poor, high or low, wet or 
dry, clay, loam, sand, gravel, or any mixture of them, on which 
any grain whatever will grow ; except that, it will not grow like 
rice, on lands covered with water a great portion of the time. 
It may be cultivated to advantage on the arable lands, of more 
than three quarters, if not seven eighths of the whole inhabited 
part of the globe, though it grows the most luxuriantly, and 
yields the most, in a warm climate, and rich loamy or alluvial soil, 
neither very wet nor very dry, and in a country where showers 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 217 

are frequent during the summer. Below the 40th degree of 
latitude, it yields from two to three times as much as wheat, rye 
or barley, on the same land ; and from the 40th to the 44th 
degree of latitude, it generally yields much more, and often twice 
as much as either of those grains, and frequently yields abundant- 
ly even above the 44th parallel of latitude. It is about as 
nutritious as rye or barley, nearly as much so as wheat, and about 
twice as much so as oats. It now constitutes the principal part 
of the bread corn of a large proportion of the human family ; and 
wherever it has been introduced and long cultivated, it has 
entirely superseded the use of barley and oats as bread corn, 
and rendered them useless to man ; except that the latter is 
useful as food for animals, and the former is distilled and used as 
a powerful agent to intoxicate and brutalize mankind. 

As Indian corn flourishes in warm climates, on high and dry 
land, where rice will not grow, it will enable Hindostan, and all 
the countries of southern Asia, including Turkey, and the isles 
of the ocean, to maintain at some future .period a population twice 
as numerous as they could without it; and as it is a very certain 
and safe crop, it will relieve those countries from the severe 
famines with which they have often been afflicted, and thus 
contribute immensely to the comforts, and welfare of the human 
family. The quantity cultivated in the United States is im- 
mensely great, more than all other grains added together. 
Nearly every region of the United States can, and almost every 
county not containing a city actually does, raise sufficient for 
the wants of the people. The western and south-western states 
produce so large a surplus of corn annually, beyond the wants of 
the country, that in all the interior districts of those states, 
remote from large towns and navigable waters, it is a drug in the 
market, will often scarcely sell for money at any price, and much 
of it is destroyed by wild animals, and otherwise wasted. It 
formerly sold in remote districts, where the quantity raised is 
great and the population sparse, at from ten to twelve cents per 
bushel, and frequently would not sell in any considerable quanti- 
ties, at even eight cents in money. 

Sec. 9. Production and use of Potatoes. 
The potatoe, next to Indian corn, is the most important plant 
for food, which is a native of the Western Continent. It was 
introduced into western Europe during the 16th century, and 
into Ireland in 1610 ; but was cultivated in England in gardens 
only, and in small quantities, as a great luxury, until the year 
1684, when it was raised for the first time, in the open fields of 



218 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

the county of Lancashire. In Scotland, potatoes were raised in 
gardens only, until the year 1728. 

It was estimated by McCulIoch, some years since, that about 
5,000,000 of the population of Ireland, subsisted mostly on 
potatoes ; that 1,200,000 acres of land in England and Wales, 
were annually appropriated to the cultivation of potatoes and 
turnips, and 130,000 acres in Scotland to potatoes only. The 
crop of potatoes in France, in 1818 was 29,231,807 hectolitres, 
about 82,500,000 bushels, and it amounted in 1835 to about 
204,000,000 bushels. If we suppose 500,000 acres of land in 
England and Wales, and the 130,000 in Scotland, to be appro- 
priated to potatoes, and to produce on an average two hundred 
bushels per acre, the whole potatoe crop of Great Britain would 
amount to no less than 126,000,000 bushels annually. The potatoe 
crop of the United States in 1839 amounted to 108,298,000 bushels. 
Some authors estimate that one bushel of wheat contains as much 
nourishment for man as four bushels of potatoes, others estimate 
three bushels of potatoes as equal to one of wheat. Perhaps it 
would be safe to say, that four bushels of potatoes are equal to 
one of wheat, and that three and a half are equal to one of rye 
or Indian corn. In the greater part of the free states, from 
eight to ten times as many bushels of potatoes as wheat can be 
raised on the same ground, as potatoes usually yield from 100 to 
150 bushels per acre, and sometimes more. They will yield four 
or five times as much as corn. These facts show the great im- 
portance of the potatoe to the human family. The principal 
drawback to the utility and value of potatoes, and in fact to all 
vegetables, is their perishable nature, and their being so bulky 
and heavy in proportion to their value, that they will not bear 
transportation to any great distance. In the neighborhood of a 
commercial or manufacturing city, which furnishes a market for 
large quantities, an acre of good land planted to potatoes, will 
yield two or three times as much value as the same land sown to 
wheat ; but like all other vegetables, coarse grains, poultry, &c. , 
they will bear transportation by land but few miles. 

The disease of the potatoe, that causes it to rot, commenced in 
1846, and has greatly lessened the value of it ; but the probability 
is, that that scourge will not be permanent. 

Sec. 10. Production of grain in the United States, Great 
Britain, Ireland and France. 

Summary statement in millions of bushels of the products of 
the undermentioned crops in the United States in 1839 according 
to the census — in Great Britain annually from 1835 to 1840, 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 219 

according to the estimates of McCulloch, — and in Ireland in 



1847, according 


to the Briti 


sh Almanac fc 


r 1849. 






Free States. 


Slave States. 


Great Britain- 


Ireland 


Wheat, 


54| 


30. 


104 


231 


Rye, 


141 


40 


361 




Barley, 


4 


1 r 
6 ) 


11 


Indian Corn > 
and Millet, $ 


125 


252 






Buckwheat, 


7 


1 






Oats, 


80 


43 


150 


92, 


Pease and beans 






6 




Other small grain 


j 






2 



Total grain, 285 330 296 130 

Potatoes & turn 'ps, 93 20 336 234 

Summary statement in millions of hectolitres of the quantity of 

GRAIN RAISED IN FRANCE ANNUALLY, ON AN AVERAGE, FROM 

1801 to 1812, both inclusive, according to the statement of 
Chaptal ; also the quantities in 1818, 1835, and 1841, ac- 
cording to official returns or estimates. A hectolitre con- 
tains about 2,84 Winchester bushels :. 



Wheat, 

Rye, 

Maize, 

Barley, 

Buckwheat, 

Oats, 

Mixed and 

other grain, 



Equal in bush, to 
Potatoes, bush. 

The 204,165,194 hectolitres of grain raised in France in 1835 
were equal to about 580,000,000 bushels ; of which it was esti- 
mated that 107,277,801 hectolitres were consumed by man ; 
42,185,005 by horses, cattle, &c. ; 29,734,371 required for seed; 
and 2,833,575 distilled and brewed ; leaving a surplus of 
24,053,205 not needed for use, a part of which was exported. 
The population of France was 33,540,000, the quantity consumed 
by man was about nine bushels for each person ; and by animals, 



Aver, ann'lly. 








1801 to 1812. 


1818. 


1835. 


1841. 


51,5 


52,6 


71,6 


69,5 


30,2 


24,7 


32,9 


27,8 


6,3 


6,1 


6,9 


7,6 


12,5 


13,1 


18 


16,6 


8,4 


3,3 


5 


8,4 


32 


29,7 


49,4 


48,8 


12 


13,6 


19,6 


11,9 


153 


143,5 


204 


190,6 


434,5 


407,5 


579,8 


542,2 


56,2 


83,0 


204,4 


222,7 



220 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 



for horse feed, and to fatten hogs, cattle, &c. for food, was equal 
to about three and a half bushels for each person, beside potatoes 
and other vegetables. 

These and other well established facts show, that the United 
States produce less wheat in proportion to their population, than 
either Great Britain or France. The quantity of agricultural 
products of France, and particularly of wheat and rye, have been 
increasing with greater rapidity than the population, since the 
peace of 1815, and the attention of the people has been directed 
to mining and manufacturing industry, and to public improve- 
ments. 

Sec 11. Production of grain in Russia, the empire of Austria, 
Spain j and other countries of Europe. 
Account from the official returns or estimates of the produce of 
grain in Russia in Europe, exclusive of Poland and Finland, 
during the undermentioned years. * 



Autumn sown 


Spring sown 


Total in 


Total in 


Wheat & Rye, 


Barley, Oats 


&c 


millions of 


bushels. 


Chetwerts, 


Chetwerts 




Chetwerts, 




1835, 92£ mill's 


12H mill's 


214 mill's, 


1,198 mill's 


1836, 1014 " 


136* 


» 


238 " 


1,336 " 


1837, 73 " 


123 


•>•> 


196 " 


1,098 " 


1839, 52 " 


83 


r> 


135 " 


750 " 


1840 54i " 


128i 


">"> 


183 " 


1,025 » 


A T{ I 75 » 
an'ly, $ 


118 


J) 


193 " 


1,081 " 



Average annual production of gram in the Austrian Empire, 
including Hungary, Lombardy and Venice, from 1835 to 1838.")* 



Wheat, in English imperial bushels, 
Maize and Rye, 

Barley, " 

Oats, " 

Total, " 



166,840,000 

69,696,000 

132,446,000 

418,812,000 



The population was then about thirty-five millions — and the 
production of grain equal to about twelve bushels to each person, 
and yet there was a surplus to export. 



* See McGregor's Com. Statistics vol. ii. p. 736. 

t This is taken from a table made by McGregor from facts and official re- 
turns and estimates collected by him.— See McGregor's Com. Stat I. p. 10 
and 14. 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 221 



Quantity of grain produced in 
official returns, as stated by McG 


Spain 
regor. 


in 1803, according to the 


Wheat, 






46,915,000 bushels 


Barley, 

Rye, 

Oats, Maize, 


Rice, &c, 




22,883,000 

15,471,000 

9,946,000 


a 

a 
a 



Total, 95,215,000 " 

This was less than ten bushels to each person, the population 
being then about ten millions. 

According to the statistics of Von Malchus, published in Prussia 
in 1826, the average annual production of grain of all kinds at 
thai time in the undermentioned countries, was as follows, stated 
in English bushels ; 

Bushels. Bushels to each person. 



Sweden and Norway, 


34 millions. 


about 


10 


Prussia, 


230 


a 


u 


16 or 17 


Russia, 


875 


u 


a 


22 


Austrian Empire, 


580 


a 


u 


17 


Holland and Belgium, 


78 


a 


« 


12 


Italian States, 


184 


a 


« 


11 


Spain, 


108 


a 


u 


10 


Portugal, 


34 


a 


u 


10 


The most of these are 


derived from official estimates 


, and may 


be regarded as approximations to accuracy. 







Sec. 12. Trade in grain and flour, at different periods. 

There was comparatively little international commerce in grain 
and flour, previous to the beginning of the 18th century. The 
excess of exports of flour and wheat from England, over the 
imports in four years, from 1697 to 1700 inclusive, was only 
69,433 quarters, or 555,464 bushels. A small quantity of wheat 
and flour was exported from Great Britain during the first half, 
and central part of the 18th century, and until the year 1767, 
when her imports first exceeded her exports. The excess of 
exports over imports, from 1700 to 1725, amounted to 3,057,515 
imperial quarters, or 24,460,120 bushels in 25 years ; from 1755 
to 1765 both inclusive, the excess of exports over imports was 
19,570,824 bushels in the 11 years ; from 1766 to 1780, the 
excess of imports over exports was equal to 6,773,264 bushels in 
the 15 years ; from 1781 to 1800, it was equal to 5,512,487 quar- 
ters, or 44,099,896 bushels. 

The excess of wheat and wheat flour imported into Great 
Britain over and above the exports, from 1801 to 1820 both 
inclusive, was 11,962,296 quarters — equal to 4,784,912 bushels 

* See McGregor's Statistics, ii. p. 1013. 



222 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 



annually ; and from 1821 to 1840, the excess of imports amounted 
to 24,256,897 quarts — equal to 9,707,758 bushels annually, 
during the twenty years. A very large proportion of these 
imports were from Ireland, as will be seen by the following table. 
I. Average quantities of all sorts of grain, and the average quan- 
tities of wheat, rye, barley, oats, peas and beans respectively, 
annually imported into Great Britain from each country during 
twenty-five years, from 1801 to 1825 inclusive, stated in Win- 
chester quarters, of eight bushels each : 



From 

Ireland, 

Eussia, 

Sweden and Norway, 

Denmark, 

Prussia, 

Germany, 

Holland and Belgium, 

France and South of Europe, 

United States, . 

British Am. Col 

Other Foreign Nations, 



Total, 



I Wheat 


Eye 


Barley 


Oats. 


[Peas and 


AH grains 


Qrs. 


Qrs. 


Qrs. 


Qrs. 


Beans. Qrs 


Qrs. 


187,438 


253 33,331 
9,968| 7,112 


639,857 


4 922 


865,968 


53,377 


46,652 


785 


117,902 


9,576 


960! 987 


2,4-16 


428 


14,397 


16,324 


1,123! 1S,808 


30,672 


823 


67,847 


157,359 


5,6891 18J1S 


89,209 


7,609 


228,534 


58, 103 


5,189 24,839 
1,690| 9,500 


75,82S 


7,144 


171,103 


56,817 


84,269 


5,802 


158,078 


24,649 


'.293: 1,097 


1,953 


9,124 


37,932 


74,024 


2,341 31 


3 


201 


*S0,712 


24,863 


51 


1 


697 


25,627 


4,836 


1,438 2,194 


1,703 


151 


10,363 


667,366 


28,944 


116,668 


922,603 


37,686 


1,77S,513 



II. Quantities of wheat and flour, given in quarters of wheat, 
imported into Great Britain from each country except Irelandf in 
the years 1847, 1848 and 1849 — and the average quantity annu- 
ally imported, during a period of 22 years, ending with 1849. 



Russia, 

Sweden and Norway, 

Denmark, 

Prussia, 

Germany, 

Holland, 

Belgium, 

France, 

Spain, 

Italy, 

Malta, 

Greece, 

Turkey, Syria, and Egypt, 

British North America, 

United States, 

Other countries, . 

Total, 

* The aggregate includes 5,163 quarters of Indian corn, of which 4,022 
were from the United States. 

f There were exported from Ireland to Great Britain in 1849 — 249,489 
quarters, equal to 2,035,912 bushels of wheat — 1,076,364 quarters of oats, and 
201 811 cattle, beside calves, sheep and pigs. 



1847. 


1843. 


1849. 


Average of 
22 years. 


Quarters. 


Quarters. 


Quarters. 


Quarters. 


850,587 


523,138 


599,556 


209,237 


8,647 


5.346 


6,494 


2,566 


73,568 


191,787 


243,213 


91,797 


492,928 


528,156 


618,690 


435,791 


154,839 


532,591 


498,984 


232,034 


11,800 


163,978 


308,482 


J 88,704 


27,469 


178,398 


366 099 


179,259 


320,010 742,023 


124,102 


24,700 


917 


498 


29,408 


64,850 


83 170 


281,530 


108.137 


46,251 


8,576 


9,049 


12,219 




4,129 


61,136 


3,733 


266,779 


40.340 


295,542 


38,490 


398,793 


186,254 


142.295 


128,543 


1,834,142 


296,102 


617,131 


242,094 


30,145 


19,339 


44,558 


24,212 


4,464,757 


3,082,231 


4,835,280 


1,771,067 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 223 

In addition to the wheat and wheat flour imported into Great 
Britain, and what came from Ireland, there was imported in 
1849, 1,389,858 quarters of barley and barley meal— 1,307,904 
quarters of oats, and oatmeal — 246,843 of rye and rye meal— 
2,277,224 of Indian corn, and meal — 236,525 of pease and pea 
meal — and 458,651 quarters of beans. 

Sec. 13. General reflections on the agricultural products of 
Europe j and their increase. 

Though all the countries in the northern and central portions 
of Europe have increased in population, and many of them very 
greatly, during the last century and a half, yet their agricultural 
products have increased more than the population. The people 
are at this time (1851) better supplied with vegetable food and 
with all the comforts of life, except animal food and fuel, than 
they were fifty or an hundred years since, or at any former period. 
This seems almost incredible, when we consider the age of the 
nations of Europe, and their increase in population. 

We have reason to believe that the population of Europe did 
not much, if any, exceed an hundred millions, at the time of the 
discovery of America, near the close of the fifteenth century. In 
the year 1700, I suppose it was about one hundred and thirty- 
five millions — in 1800, it amounted to about one hundred and 
eighty millions — in 1840, to about two hundred and forty 
millions — and in 1850 it was about two hundred and fifty-five 
millions. The increase of population has been sustained and 
caused, by an increase of agricultural products, and of the 
comforts of life, by reason of an increase of science, and of me- 
chanical and mining industry. 

Nearly all the countries of Europe have ordinarily for many 
years past, produced a surplus of grain to export. This is shown 
by the tables in the last section. . The history of the world until 
a recent period, is filled with dearths, and great scarcities of pro- 
visions, amounting almost to famines ; which carried great distress, 
suffering, and sickness among the people, and swept off thousands, 
and sometimes millions, by means of the debility and diseases 
consequent upon a want of sufficient food, and other necessaries 
to make them comfortable. Such scenes of suffering, sickness, and 
mortality as existed in Ireland in 1847, were common in every 
country of Europe, during the thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries, and still more common during earlier periods 
of the world. Agriculture was then in a very low condition, the 
amount of grain cultivated comparatively small, and crops very 
precarious and generally light. This was owing to a variety of 
causes, among which may be noticed, the low state of physical 



224 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

science and of the mechanic arts, the total ignorance of agricul- 
tural chemistry and science — a want of proper tools and instru- 
ments to plough and subdue the earth properly — and a want of 
extensive markets, and of facilities to transport their products to 
market, which operate as stimulants to industry. It was impos- 
sible for population to increase very much, in such a condition of 
things, and the fact of a great increase of population during the 
last seventy-five years (since the year 1775) is of itself, evidence^ 
that food and other comforts of life are more abundant among all 
classes of people, and scarcities less frequent, than they were two, 
three, or five centuries since. 

The increase of physical and mechanical science, of productive 
industry, agricultural products, and population, all go hand in 
hand, and neither can advance very much without the others ; 
the increase of agricultural products and of population being 
natural consequents of the others, operating as causes. Agricul- 
tural chemistry, has grown up during the present century. 
Plants, soils and manures have been analyzed, their constituent 
elements ascertained, the deficiencies of any soil to produce a 
particular crop, and the mode of supplying the deficiencies by 
manures of various kinds, lime and gypsum, bone dust and guano, 
has been learned, the utility of a rotation of crops, and the use 
of the grasses, clover and other green crops, have been suggested 
and tested by experiments. Many of these things have been 
suggested ex priori, by physical science and agricultural chemistry, 
and all of them have been tested, and their real utility ascer- 
tained, by the observation and experience of great numbers of 
persons, in different countries, and the results published to the 
world . 

The quality and productiveness of grains, grasses, plants, fruits 
and animals, have been improved by cultivation ; and by trans- 
ferring them from one country, and one climate to another, sowing 
and planting only the best grains and seeds, and breeding from 
the best animals, all these things have been improved in quality, 
as well as in productiveness, in all the well cultivated countries 
of the earth. Great advantages have been derived also from iron 
ploughs, and other instruments, to aid in turning up, at a consider- 
able depth, subduing and*'cultivating the earth, and in sowing the 
seeds, gathering, securing and cleaning the crops, and fitting 
them for use. 

Nearly all these improvements have been effected during the 
last hundred years, since the year 1750, and the result has been 
a great increase in agricultural products, in nearly all the coun- 
tries of Europe. The average product of wheat per acre in 
England and Wales, is about four times as great at present, as 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 225 

it was four centuries since — being now about 27 or 28 bushels 
per acre — it was then only about seven bushels. The average 
annual crop of wheat in England and Wales at, and immediately 
previous to, the revolution of 16S8, was from sixteen to seventeen 
million bushels ; as late as from 1770 to 1775, it was only about 
thirty-five million bushels; but since 1835 it has been generally 
supposed to average nearly one hundred million bushels. 

The average crops of grain of all kinds in France in 17S4 were 
but little over nine bushels per acre — they are now about fifteen 
bushels per acre. The crop of wheat in France in 1784 was only 
about one hundred and thirteen million bushels ; it now amounts 
to about two hundred million bushels per annum. The produc- 
tion of all kinds of grain in 1760 amounted to about 450 litres, or 
12| bushels to each inhabitant ; the average production for some 
years past, has been estimated at 541 litres, or 15J bushels to 
each person, notwithstanding an increase of population of twelve 
and a half millions, or over fifty per cent. The population of 
France in 1760 was about twenty-three millions — production of 
grain at 12| bushels each 290,000,000 bushels. Population in 
1846 about 35,400,000, annual production of grain about 
543,000,000 bushels* 

The progress and improvements in agriculture have been much 
greater in Great Britain and Belgium, than in France — they have 
been very great also in all the central and northern countries of 
Europe. The crops generally are more certain, as well as more 
abundant, and better secured, than they were a century since, and 
the science of agriculture is still advancing. If all Europe were 
as well cultivated as Great Britain and Belgium now are, there is 
no reason to doubt, that it might produce sufficient food and wool for 
five or six hundred millions of inhabitants. Considering the advance 
in the sciences and the increase in the crops of some countries 
during the last hundred years, by reason of the advance in physi- 
cal, agricultural, and mechanical science, we can scarcely assign 
any limits to the quantity of food which may be produced. There 
is at this day, and will be for all future time, more suffering in 
nearly every country of Europe, for want of sufficient fuel, cloth- 
ing, and comfortable dwellings, than for want of food. 

These facts and considerations should make the free trade 
advocates, statesmen and agriculturists of America, pause and 
reflect, what dependence they can reasonably put on Great Britain 
as a market for our grain and provisions ? Whether we are not 
giving too much attention to the production of food, and too little 
to the production of other comforts, and of the instruments of 

*See L'Annuaire de L'Economie Politique et de la Statistique of France 
for 1850, p. 370 to 375. 



9 26 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

industry ? Whether by striving and expecting to feed the Euro- 
peans and furnish them with raw materials, and to be clothed by 
them and furnished with manufactured products, they are not 
nourishing a false hope, which will produce disappointment, debt, 
embarrassment, the depression of many important branches of in- 
dustry, panic, revulsion, and a general depression of property and 
business ? Nothing but the mines of California has prevented the 
heavy balance of trade against the United States from producing 
a severe shock and revulsion, before this time. The exports of 
coin during the first six months, from January to June inclusive, 
of the present year (1851) amounted to over twenty-five millions 
of dollars. Such an immense drain of specie could not have been 
sustained at any former period in our history, without producing 
a panic, and wide spread bankruptcy. 

Sec 14. The introduction, production, and consumption oj 
Sugar. 

A century since, sugar was regarded as a great luxury, to be 
used only by the wealthy ; now it is looked upon by all classes in 
this country as a necessary, which cannot be dispensed with. 
The Greeks and Romans had very little knowledge of sugar ; the 
Saracens introduced the culture of the sugar cane, and the 
manufacture of sugar into the islands of Cyprus, Crete, Sicily 
and Rhodes, and also into Spain, in the ninth century ; and the 
Spaniards introduced the manufacture of sugar into the West 
India islands. The art of refining sugar, and making what is 
called loaf sugar, is a modern European invention, the discovery 
of a Venetian about the end of the 15th or beginning of the 16th 
century. 

Mr. McCullocli remarks, that even in the early part of the 
17th century, the quantity of sugar imported into Great Britain 
was very inconsiderable ; and that it was used only in the houses 
of the rich and great. It was not until the latter part of the 
century, when coffee and tea were introduced, that sugar came 
into general use. 

Mr. McCulloch's statement of the quantity of sugar consumed 
in Great Britain, at different periods : 

In 1700 10,000 tons. 1786 to 1790, average 81,000 tons. 

" 1710 14,000 " 1801 to 1810, " 123,265 " 

" 1734 42,000 " 1811 to 1820, " 118,147 " 

" 1754 53,270 " 1821 to 1830, " 149,600 " 
1770 to 1775 72,500 " 

During the whole of the present century, the inhabitants of 
Great Britain have, on an average, consumed more than twenty 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 227 

pounds of sugar annually ; during the 18th century, the eon- 
sumption by them increased, as their productive industry and the 
means of paying for it increased. Owing to the poverty of the 
great mass of the Irish people, they consume very little sugar ; 
MeCulloch states that the whole quantity retained for consump- 
tion in Ireland, in 1825, was about 12,600 tons, and in 1835, 
only about 9,300 tons. 

The quantity consumed in Great Britain and Ireland from 
1831 to 1840 inclusive, averaged annually 187,298 tons. This 
prodigious quantity was consumed, notwithstanding it was loaded 
down with so heavy duties, that the nett revenue amounted 
annually on an average, during the ten years, to J24,532,214 
sterling, or about $21,700,000. 

Statement and calculation of Porter,* of the quantity of sugar 
consumed in Great Britain and Ireland respectively, the average 
consumption of each person, and the rate of duty. 



In Great Britain in, 


1801. 


1811. 


1821. 


Tons consumed, 
Consumption of each person, 
Rate of duty per Cwt, 


149,542. 

301 lbs. 
20 s. 


164,616. 
29 J lbs. 

27 s. 


123,587, 
19J lbs. 

27 s. • 


In Ireland in, 
Tons consumed, 
Consumption of each person. 


1800. 
. 14,903. 

6^ lbs. 


1810. 
21,004. 

8 lbs. 


1821. 
19,030. 
6 Jibs. 



Statement taken from the British Almanac for 1851 of the 
quantity of Sugar entered for consumption in Great Britain and 
Ireland respectively, in 1849, and a calculation of the average 
amount to each person : 

In Great Britain. In Ireland. 
Tons of sugar consumed, 276,587. 23,290. 

Average consumption of each person, 29 lbs. about 8 lbs. 

Mr. MeCulloch states the consumption of foreign and 
colonial sugar in France as follows : 

Consumed by each person 
In 1788, at about 21,300 tons, about 2 pounds. 

" 1801, " 25,200 " '" 2 " 

" 1812, " 16,000 " 
1816 to 1819, 36,000 " nearly 3 " 

1822 to 1824, 47,250 " " 31 " 

1826 to 1827, 62,500 " " 4& " 

in 1830, 67,250 " " 5 " 

He estimated the quantity consumed in France in 1832, inclu- 
ding beet root as well as foreign sugar, at 88,000,000 kilo- 
grammes, about 88,000 tons, or 195,000,000 pounds ; being 
* See Porters Progress of the Nation, title Sugar. 



228 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

about six pounds for each person, and less than one-third part as 
much as is consumed by each inhabitant of Great Britain. The 
foreign and colonial sugar entered for consumption in France in 
1841 was about S4,000"tons. 

Mr. McCulloch states the average quantities exported from the 
principal producing countries during each of the three years end- 
ing with 1833 as follows : 

Tons. 

British "West Indies, Demerara and Berbice, 90,000 

Mauritius, 30,000 

Bengal, Isle of Bourbon, Java, Siam, Philippines, &c, 60,000 

Cuba and Porto Rico, 110,000 

French, Dutch and Danish West Indies, 95,000 

Brazil, 75,000 



Total, 560,000 

The United States then produced about 50,000 tons, and in 
1844 about 100,000 tons, including maple sugar. 

About one-fourth part of the whole quantity of sugar made in 
the world, appears to be consumed by the inhabitants of the island 
of Great Britain. Why is it, that they can pay for, and afford 
to enjoy so many more luxuries than their neighbors ? 

Statement in millions of pounds of the quantities of sugar im- 
ported into the United States during the undermentioned years, its 
aggregate value and value per pound each year. 



[n 


1790, 


221 


millions. 


Value. 


Value per lb. 


a 


1800, 


oOk 


u 






it 


1810, 


29£ 


u 






u 


1821, 


o'Jh 


a 


$3,553,582 


nearly 6 cents. 


ll 


1830, 


86k 


u 


4,630,342 


about 5£ " 


it 


1835, 


126 


u 


6,860,174 


nearly 51 u 


u 


1840, 


121 


a 


5,580,950 


nearly 4| " 


a 


1845, 


115* 


u 


4,780,555 


about 4| " 


cc 


1850, 


218 


u 


7,504,424 


" 31 " 



Estimate by Edmund G. Forstall of New Orleans of the crops 
of sugar raised in Louisiana, during several years, in hogsheads 
of 1000 pounds each, and the prices or value on the plantations 
of the sugar per pound, and molasses per gallon, during the 
month of March each year ; which is the usual time of selling. 

Years. Crop in.hhds. Price of Sugar. Price of Molasses. 

1832^-1833 
1834-1835 
1835-1836 
1839-1S40 
1841-1S42 
' 1S42-1S43 
1S43-1S44 
1841-1845 



70,000 


5J to 5] cts» 


10 cts. 


110,000 


5 to 6 " 


IS to 19 cts. 


36,000 


10 to 11 " 


* 33 to 34 " 


119,947 


3] to 4 " 


15 to 16 " 


125,000 


3i to 4} " 


13 to V3i., 


140,316 


3f to 4 •' 


11 to 12 £ " 


1.00,346 


51- to 6£ ". 


20 


204,913 


31 to 44 " 


14 to 15} " 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 229 

The production of Sugar in the United States is now so great as 
to affect materially its price throughout the world. A large crop 
depresses prices, and a short one causes prices to advance. 

A very considerable proportion of the sugar imported into the 
United States is re-exported ; the quantity exported in 1S42, 
amounted to over 15,000,000 pounds, leaving about 157,000,000 
pounds of foreign sugar for home consumption, beside domestic 
sugar. In 1840, the quantity of maple sugar made in the United 
States, was about 35,000,000 pounds ; call it the same in 1S42, 
the crop of Louisiana in 1841 was about 125,000,000 pounds, 
making the whole supply and consumption of the United States 
for 1842, about 317,000,000 of pounds, for a population of 
16,000,000 of persons, exclusive of field slaves, less than twenty 
pounds for each person. It appears that the free population of 
the United States consume less sugar on an average than the 
inhabitants of Great Britain ; though the latter pay duties on all 
they consume about five times as high as the former, amounting 
in the aggregate to more pounds sterling, than we pay dollars. 

Sec 15. The 'production and consumption of Coffee. 

The coffee plant is a native of that part of Arabia called 
Teman ; but it is now very extensively cultivated in the Southern 
part of India, in Java, the West Indies and Brazil. McCulloch 
says it is supposed that coffee was not roasted and the decoction 
used as a drink earlier than the 15th century ; and that it was 
introduced into England and France between the years 1640 and 
1660. From 1660 to 180S the duty on coffee in' Great Britain 
was from Is. 6d. to 2s. sterling per pound, which prevented it 
from being consumed in very great quantities. The quantity 
consumed in Great Britain did not amount to a million pounds 
annually, prior to the year 1804, except during the years 1791, 
1793 and 1795. 

Statement of the quantity of Coffee consumed in the United 
States, Great Britain and Ireland respectively during the under- 
mentioned years : 





United States. 


Great Britain. 


Ireland. 




lbs. 


lbs. 


lbs. 


1810, 


5,852,082 


5,308,096 




1821, 


11,886,063 


7,327,283 


265,718 


1830, 


38,363,657 


21,840,520 


851,000 


1840, 


86,209,761 


27,298,322* 




1849, 


150,963,000 


33,417,675 


1,013,399 



The average custom-house valuations of coffee imported into 
the U. States have been as follows — in 1821 — twenty -one cents 

* Consumption in Great Britain in 1841. 



230 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

per pound — in 1S30 eight cents — in 1840 nine cents — and in 
1849, five and a half cents. 

The duties on coffee imported into Great Britain were reduced 
in 1808 to 7d. sterling per pound, raised in 1819 to Is., and 
reduced in 1824 to 6d. In the United States, the duties from 
1794 to 1812 were five cents; from 1812 to 1816 ten cents; 
from 1816 to 1830 five cents ; since 1832, coffee has been imported 
free of duty. 

Estimated production of coffee in the world in Hunt's 
Magazine for Sept. 1845. 

Pounds. 

Brazil, 170,000,000 

Cuba, 45,000,000 

St. Domingo, 38,000,000 

Porto Rico and Laguayra, 36,000,000 

British West Indies, 10,000,000 

Dutch West Indies, 3,000,000 

Ceylon, 7,000,000 

Sumatra and Java, 140,000,000 

East Indies and Mocha, 6,000,000 

French Colonies, 4,000,000 



Total pounds, 459,000,000 

Mr. McCulloch states the product of Mocha and the other 
Arabian ports at that time (1836) at 10,000 tons, and the total 
product of the world at 147,000 tons; equal to 329,280,000 
pounds. 

Nearly two-thirds of all the coffee now produced in the world, 
is from the western hemisphere ; Mr. Hunt states the production 
and increase in Brazil as follows: in 1820 at 95,700 bags; in 
1830 at 391,785 ; and 1840 at 1,063,805 bags. In 1752 the 
export of coffee from Jamaica amounted to only 60,000 pounds ; 
in 1775 to 440,000 pounds ; in 1797 to 7,931,621 pounds ; and 
in 1832 the exports amounted to 19,811,000 pounds. These 
results show how active the slave trade has been, and how 
actively it is still prosecuted by the Brazilians. 

The coffee imported into France for three years from 1830 to 
1832 inclusive, was less than 35,000 tons, or nearly 27,000,000 
pounds annually ; while the amount retained for home consump- 
tion in the United States during the same three years was 68,990 
tons, or nearly 23,000 tons annually ; and nearly twice as much 
as the consumption of France, though the population of the 
latter was then about three times as great as the free population 
of the former. The quantity entered for home consumption in 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 2 31 

France in 1S21 was 12,954,116 kilogrammes, or about 12,900 
tons, according to the official reports. 

The coffee tree will grow on almost any soil, high or low, rich 
or poor, in the torrid zone. Though it grows most luxuriantly 
and produces the most abundantly on rich loamy and alluvial soils, 
yet it does well, and produces better flavored coffee on high, dry 
and sandy soils, on the sides of hills and even mountains, and 
there is scarcely any limit to the quantity which may be produced. 
The increased production has exceeded the demand for it, and 
hence the fall in price. 

Sec. 16. The introduction and consumption of Tea. 

Brande remarks, in his Encyclopaedia, that " tea was wholly 
unknown to the Greeks and Romans, and even to our ancestors, 
previously to the end of the sixteenth or the beginning of the 
seventeenth century. It seems to have been originally imported 
in small quantities by the Dutch, but was hardly known in this 
country (England) till after 1650. In 1664 the East India 
Company bought two pounds and two ounces of tea as a present 
to his maje'sty. In 1667 they issued the first order to import tea, 
directed to their agent at Bantam, to the effect that he should 
send home one hundred pounds of the best tea he could get." 

McCulloch says " the tea shrub may be described as a very 
hardy evergreen, growing readily in the open air, from the equator 
to the 45th degree of latitude. For the last sixty years it has 
been reared in this country (England) without difficulty in green- 
houses ; and thriving plants of it are to be seen in the gardens of 
Java, Singapore, Malacca and Penang ; all within six degrees of 
the equator. The climate most congenial to it, however, seems 
to be that between the 25th and 33d degrees of latitude, judging 
from the success of its cultivation in China." "Its growth is 
chiefly confined to hilly tracts, not suited to the growth of corn." 
There is no good reason to doubt that a sufficient quantity of tea 
for the consumption of the country might be cultivated in the 
United States, if the same efforts were made to introduce it as 
were made to introduce the cultivation of rice and cotton. 

Statements extracted from the Commercial Dictionary, showing 
the progress of the consumption of tea in Great Britain from 1711 
to 1780. 



1711 


141,995 pounds. 


1750 


2,114,922 pounds, 


1720 


237, 904 


1760 


2,293,613 


1730 


537'016 


1770 


7,723,538 


1740 


1,302,549 


1780 


5,588,315 



Account of the Quantities of tea entered for home consumption 



232 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

in each of the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and tho 
aggregate amount of nett duties paid thereon each year : 



Tears. 


Great Britain. 


Ireland. 


Duties collected. 


1790 


14,639,299 lbs. 


1,736,796 lbs. 


£580,362 


1800 


20,358,702 


2,926,166 


1,222,086 


1810 


19,093,244 


2,923,369 


3,647,737 


1820 


22,452,050 


3,150,344 


3,527,192 


1825 


24.830,015 


3,889,658 


4,030,019 


1830 


30,047,079* 




3,387,097 


1841 


36,675,667* 




3,978,198 


1849 


43,641,372 


6,383,316 


| 5,471^641 



Statement of the quantity of tea imported into the United 
States, during the undermentioned fiscal years. 



Years. 


Quantity in pounds. 


Years. 


Quantity in pounds. 


1790, 


3,047,242 


1S35, 


14,415.572 


1800, 


3,797,634 


1840, 


20,006,595 


1810, 


6,647,726 


1842, 


15,692,094 


1820, 


4,891,447 


1845, 


19,812,500 


1830, 


8,609,415 


1850, 


29,872,654 



The quantity of tea exported from the United States in 1830 
amounted to 1,536,314 pounds; in 1840 to 3,123,496 pounds ; in 
1842 to 2,290,786 ; in 1845 to 2,483,308 pounds ; and in 1850 
to 1,673,063. By deducting the quantity exported from the 
imports, the reader will have the quantity consumed. 

Statement of the quantity of tea, the quantity of coffee, and 
the aggregate quantity of tea and coffee, reckoned as coffee 
(calling one pound of tea equal to five pounds of coffee) 
consumed in the United States and in Great Britain respectively, 
in 1830 — 1842 — and in 1850 — and the amount to each person. 

United States. 1830. 1842. 1850. 

lbs. lbs. lbs. 

Tea consumed, 7,173,091 13,401,308 28,199,541 

Tea equal to coffee, 35,865,455 67,006,540 140,997,705 

Coffee, 38,363,689 107,383,577 129,791,466 

Tea and coffee equal to coffee, 74,229,142 174,390,117 270,789,171 

Average for each person, 5| 9| about 11| 

=*The quantities given for 1830 and 1841 include the consumption in both 
Great Britain and Ireland. 

t Gross duties — See the British Almanac for 1851, page 145. 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 233 

Great Britain, 1S30. 1842. 1849. 

lbs. lbs. lbs. 

Tea consumed, 30,047,079 32,500,000 43,641,372 

Tea equal to coffee, 150,235,395 162,500,000 218,206,000 

Coffee, 21,840,520 24,300,000 33,417,675 

Tea & coffee equal to coffee, 172,075,915 186,800,000 251,623,675 

Average for each person, 10& 10 12 J 

The duties paid on tea imported into the United States in 
1830 were from 6 to 40 cents per pound, and on coffee, 2 cents 
per pound. Since 1S33, tea and coffee have been imported, free 
of duty ; which has tended to increase their consumption very 
much ; and yet the consumption of these articles, in Great 
Britain, where they are loaded down with enormous duties, is 
greater in proportion to the population, than it is in the United 
States, and about three times as great in proportion to the popula- 
tion, as it is in Ireland. 

It has been shown in section fourteen, that more sugar is 
consumed in Great Britain, in proportion to the population, than 
in the United States ; here it appears, that more tea and coffee 
in the aggregate are also consumed. The amount of duties 
collected in Great Britain on tea, coffee and sugar exceeds the 
whole amount of duties collected on all the imports of the United 
States. High duties seem to have but little effect, to check the 
consumption of luxuries among a people who have the means of 
paying for them. The people of Great Britain, being extensive- 
ly engaged in mechanical, manufacturing, and mining industry, 
which is much more profitable than agricultural industry, are 
able to pay high prices for, and to consume more of these 
luxuries, than the people of the United States can pay for at 
low prices. The agricultural population of Ireland cannot pay 
for, and therefore cannot consume more than about one third 
part as much in proportion to their numbers, as the manufactu- 
ring population of England, who are often sneered at in this 
country as paupers. 

The consumption of tea on the continent of Europe is small. 
It is stated in the Commercial Dictionary that in 1832 the 
quantity of tea imported into Russia amounted to 6,461,064 
pounds j that the quantity consumed in Holland annually was 
about 2,800,000 pounds ; that the consumption of France was 
not supposed to exceed 230,000 pounds a year ; that ike 
importations into Hamburg vary from 1,500,000 to 2,000,000 
pouuds annually, the greater part of which is forwarded into the 
interior of Germany ; and that the imports into Venice and Trieste 
do not exceed a few hundred pounds a year. I find no account 
of the quantity of tea consumed by the other countries of Europe 



234 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

and America. According to official reports, the quantity of tea 
entered for home consumption in France in 1841, amounted to 
154,100 kil. ; about 346,000 pounds. 

Sec 17. Physical and Moral Effects of Tea and Coffee. 

" The introduction of tea and coffee, it has been well remarked, 
has led to the most wonderful change that ever took place in the 
diet of modern civil : zed nations ; a change highly important both 
in a moral and physical point of view. These beverages have 
the admirable advantage of affording stimulus without producing 
intoxication, or any of its evil consequences. Lovers of tea or 
coffee are, in fact, rarely drinkers (that is of alcohol) and hence 
the use of these beverages has benefited both manners and 
morals. Raynal observes that the use of tea has contributed 
more to the sobriety of the Chinese than the severest laws, the 
most eloquent discourses, or the best treatises on morality. " 
(Scotsman, 17th Oct. 1827.) 

Dr. Ure in the supplement to his Dictionary of the Arts, 
article tea, quotes the following remarks from Professor Liebig. 
" Recent researches have shown in such a manner as to exclude 
all doubt, that thein and caffein (the peculiar properties of tea 
and coffee) are in all respects identical," and he adds, u we may 
consider these vegetable compounds so remarkable for their action on 
the brain, and the substance of the organs of motion, as elements 
of food for organs as yet unknown, which are destined to con- 
vert the blood into nervous substance, and thus recruit the 
energy of the moving and thinking faculties." "At a 
meeting of the Academy of Sciences of Paris, lately held, M. 
Feligot read a paper on the chemical combinations of tea. He 
stated that tea contains essential principles of nutrition, far 
exceeding in importance its stimulating properties ; and showed 
that tea is, in every respect, one of the most desirable articles of 
general use." 

In this view of the subject, it would seem that tea and coffee 
are likely to assume a physiological importance not realized or 
thought of until recently. They both contain a large per centage 
of tannin, and some other astringent substances, and act directly 
upon the nervous cords, more as tonics than as stimulants ; and 
tea particularly seems to act upon the brain and nervous cords, 
rather as a sedative and tonic than as a stimulant. 

The nervous substance or fluid, and the nervous cords and 
filaments of the brain, are very different things, the latter being 
but the tubes in which the former is contained ; and if, as sug- 
gested by Prof. Liebig, any considerable portion of tea and coffee, 
when taken into the system and assimilated, is secreted by the 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 23o 

blood, and forms nervous fluid, these drinks are of essential 
importance in supplying the substance on which all our mental 
and muscular action depends. And though they may in some 
sense be called stimulants, yet they act as natural stimulants , by 
increasing the quantity of the nervous substance or fluid, ( which is 
the natural stimulant of the brain and nerves,) and not by 
changing its character, substance or action. They may thus act 
as stimulants to the brain and nerves, by increasing the quantity 
of the nervous substance, in the same manner as nutritious food 
acts as a stimulant to the whole system, by supplying the materials 
which constitute the blood, and thereby increasing its quantity ; 
but inasmuch as persons may injure themselves by consuming 
too much nutritious food, more than is requisite to supply a 
sufficiency of blood ; so persons of sensitive and excitable nerves 
may, in like manner, by using too much tea or coffee, and sup- 
plying too much nervous fluid, produce too much mental and 
muscular activity, and thereby injure their health and constitu- 
tions. Alcohol, on the contrary, is an unnatural stimulant ; 
inasmuch as the direct effect of the extra quantity of hydrogen 
which it contains, is to stimulate the system, and increase the 
action of the blood to an unnatural degree, without furnishing 
much nourishment ; and exhaustion is the necessary consequence. 

Sec. IS. The Production and Consumption of Wine 
The vine has been cultivated and wines made, from the earliest 
periods of history. The limits within which it is cultivated in 
the northern hemisphere of the Old World, vary from about 15 
to 48 and 52 degrees. The vine grows in every sort of soil ; but 
that which is light and gravelly produces the best quality of 
wines ; though rich soils produce the largest crops. Wines are 
made in more than half of Europe, and may be made in abundance 
in nearly half of the inhabitable portions of the earth. The 
production greatly exceeds the demand. France alone might 
supply all the northern countries of Europe and of America, with 
all the wine and brandy needed by them. 

The average annual production of wine in the Empire of 
Austria exclusive of Hungary, exceeds one hundred and fifty 
million imperial gallons. The general estimate from the official 
reports of the average quantity of wine made in France annually, 
for more than twenty years past, is about thirty-seven millions 
hectolitres — equal to about 976,000,000 wine gallons, or 
814,000,000 English imperial gallons. In 1820 M. Chaptal 
estimated the vine culture in France at 1,613,930 hectares,* 

*A hectare is about 2 acres. 1 rood and 35 square rods of ground. And a 
hectolitre about 22 English imperial gallons, or wine gallons. 



236 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

producing about 35,358,890 hectolitres* of wine. In 1824 the 
Department of Finance reported the produce of wines at 
35,000,000 hectolitres ; and M. Covolean estimated the vine- 
yards of France in 1827 at 1,736,056 hectares, and the average 
quantity of wine produced annually, at 36,945,820 hectolitres. 

Statement of the quantity and value of the wines and brandies 
of France exported during the undermentioned years. 





Wines in 


millions of 


Brandies in 


millions of 


Average of years. 


Litres. 


Francs. 


Litres. 


Francs. 


1815 to 1817 


103,9 


38,6 


11,7 


9,4 


1821 to 1823 


109, 


42,7 


22,S 


18,2 


1S27 to 1S29 


114,9 


49,1 


33,2 


27, 


in 1840 


135,3 


49,3 


19,2 


16,2 


1843 to 1847 




50,9 




12,3 


in 1847 




55,4 




16,7 


in 1848 


153,4 


54,5 


official value 


20,7 


in 1848 


real value 


43,1 


real value 


24,1 



The standard of official values was adopted in 1826 and has 
been continued ever since. The official and real values were both 
taken in 184S, when it was found that prices had fallen more than 
twenty per cent. The 1,534,000 hectolitres exported in 1S48 was 
really worth but a trifle more than the 1,090,000 hectolitres 
exported annually from 1821 to 1823. The export, until 
recently, has been less than one thirtieth part of the quantity pro- 
duced. 

A commission instituted a few years since to inquire into the 
excise on wine, and the evasion of the excise, estimated the annual 
production of wine in France, and the disposition of it, as follows : 

Consumed by the proprietors, not being subject to duty. 9 millions. 

Made into Brandy, 6.4 u 

Loss and waste among the growers, 4.1 " 

do. in conveyance and among the dealers, 2. " 

Exported, 1.2 " 

Made into vinegar, .5 " 

Duty paid on consumption, 14. " 

Fraudulently consumed without paying duty, 4.8 " 

Total produced. 42.0 " 

Supposing the annual production to be but 37 million hecto- 
litres, the estimate of waste and loss, and the quantity fraudu- 
lently consumed without paying duty are probably five millions 
too high, and the other items of the estimate nearly correct. 
According to these estimates, the average annual consumption of 
wine in France by each person, is equal to about 18 imperial 

*One hundred litres make one hectolitre. 



PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 237 

gallons, or 22 wine gallons ; and the consumers pay duties on it, 
amounting to from twelve to fourteen millions of dollars. 

There is consumed annually in Great Britain and Ireland, about 
six million gallons of wine, about 330.000 gallons of which is from 
France. 

The quantity of foreign wines consumed in the United States 
in 1839 and some previous years, amounted to over six million 
gallons; but the quantity consumed in 1840, the quantity con- 
sumed in 1850, and the average quantity consumed annually 
during the intervening years, was less than six million gallons. 

Fiance being the best wine growing country in the world,- the 
free-trade writers of Great Britain have been for half a century 
or more, trying to satisfy the French that it was folly for them to 
endeavor to build up the mining and manufacturing industry of 
the kingdom by duties on foreign products imported, and that they 
might better turn their attention more to the production of wine, 
and the culture of silk, (in which they have natural advantages over 
all the northern nations of Europe,) abandon the mining, iron, and 
manufacturing interests to their fate, and buy their iron, hardware, 
cotton-yarn,coarse cottons, and coarse woollen goods of the British, 
and trust to the exportation of their wines, brandies, and silks, for 
the means of payment. This free-trade system operates well for 
Great Britain, but what would be its effects on France ! The most 
that France has ever been able to export, is about one twenty- 
fourth part of her wine crop, and they generally export less than 
one thirtieth part ; and yet the exports are so large that, coming in 
competition with the wines of other countries, they have greatly 
reduced prices. The question is not, how much wine France can 
produce, but how much can she sell to advantage ; her annual 
exports of wine are worth at the place of export only a little over 
$8,000,000, and the brandy less than $5,000,000, making in all 
about $13,000,000. The whole quantity of wine (about 6,000,000 
gallons) consumed annually in Great Britain and Ireland, cost at 
the place of export about 81,500,000 ; less than one fifteenth part 
of which comes from France. The average quantity of brandy 
consumed in Great Britain for several years past has been about 
1,675,000 imperial gallons per annum, worth at the place of ex- 
port about 81,400,000. If France should open her ports and admit 
all British products at a nominal or very small duty and thereby 
sacrifice her mining interests, and her manufactures of iron, 
hardware, cotton-yarn, coarse cotton and woollen goods, to the 
amount of fifteen or twenty million dollars per annum, she might 
thereby increase her sales of wine and brandy to Great Britain, 
perhaps, to the amount of a million of dollars per year. And 
even that small increase of exports of French wines and brandy, 



238 PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF AGRICULTURE. 

would be at the expense of their neighbors of Spain, Portugal, 
Italy, and Germany, whose exports of those articles must de- 
crease to the same or nearly the same extent. These illustrations 
show the selfishness of the gratuitous advice of the free-trade econo- 
mists of Great Britain to other nations, and the sophistry of their 
leading arguments. 

Sec. 19. The Production and Consumption of Tobacco. 

Tobacco is a plant indigenous to America. It was first intro 
duced into Europe the fore part of the 16th century, but it has 
long been extensively used throughout Europe as well as America. 
When tobacco leaves are distilled they yield an essential oil, 
which is a virulent poison. It is a remarkable fact, that this 
weed, of which man uses so much, is avoided by animals ; that it 
will destroy animal life, and is frequently used to destroy vermin ; 
that it is nauseating to the stomach ; that it cannot be taken into 
the system in even as large quantities as arsenic, laudanum or 
other poisons, without dangerous consequences ; and that it is 
taken into the mouth and nose merely to stimulate the surface of 
the skin and some of the glands, and its contents, together with all 
the saliva raised by and mixed with it, carefully spit out. It may 
be useful to some persons of a very full and plethoric habit, but 
it is generally supposed to be very deleterious to the human 
system. 

Statement of the quantities of tobacco retained for home con- 
sumption in Great Britain and Ireland, and the amount of duties 
and excise collected thereon during the years therein stated.* 

Gr.F.AT Britain. Ieelaxd. 

Pounds used Amount of duty. Pounds used. Amount of duty. 

1790 8,960,224 £512,383 2,900,437 £133,195 

1801 10,514,998 923,855 6,389,754 285,482 

1821 12,983,198 2,600,415 2,614,954 528,168 

1831 15,350,018 2,338,107 4,183,823 626,485 

1841 16,830,593 2,716,217 5,478,767 833,940 

Statement of the quantity in hogsheads, the value of the leaf 
tobacco, and the value also of the manufactured tobacco, exported 
from the United States, during the undermentioned fiscal years. 

Leaf Tobacco. 
hhds. value. Manufact'd Tobacco & Snuif. 

1S21 66,858 $5,648,962 §140,083 

1830 83,810 5,586,365 346,747 

1840 119,484 9,883,957 813,671 

1845 147,168 7,469,819 538,498 

1850 145,729 9,951,023 648,S32 

*The duties in Great Britain varied from Is 7d to 4s Sterling per pound, 
and in Ireland from Is to 3s per pound. 



PRINCIPAL PR0DUC1S OF AGRICULTURE. 239 

The tobacco crop of the United States of 1839, (as reported 
in the census of 1840,) was 219,163 ? 319 pounds. A hogshead 
of tobacco is about 1,400 pounds, which makes the export of leaf 
tobacco in 1840, about 167,000,000 pounds. The manufactured 
tobacco and snuff exported that year amounted to 6,824,297 
pounds — making in all, nearly 174,000,000 pounds exported, 
and leaving over forty-five million pounds for home consumption. 

The planters of Virginia, before the Revolutionary war, paid 
their principal attention to the culture of tobacco, and used to 
export generally about 55,000 hogsheads a year. Maryland and the 
Carolinas also exported large quantities of tobacco^ and the whole 
annual export from the colonies has been estimated as high as 
100,000 hogsheads. The hogshead in those days contained only 
from 600 to 700 pounds each. Though considerable quantities 
are cultivated in France, and other countries of southern Europe, 
yet the tobacco of America is preferred ; and such is the univer- 
sal custom and fashion of using it, that the demand seems to be 
increasing of late, in proportion to the ability of the people to pay 
for it. 

The duties levied on tobacco in Great Britain have been for 
some years, four shillings sterling per pound, or from 600 to 1200 
per cent., and all the countries of Europe have imposed enor- 
mously heavy duties on it, yet the people will have it ; and the 
amount we export, shows that it is not materially diminished by 
either European or American tariffs, so long as it is not so high 
as to be beyond the ability of the mass of the laboring classes to 
pay for it. The fluctuations in the prices of tobacco have been 
less than in any other staple product of the United States. The 
demand has been steady and increasing with great uniformity, and 
the production generally greater than the demand ; which has 
kept prices the most of the time, at the lowest point that would 
compensate the planter. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE PRECIOUS METALS, COIN, AND BANK NOTES. 

Sec. 1. The utility of Gold and Silver ; and the properties which 
Jit them for measures of value, and for currency. 

Gold and silver have been extensively used in the arts, for 
domestic utensils, ornaments, objects of luxury, and numerous 
other purposes, from the earliest times. Their great utility and 
intrinsic value, together with their beauty, durability, and the 
facility of converting them from one form into another without 
much loss, have made them general objects of desire by the whole 
human family, and the universal currency of civilized nations, 
from the earliest periods of history. 

As a currency, or money, they have been used as measures of 
value, and also as instruments or means of payment. (Vide ante 
sec. 6 of Chapter VI.) On account of their durability, converti- 
bility, and great intrinsic value, in proportion to their weight and 
bulk, they constitute the best and safest currency which the 
world can furnish ; though a currency composed mostly of paper, 
based on the precious metals, is much cheaper, and more con- 
venient. Gold and silver have an intrinsic value in the public 
estimation, co the amount at which they pass as money; while 
bank notes, and other paper money, are but the representatives 
of value ; and they are often only the evidence of an obligation 
to pay what it is not in the power of the obligor to pay, according 
to the terms of the obligation. 

Even the precious metals do not constitute an invariable stan- 
dard or measure of value ; for their value, like that of everything 
else, depends upon the relative proportion between the supply and 
the demand ; and when we compare their value in the market at 
periods distant from each other of a century or more, we find 
their fluctuation in value greater than that of breadstuff's ; but as 
they are comparatively rare metals ; as great labor is generally 
required to produce them ; as the production of the mines is not 
affected by frosts, droughts, rains, and other changes of the 



ON THE PRECIOUS .METALS. 241 

seasons, and the quantity in use can never be suddenly increased 
nor diminished, if you take periods of time of from one to ten years, 
they are subject to very little fluctuation, and furnish a standard 
of value almost perfect. 

Nature has not determined the relative value of the two metals. 
That depends partly on the uses to which they may be applied, 
and the consequent demand for them, and partly on the produc- 
tion of the mines, and the average amount of each, produced by 
the employment of a given amount of labor and capital. Prior 
to the discovery of America, an ounce of gold was equal in value 
in Europe to about ten ounces of silver. The American mines 
have produced in quantity about forty times as much silver as 
gold, which caused a gradual rise in Europe of the relative value 
of gold, when compared with silver, until the former became in 
different countries, from fourteen to fifteen and a half times as 
valuable as the latter ; it was made fifteen times as valuable in 
the United States by the act of Congress of April, 1792, and six- 
teen times as valuable by the act of June, 1834. If the Russian 
mines should continue to furnish large supplies of gold, and the 
present anticipation should be realized of an immense and inex- 
haustible supply of gold from California, the relative value of gold 
must decline ; and the time is not far distant, when it will not be 
worth more than ten or twelve times as much per ounce as silver. 
But no fears need be apprehended that the aggregate amount of 
the precious metals will increase faster than the population, and 
the wants of commerce, and of the world of fashion. The proba- 
bility is, that they will not increase as fast, and that if the price 
of gold should fall, the price of silver will increase more and 
faster than gold falls. It may be important for Congress to act 
on this question very soon, to reduce the relative price of gold to 
the former standard, of fifteen times the value of silver, and to 
increase the quantity of gold to be coined into a dollar ; or else 
silver coin, being relatively more valuable to export than to use 
in this country, will be rapidly exported. 

British gold coin is made of eleven parts pure gold and one 
of alloy ; every pound troy, or 12 oz. of standard silver, is com- 
posed of 11 oz. 2 dwts. of pure metal, and 18 dwts. of alloy. 
From the Norman conquest, in 1066, to the year 1300, a pound 
of standard silver, (that is 11 oz. 2 dwts. pure silver, and 18 
dwts. alloy) was coined into 20 shillings, or one pound, sterling 
money. The number of shillings into which the same quantity 
of silver was coined was increased from time to time, until in 1527 
it was coined into 40 shillings, or two pounds, and soon after into 
45 shillings ; in 1560, and from that time until 1600, it was 
coined into 60 shillings; from 1600 to 1816 into 62 shillings; 



242 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

and since 1816 into 66 shillings. From 1543 to 1553, the coin 
was much more debased. 

The number of grains of pure silver, and of pure gold, con- 
tained in one pound, or twenty shillings, sterling money, at 
different periods, has been as follows : — 

Years. Silver. Gold. Proportion of 

Grains. Grains. Gold to Silver. 

15G0tol600 1,776 160 ltoll.l 

1600 to 1604 1,718.7 157.G 1 to 10. 9 

1004 to 1626 1,718.7 141.9 to 128.8 

1663 to 1717 1,718.7 118.6 to 113 

1717 to 1816 1,718.7 113 1 to 15. 2 

Sincol816 1,654.5 113 1 to 14. 28 

G-old only is a legal tender in G-reat Britain for any sum above 
two pounds sterling. 

The acts of Congress prescribe that all coins of the United 
States shall be nine parts pure silver or gold, and one part alloy. 
By the act of April 12th, 1792, a dollar is required to contain 
371 \ grains pure silver, and the same by the act of June, 1834; 
gold being declared fifteen times as valuable as silver by the 
former act, and sixteen times as valuable by the latter act. 

The number of grains of pure silver, and pure gold, contained 
in five dollars under each act, has been as follows : — > 

Years. Silver. Gold. Proportion of 

Grains. Grains. Gold to Silver. 

1792 to 1384 1,856^ 123% 1 to 15 

Since 1834 1,856^ 116 1 to 16 

Sec. 2. Quantity of pure silver and gold in the coin of Great 
Britain and the United States, at different periods. 

The British gold sovereign is nearly equal in value to $4 87, 
American gold coin, though it is declared by the act of 1834 
worth only §4 84. Calling a dollar 4s. 6d. sterling, the par 
exchange on England, payable in gold, is over 9J per cent, pay- 
able in silver it is nearly 2 per cent in our favor ; but as more 
than nine-tenths of the circulating coin of England is gold, and 
silver is sold in quantities at less than its legal value, as compared 
with gold, and the tenth part of an American eagle is worth only 
4s. Ihd. sterling, in British gold, we may fairly reckon a dollar 
at 4s. 2d. sterling, and the real par exchange at 9 per cent nom- 
inal value. 

Sec. 3. Mr. Jacobus estimates of the amount of coin in the Roman 
Empire, and in ancient Europe. 
The learned historical inquiry into the production and con- 
sumption of the precious metals made by William Jacob, Esq., 
of England, was published in 1831. Mr. Jacob says it has been 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 243 

estimated by several diligent enquirers, that the whole annual 
revenues of the Roman empire, in the time of Augustus, amounted 
to a sum equivalent to forty millions sterling of English money, 
of its present standard of fineness and weight. This seems not 
improbable, as the population of the empire has been generally 
estimated at over one hundred millions, during the first and 
second centuries of the Christian era. He estimates the amount 
of the precious metals of gold and silver in the empire, at the 
death of Augustus, A. ~D. 14, as equal to the enormous sum of 
£358,000,000 sterling of English money; which seems to me 
incredible, considering that the knowledge of mining, and of the 
mechanical powers necessary to carry it on advantageously were 
then comparatively in their infancy, and that the mines of 
Europe, Asia, and ^frica, have yielded very little since that time. 
He states that the mines were all nearly exhausted, and that the 
precious metals decreased from that period by friction and actual 
loss, at the rate of 10 per cent every 36 years, leaving in the year 
A. D. 410 but £107,435,924; and in the year A.' D. 806 but 
£33,674,256. The quantity named at the latter period seems 
more probable than the former. 

All these estimates are vague conjectures, without any accurate 
and reliable evidence to support them. The amount of coin in Eu- 
rope, at the discovery of America, is estimated by him at about 
£34,000,000 sterling, or $163,000,000, which does not differ much 
from the estimates of other authors, and is probably not far from 
correct. 

Sec 4. Production of Gold and Silver from 1492 to 1850. 

All the record evidence, and the estimates of authors, mer- 
chants, and public officers, of the production of the American 
mines from the discovery of America to the year 1803, were 
investigated with so much care and science by the learned 
M. Humboldt, that his estimates have been generally adopted as 
approximating as near to accuracy as is practicable. One thing, 
however, is very certain. He has greatly over-estimated the 
amount of gold and silver smuggled out of the colonies both of 
Spain and Portugal, without paying duty, and without being 
registered, or else their loss, and the amount used in the arts, 
and converted into plate and other utensils and ornaments, 
has been much greater than has been generally estimated. The 
amount in circulation, as coin, has been overrated by almost 
every writer of the present century, except S torch ; and yet, it is 
difficult to account for the consumption of the precious metals, 
unless the amount produced by the mines has been greatly over- 
rated. 



244 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS. 

Baron Humboldt estimated the quantity smuggled, in order to 
avoid the payment of duties, and unregistered, as equal to one- 
fourth the amount registered in the Portuguese colonies, and to 
over one-fifth the amount registered in the Spanish colonies. 
This is all conjecture, and, so far as Mexico, Peru, and Chili 
are concerned, which have very few ports from which it could be 
smuggled, it strikes me that the estimate is too great, by more 
than half, to be probable. 

I. Statement of M. Humboldt of the value of gold and silver 
extracted from the mines of America from 1492 to 1803, as 
registered. 

From the Spanish colonies $4,035,156,000 

" Portuguese colonies 684,544,000 

* 

Total registered $4,719,700,000 

Estimated amount smuggled and not registered from Spanish colonies 816,000,000 

From the Portuguese colonies 171,000,000 



Amount of contraband, as estimated by him $987,000,000 

Total production of the mines 5,706,700,000 

II. The amount of precious metals registered, and estimated 
by M. Humboldt as smuggled, produced in the countries of 
America respectively, from the year 1492 to 1803, as follows: 

Eegistered. Not Registered. Total. 

Mexico, or New Spain $1,768 millions. $260 millions. $2,028 millions. 

Peru and Buenos Ayres 1,936 " 474 " 2,410 « 

Chili and New Granada 331 " 82 " 413 " 

Portuguese Colonies 084 " 171 " 855 " 

Total $4,719 " $987 " $5,706 ■ 

III. The average annual products of the gold and silver mines 
of Europe, Northern Asia and America, at the beginning of the 
present century, were estimated by M. Humboldt in millions of 
francs and millions of dollars, as follows : — 

Gold in francs. Silver in francs. Total in francs. Total in dol's. 

Europe 4,4 millions. 11,7 millions. 16,1 millions. 3, millions. 

North Asia.... 1,8 " 4,8 " 6,6 " 1,2 " 

America 59,5 " 176,8 " 236,3 « 44,3 «■ 



Total.... 05,7 " 193,3 " 259, " 48,5 " 

IY. Estimate of M. Humboldt of the average amounts of gold 
and silver exported annually from America to Europe, and also 
the aggregate amounts exported during the under-mentioned 
periods, stated in millions of dollars ; to which I have added a 
column of deductions of one-twelfth part the aggregate amount 
for supposed over-estimates, and the amount exported, by my 
estimate, on making such deductions : — 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 24 5 













Mv estimate 


Periods. 


Exported per 


Humboldt's 


One-twelfth part of ex- 


ports 




year. 


aggregate. 


deducted. 


toE 


urope. 


1492 to 1500.... 


$0.25 millions. 


$2 millions. 


$0.2 millions 


$1.8 


nillions. 


1501 to 1545 . . . 


3 


135 


" 


11.25 " 


123.75 


" 


1546 to 1600.... 


11 


605 


" 


50.4 " 


554.6 


" 


1601 to 1700.... 


16 


1,600 


" 


133.33 " 


1,466.67 


" 


1701 to 1750.... 


22.5 " 


1,125 


u 


93.75 " 


1,031.25 


" 


1751tolS00.... 


35.3 " 


1,765 


" 


147 


1,618 


" 


1801 to 1810.... 


43.5 " 


435 


u 
u 


36.25 " 


393.75 


« 


Total .. 


$5,667 


$5,194.S2 


« 


Exported from the 


western coast of 












America to Asia. 


per Humboldt, 


133 


(( 




133.00 




Eemaining in America hi coin, 
















153 


11 




140.18 


*i 




up tolSlO.... 




Total produced 


$5,953 


$5,468.00 


« 


Produced up to 1S04 


5,706 


" 









In 169G, Gregory King made an estimate of the gold and silver 
produced by the mines of Europe ; the amount imported and 
exported from the discovery of America to that time, and the 
amount in Europe in coin, plate, <Sfc, at different periods. This 
estimate is contained in a manuscript now in the British Museum, 
(see Took on Prices, appendix, page 2, to part 1.) Mr. King's 
opinions and estimates on such subjects are entitled to as much, 
and, perhaps, to more weight, than those of any other man of the 
age in which he lived. 

V. Estimates of Mr. King. 

Stock of gold and silver in Europe in 1516, in coin, 

bullion, plate, gilding, Avatches, jewelry, and all 

other forms 

Produced in Europe from 1516 to 1696 

Imported from Asia in manufactures 

" Africa in gold dust 

" America iu coin 

Produced and imported prior to 1596 

Consumed and exported to Asia 

Estimated stock in Europe in 1596 

Produced and imported from 1596 to 1696 

Exported to Asia from 1596 to 1696 

Consumed from 1596 to 1696 

Increase during the 100 years 

Estimated stock in Europe in 1696 

YI. The stock of gold and silver in Europe in 1696 was esti- 
mated by Mr King as follows, in millions of pounds sterling : — 



£45 millions. 


$216 millions. 


8 


" 


38.4 


K 


2 


<( 


9.6 


U 


15 


" 


72 


(( 


520 


" 


2,496 


" 


205 


" 


984 


" 


150 


" 


720 


i' 


100 


" 


480 


(( 


340 


" 


1,670 


(( 


119 


K 


571 


M 


96 


(« 


460 


» 


125 


(< 


600 


» 


225 


M 


l,0SO 


" 



In England. 


France. 


Holland. 


Silver coin £8.5 


£18 


£7 


Gold coin 3 


5 


2 


Bullion 1 


1.5 


1.5 


Plate of laymen 4 


9 


1.5 


" churches .2 


3 


.1 


Medals and rarities .2 


.9 


.3 


Gold and silver 






thread, wire. &c. .4 


1.4 


.1 


Do. in stock for 






trade .2 


.6 


.3 


Total £17.5 


£39.4 


£12.8 



ther nations 


Total in 


of Europe. 


Europe. 


£76.5 


£110 


18 


2S 


4 


8 


31.5 


46 


16.7 


20 


3.6 


5 



41 



£155.3 £225 



246 



ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 



Though these are but estimates founded on very imperfect 
evidence, yet they were made by one of the best informed and 
most competent men of the age to judge with accuracy, and con- 
stitute the best evidence on the subject that is attainable. 
Being made by an Englishman, we have reason to believe that the 
estimates are sufficiently favorable to England ; and yet they show 
England inferior in wealth to both Holland and France. What 
a picture they exhibit of the amount of the precious metals 
engrossed by the church in Catholic countries ! 

VII. Statement of the coinage of several countries of America 
during the undermentioned periods. 







Annual average. 


1801 to 1810. 


1811 to 1820. 


1821 to 1830. 1831 to 1840. 


$227.24 millions. 


$112.16 millions. 


$99.76 millions. $12. millions. 


45.7 


60.25 " 


16.73 " 2.25 " 


35.S7 


20.66 " 


15.7 " .7 " 


u 


9.7 


2. " .4 " 



Mexico 

Peru 

Bolivia 

Chili. . . 

The foregoing table shows the rapid decline of the produce of 
the mines of the principal mining countries of America, during 
the period of their revolutionary struggle to throw off the yoke 
of Spain. 

VIII. Statements and estimates of the amount of gold and 
silver produced in Europe and the principal mining countries of 
America, during the undermentioned periods. 



1801 to 1810. 

Mexico $227.2 millions. 

Peru 45.7 " 

Bolivia 35.8 " 

Chili 7i20. " ' 

Buenos Ayres 7*48.5 " 

Guatemala 

Brazil, estimated 20. " 



Total of America 

Total of European and Ens- 
sian mines & gold dust im- 
ported from Africa. 



M2.8 



1811 to 1830. 
$211.92 mill 

76.98 

36.36 

11.7 

7*30. 
2.89 

?20. 

$389.85 



A110.15 



1831 to 1840 

$121.7 millions. 

22.3 " 



35. 



$190. 



75. 



Total $440. " $500. " $265. 

The numbers marked h are stated on the authority of Baron Humboldt, and those 
marked j on the authority of Mr. Jacob. 

IX. Statement of the amount of gold from the mines of Cali- 
fornia, and from all the other mines of the United States, depos 
ited for coinage at 
undermentioned periods. 



the mints of the United States, during the 



1824 to 1830 


California. 


Other mines. 

$715,000 

5,658,025 

7,223,856 

927,784 

665,217 

309,606 

121,251 


Total. 

$715,000 
5,658,025 


1831 to 1S40 


""$44,177 
6,151,360 
36,273,097 
25,74S,684 
11,945,613 


1841 to 1848 


7,268,033 


1S49 

1850 

1851 to June 30th, 


7,079,144 
36.93V114 
26,058,290 


" July 1, to Sept 30, ... . 


12,066,864 


Total 


$80,162,931 


$15,620,739 


$95,783,670 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 247 

The quantity of silver from the mines of the United States 
deposited for coinage in 1848 was only $6,191 ; in 1849, 
it was $39,112 ; and for the first four months of 1S50 it amounted 
to Sol, 197 ; which was mostly parted from California gold. 

X. There has been a great increase since 1820 in the pro- 
duction of gold in Asiatic Russia. The amount produced has 
been as follows, stated in sterling money : — 



1819 and 1820 


£175,337 


In 1S41 to 1S45 


£11.- 


1821 to 1830 

Is3ltol540 


4.734.641 
9,1S0;S91 


1S46 

1347 


.... 
.... 



Sec. 5. Consumption of Gold and Silver — Coin exported to 
Asia, and the amount in Europe and America, from 1500 to 
1840. 

The wear and loss of coin has been variously estimated at from 
one-fourth to one-half of 1 per cent, annually. Mr. Jacob 
estimated it at 10 per cent in thirty-six years. My estimate is 
one-third of 1 per cent per annum, which is equal to about 3 per 
cent in ten years ; 13 per cent in fifty years ; and 25 per cent in 
one hundred years.^ 

I. The amount of gold and silver used in the arts for plate, 
gilding, watches, jewelry, and other utensils and ornaments, the. 
amount exported to Asia, and the amount of coin remaining in 
Europe at different periods, were estimated by Mr. Jacob as 
follows : — stated in millions of pounds. 



In 1492 


Used in the arts. 


Exported to Asia. 


Coin in Europe. 
£34 millions. 


1492 to 1600 

1600 to 1700 


£23. millions. 

60.2 " 


£14 millions. 

33.2 " 
352 

40 


130 
297 


1700 to 1S10 


352 " 


330 


1810 to 1330 


112.2 '• 


312 



The reader will see that these estimates are very different from 
those of Grregory King, stated in tables No. V. and Yl. of the 
last section. On comparing the two together, and with the con- 
dition and commerce of the several countries of Europe, it appears 
to me that Mr. King's estimates are the best evidence we have 
on the subject, and are entitled to our confidence. 

Mr. Jacob estimated the amount used in the arts, in Europe 
and America, annually, from 1810 to 1830, over and above the 
amount of old plate, &c, melted, equal in value to £5,612, 611, 
Humboldt estimated it in 1804 at but S7, 182, 800 francs, equal 
to £3,459,000. McCulloch estimated the whole amount annu- 
ally in 1S33 as follows : — 

*The loss from fire is probably nearly one-tenth of 1 per cent annually ; 
from burying and transportation by land and water, about as much more ; 
and from friction, more than one-tenth of 1 per cent annually. 



248 OX THE PRECIOUS METALS, 



I:i Groat Britain and Ireland 

France , 

Switzerland 

All the remainder of Europe 
America 



Total annual consumption in the arts 

One-fifth part derived from the fusion of old plate . 




New gold and silver annually used in the arts £3,050,580 

It appears to me, also, that the estimates of Mr. Jaeob of the 
amount of coin in Europe at each period are entirely too high ; 
and that the estimates of the quantity of gold and silver used in 
the arts prior to the year 1700, are too low by about half ; during 
the eighteenth century, too high by nearly half ; and too high, 
also, for the period from the year 1810 to 1830 ; and that the 
estimates of Humboldt and McCulloch are too low. 

Humboldt estimated the coin in France in 1803 at 1,850 
millions livres, or francs, equal to nearly $347,000,000, for a 
population which he estimated at 26,363,000 ; that is, seventy 
francs, or about $13 each. Europe then contained, according to 
Hassel, 1S2, 600,000 inhabitants ; of which Russia, Sweden, Nor- 
way, Denmark, and the Sclavonian and Sarmatian nations con- 
stituted more than 62,000,000. '■ Allowing (taid he) for Great 
Britain and for the west and south of Europe 55 livres per indi- 
vidual, (or about $10j each,) and for other countries less ad- 
vanced in civilization 30 livres (or about $5| each,) we shall find 
the total specie of Europe cannot exceed 8,603 million livres." 
Carry out the principles of his calculation, and the result is as 
follows : — 

Population. Livres. Livres. 

France 26.4 at 70 each 1,850 millions. 

Eussia and other eastern nations 62 millions. 30 " 1,860 " 

Other nations of Europe 94 " 55 " 5,170 " 



Total for Europe 182,400,000 8,880 " 

Equal to about $1,665 " 

II. The coin and bullion of several countries of Europe have 
been variously estimated at different periods, as follows : — 

Great Britain by Davenant 1600 £4,000,000 sterling. 

• Gregory King 1696 8,500,000 " 

Anderson . 1762 16,000,000 " 

Dr. Price 1777 15,000,000 " 

Lord North v -. 1778 18 to 19,000,000 " 

Adam Smith 1786 18,000,000 " 

Eose .' 1802 44,000,000 ". 

Chancellor of the Exchequer .... 1830 38,000,000 " 

France by law in 1716 1,200 million livres or $225 mill'ns. 

Neckar 17S4 2,200 " 414 " 

Arnould 1791 2,000 " 376 " 

Humboldt 1804 1,S50 " 347 " 

Spain by Musquiz. 1782 . 80 " 

Austrian Empire by Hassel 1807 SO mibion florins or 39 " 

Prussia by Mr Krug 1804 56 " roubles or 42 " 

III. Mr. Storch, (in his political economy, published in 1814,) 
after carefully collecting and commenting on the estimates of 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 249 

different authors, of the specie in the different countries of Europe, 
estimated the amount as follows : — 

Great Britain , $00 millions. 

France 420 bi 

Spain 80 " 

Austria, exclusive of about 113,000,000 copper coin 26 " 

Prussia, in IS 5 42 " 

Russia, exclusive of -; : : -per coin 34 " 

Other countries of Europe ' 52S " 

Total of Europe $1,220 " 

We have now much more accurate statistics and ample mate- 
rials for estimating the amount of specie exported to Asia during 
the last two centuries, and the amount in the several countries 
of Europe and America at different- periods, than were possessed 
by any of the authors named. As the banks in the United States 
are numerous, the greater part of the specie is kept in their vaults, 
and the government has kept a record of the exports and imports 
of specie since the 30th of September, 1820, we have the means 
of estimating the amount of specie in the United States with 
greater accuracy than it can be estimated in any other country. 
And as the amount of circulating money needed in every country 
depends on the amount and value of its productive industry and 
commerce, the relative amount of money in circulation in different 
countries can be determined with a reasonable degree of accuracy. 

The following table of estimates is formed partly from official 
estimates, and the estimates of numerous writers, and partly by 
comparing the condition and the amount and value of the produc- 
tive industry and commerce of all the nations of Europe and 
America with each other, and calculating the relative amount of 
circulating money which each probably employs, as indicated by 
its condition. 

IV. Estimates of the population and circulating money, inclu- 
ding specie, bank-notes, and paper money of all kinds (over and 
above the depreciation of the paper money) in America and each 
country of Europe, and the amount to each person at the end of 
the year 1800. 



Great Britain 


Millions of 
Inhabitants. 

10.4 millions. 

48 
27.3 

5.0 " 
13.5 
20 

13 " 
12 " 
10 

4.5 " 

60 " 


Millions of 
Circulating . 
Money. 
$156 millions. 
3S.4 - 
327.6 " 

65 " 
100 " 
160 " 

7S 

84 ■ 

66 " 
22 " 

210 " 


Am't to each 
person. 

$15 


Ireland • . . . 


8 




12 


Holland and BeMum 


13 


Spain and Portugal 


7>£ 


Italy \ 

German Austria 

German States 


8 
6 
1 




6 


Denmark, Sweden, and Norway 

Hungary, Turkey, and other 
eastern nations of Europe 


5 
3% 


Total of Europe 


130.5 
24 


millions. 


$l,307millions. 
108 




America and West Indies 


4K 


Total 


204 millions. 


$1,415 millions. 


$7 



11 



250 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

Mr. Jacob estimated the coin in Europe at the discovery of 
America at £34,000,000 sterling ; and Mr. King estimated the 
whole amount of gold and silver in Europe in 1516 at £45,000,000 

sterling, over two thirds of which, perhaps, was coin. (See tables 
V. and VI. of section 4.) 

V. Estimates of the produce of the mines of Europe and 
America, the amount used in the arts and exported to Asia, and 

the amount made into and remaining in coin and bullion at 
different periods. (See ante, table IV. of section 4.) 

Amount of coin in Europe in the year 1500 $150 millions. 

Produce of the mines of America during the 16th century 6S0 " 

Produce of the mines of Europe and imported from Africa 40 " 

Total 870 

Wear and loss of old coin, one fourth part 38 " 

Exported to India, China, and other parts of Asia 200 " 

Used iu the arts to make into plate, watches, jewelry, gilding, images, 

etc., in churches, and other utensils and ornaments 240 " 

Made into coin, $2S0,000,000— wear and loss of new coin l-10th part 28 

Amount to he deducted $506 " 

Specie and bullion in use in Europe and America, Dec. 31st, 1600 364 " 

Produce of the American mines during the 17th century 1,466 

Produce of the mines of Europe, and gold dust imported from Africa. . 70 v 

Total 1 ,900 

"Wear and loss of the old gold, one-fourth part 91 

Exported to Asia over £1~000,000 per annum 500 " 

Used in the arts 600 " 

Made into coin, $436,000,000 — wear and loss of new coin, l-10th part. . .. 43 " 

Amount to be deducted 1,234 _■ " 

Specie in use, December 31, 1700 666 " 

Produce of the mines of America during the 18th century 2,650 " 

Produce of the mines of Europe, and gold dust from Africa, according 

to Jacob, less one-eighth part 366 " 

Total 3,682 

Wear and loss of old coin, one-fourth part 166 " 

Exported to Asia, £2,000,000 per year 960 w 

Used in the arts, over £2,500,000 per year 1,260 " 

Made into coin, $796,000,000— wear and loss of new coin, l-10th part . 80 " 

Amount to be deducted ------ 2,466 

Specie in use December 31, 1800 1,216 

Produce of the mines of America to December, 1810, about 400 " 

Froduce of the mines of Europe, Siberia, and gold dust from Africa, per 

Humboldt and Jacob 42 " 

Total 1,658 " 

Wear and loss of old coin at 3 per cent 36 " 

Exported to Asia, £2,500,000 per annum 120 " 

Used in the arts, £3,500,000 per annum 167 " 

Made into coin and bullion, 152,000,000 

Amount to be deducted 32 3 " 

Specie in use December 31, 1810 1,335 

Produce of mines of America to December, 1830 390 " 

Produce of Europe, Eussia, etc 110 

Total 1,835 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 251 

Wear and loss of old coin, 5>.< per cent 78 millions. 

Used in the arts, £4,000,000 per year 384 

Exported to Asia, £2,000,000 per year 192 

Amount to be deducted $649 

Specie in use, December 31, 1830 $1,18G " 

Produce of mines of America to December, 1840 190 

Froduce of mines of Europe, Russia, etc 75 

Total 1,451 

"Wear and loss of coin, 3 per cent '"5 

Used in the arts, £4,500,00 per year 216 

None exported to Asia 

Amount to be deducted - $251 

Specie in use, December 31, 1840 $1,200 

All the accounts and estimates seem to agree, that most of the 
American mines were growing less and less productive, and the 
total supply of the precious metals much less annually from 1820 
to 1840, than it was half a century since, while the population 
of Europe and America, and the wants of the commercial world, 
as well as the world of fashion, were rapidly increasing. 

Since 1840 there has been a great increase in the production 
of the gold mines of Russia ; which, together with the amount of 
gold procured during the years 1848, 1849 and 1850, from the 
mines and sands of California, and the prospect of an immense 
increase from the latter source, renders it probable that the pro- 
duction of the precious metals may, for some years to come, 
equal, and perhaps exceed, the consumption and the increase of 
population in the civilized world. 

It should be remarked, that prior to the nineteenth century, 
and, to some extent, also, as late as 1816, large quantities of 
cotton and silk goods were imported from India into Europe and 
America, and large sums of coin exported to India in payment, 
as well as to China and the East India islands, to pay for tea, 
spices, &c. M. Humboldt estimated that at the commencement 
of the present century, more than half the product of the 
American mines, (over twenty-five millions of dollars annually of 
gold and silver) were exported to Asia. Since the machinery of 
Great Britain, and the prodigious increase in the manufactures 
of that country, have driven the cotton goods of India not only 
out of the markets of Europe and America, but to a considerable 
extent out of their own markets, and pretty much ruined and 
broken them down ; and the British have also battered down the 
barrier which excluded the products of Europe and America 
(except specie) from the markets of China, the drain of the pre- 
cious metals to China, India, and all Asia, has ceased, or nearly 
so. It appears from the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury 
of the United States, that the balance of gold and silver exported 
to China and other parts of Asia, over and above the amount 



252 - ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

imported from theni, Lave been as follows : — During the year 
ending Sept. 30, 1835, it amounted to $1,995,140 ; in 1842 it 
amounted to $837,094; in 1844, to $574,000; and in 1845 to 
only $239,874. The exports of the manufactures of Great 
"Britain to China, as well as India and Turkey, have been so great 
since 1830, that very little specie has been exported from Europe 
to Asia ; and for ever hereafter we may expect the balance to be 
the other way, and that specie will be exported from China and 
other parts of Asia to Europe. 

Let us compare the population of Europe and America at 
several different periods with the estimated amount of coin at 
those periods, in order to see how their increase compares with 
each other ; this will enable us to judge of the probable effect of 
the increase or decrease of coin upon the prices of commodities 
in the commercial world. 

Estimates of the population of Europe and America (exclusive 
of wandering Indians) at different periods ; also the amount of 
coin and bullion in use, and the amount to each person. 

Population of Total Am't to each 

Tears. Em-ope. America. population. Total specie. person. 

1500 100 millions 100 millions. $150 millions. $1 50 

1600 114 " G millions. 120 " 3u4 " 3 00 

1700 • 134 !t 12 " 146 " GG6 " 4 50 

T800 ISO " 24 " 204 " 1,216 " 6 00 

1810 195 " 28 " 223 " 1,385 " 6 00 

1830 224 " 39 " 263 " 1,186 " 4 50 

1840 240 " 46 " 2S6 " 1,200 " 4 20 

Sec. 6. Origin and progress of banking, and the amount of 
paper money in Europe and America, at different periods. 

The Bank of Venice was the first banking establishment in 
Europe. It was fouuded in 1171, and subsisted till the subver- 
sion of the republic in 1*797. It was a deposit bank only, and 
issued no notes. 

The bank of Amsterdam was established in the year 1609, and 
that of Hamburg in 1619 ; they were deposit banks only, and 
issued no notes. 

The I3ank of England was incorporated in the year 1694, and 
was the first bank which ever issued notes, or bills to circulate as 
money, in the ordinary tiansactions of trade and commerce. The 
Bank of Scotland was established in 1695, with a capital of but 
£100,000, which was raised to £200,000 sterling in the year 
1744, and in 1804 to £1,500,000. The original capital of the 
Bank of England was but £1,200,000 sterling, consisting of a 
loan of that amount to the government. These two were the 
only banks (if we except some private companies and bankers in 
London) that ever issued notes for a circulating medium, or 
money, and as a substitute for coin, prior to the eighteenth cen- 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 253 

tury; and the credit of the notes of the Bank of England was at 
first so poor, that the bank became involved in difficulties in 
1696, and was compelled to suspend payment of its notes in coin, 
and the notes fell in value, and passed at a heavy discount. The 
amount in circulation February 28th, 1700, was but £938,240, 
and in August of the same year only £781,430. 

The circulating medium of the commercial world was scarcely 
increased at all by bank notes, or paper money in any shape, in 
the year 1700, at the commencement of the eighteenth century, 
and the whole amount of coin and bullion then in use in Europe 
and America was probably less than $700,000,000. 

The eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries have been fruitful 
in all sorts of schemes and projects of a financial character , to make 
credit, and too often the credit of bankrupts, spendthrifts, knaves, 
and visionary speculators, a substitute for coin. One of the first, 
greatest, and most ruinous, was the great Mississippi scheme, got 
up at Paris, by John Law, the forepart of the eighteenth century, 
xlfter this great bubble burst, France confined herself to a specie 
currency until after the issue of the government assignats, during 
the French revolution, and no bank for issuing notes was estab- 
lished in France, until the bank of France, in 1803 ; to which was 
granted the exclusive privilege of issuing notes for a period of 
forty years. Mr. Jacob estimated the circulation of the Bank of 
France in 1810 at but two millions sterling ; and in 1830 at nine 
million pounds sterling. This bank "was slow in acquiring the 
public confidence, so as to get much circulation for its own notes. 

The Netherlands had no money but coin until the establishment 
of the Bank of the Netherlands in the year 1814, with a capital 
of 5,000,000 florins, and the exclusive privilege of issuing notes 
for twenty-five years. Mr. Jacob says its circulating notes then, 
(1830,) were not supposed to exceed one million sterling. 

Banks have also been established at St. Petersburg, Vienna, 
Berlin, and Copenhagen, besides numerous other banks in the 
British dominions, and in the United States of America. 

Mr Jacob remarks that Russia was then (1830) the only 
country of Europe which had not returned to specie payments. 
When bank notes were first issued, and the quantity small, the 
rouble was worth about three shillings and four pence sterling, or 
seventy-five cents, and was of the same value as the Russian 
silver coin of that name. The increased quantity gradually 
depreciated the metallic value of the paper, till one silver rouble 
was worth four of paper. It had nearly attained this low value 
in 1810, when the paper roubles amounted to 577,000,000. It 
was nearly the same, but of somewhat greater value in 1830, 
though the amount had increased to 639,000,000 roubles. He 



254 



ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 



estimates their exchangeable value, in 1810, as equal to 
23,000,000 pounds sterling, and in 1S30 to £25,250,000. 

The first issue of paper-money in Russia consisted of 40,000,000 
roubles of assignats in 1769 ; the second consisted of 60,000,000 
roubles in 1787. The silver rouble is equal to about seventy-five 
cents. 

I. The amount of assignats in circulation in Russia, and tho 
per cent of depreciation at different periods, is stated by Storch 
as follows : — 



Years. 



Circulation. 



Per cent I 
discount. Years. 



1T90 Ill million roubles. 13 

1795 150 " " 31% 

1S00 212 '• " 35 



1805. 
1810. 
ISM. 



Per cent 
Circulation. discount. 

292 million roubles. 23 
577 " " 66| 

577 " " 75' 



Mr. Jacob states that the paper-money of Austria had increased, 
prior to 1810, to 1,060,000,000 of florins, and had at one time so 
depreciated, that a silver florin would purchase ten or twelve 
paper florins, and that they were worth in 1810 only about one- 
fifth part of their nominal value. Calling their nominal value 
about two shillings sterling, and their real exchangeable value in 
1810 one-fifth part as much, he estimated their total exchangeable 
value :n 1810 at 21,000,000 pounds sterling. About the year 
1825 they were redeemed at two-fifths their nominal value, and 
specie payments resumed, and he estimated the amount of paper 
in circulation in 1830 at 100,000,000 florins, equal to £10,000,000 
sterling. 

He says the notes of the Bank of England in circulation in 
1810 amounted to about £24,000,000 sterling, and estimated the 
notes of the private and joint stock banks, and the other banks 
of Great Britain and Ireland at the same amount — that is, at 
£48,000,000 in all. The tables in Brande's Encyclopaedia of 
Science and Art, title bank, show that the circulating notes of 
the bank of England in 1810 amounted to £21,019,600, and the 
coin and bullion in the bank £3,501,410 ; excess of circulation 
over coin and bullion, £17,518,190 ; and that in 1830 the circu- 
lation was £20,050,730, the coin and bullion £9,171,000, and the 
excess of notes in circulation but £11,559,730. 

The country bank-notes of England and Wales in circulation 
in 1810 are estimated in the Commercial Dictionary at 
£23,893,868 ; in 1833 they were reduced to £10,152,104. The 
notes of the Bank of Ireland in circulation in 1810 are stated at 
$3,170,064, and in 1832 at £3,975,322. 

After the suspension of specie payments by the Bank of England 
in 1797, the excessive issue of bank-notes occasioned their decline 
in value ; and their depreciation in 1810 was nearly 13 per cent, 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 255 

and in 1814 over 25 per cent. The basis of the private and 
joint stock banks relied upon to redeem their notes, was not 
specie nor bullion, but notes of the Bank of England ; so that 
nearly the whole amount of their circulation was an addition of 
so much to the money or circulating medium of the country. 

As the Bank of Russia, and also that of Austria, were both 
in a state of suspension in 1810, and the former also in 1830, 
they probably had very little specie or bullion to redeem with, 
and I shall estimate the same at but ten per cent. M. Jacob 
remarks that in the smaller states of Germany, in Italy, (except 
that part of it which is under the dominion of Austria,) and in 
Spain, and Switzerland, the currency has been invariably metallic ; 
and in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, a paper currency existed 
in 1810, and still circulated ; but the whole amount, as well as 
the variations in those countries, has been so small, that they 
affect, in a very trifling degree, the view here taken. 

There was no bank in the United States until the Bank of 
North America was established in Philadelphia in 1781. The 
first banking association formed in the State of New York was a 
joint stock company organizsd in the year 1784, under articles of 
association, under which it did business as a bank nearly seven 
years, when it was incorporated in March, 1791, by the name of 
the Bank of New York. In 1792 the Bank of Albany was char- 
tered, and in 1793 the Bank of Columbia. No other banks were 
chartered by the State of New York until the year 1800, when 
the Manhattan Company was incorporated. The first United 
States Bank was established in 1791 ; after the year 1800, banks 
began to increase in all parts of the United States ; and we have 
pretty accurate information of the amount of banking capital and 
of bank notes in circulation at different periods, from December, 
1810, to the present time. 

There is much less positive evidence of the amount of paper- 
money in circulation in Europe and America in the year 1800, 
than in the year 1810, and since that time. The circulation of the 
Bank of England in August, 1800, was less than £15,000,000 
sterling, but was nearly £24,500,000 in August, 1810. Though 
the United States were flooded with what was called continental 
money during our Revolutionary War, and some of the New 
England colonies issued great quantities of paper-money before 
the war, yet from the close of ihe war until after the year 1800, 
we had comparatively little paper-money in our countiy. Paper- 
money was increased immensely in many countries of Europe 
between the years 1800 and 1810, and there was probably nearly 
twice as much in circulation at the latter, as at the former period. 



256 



ON THE PRECIOUS METALS. 



II. Estimates in millions of pounds sterling, (taken mostly 
from Jacob's inquiry,) of the exchangeable value of the paper 
circulation of Europe and America in 1810 and 1830, the depre- 
ciation, (from which the nominal amount may be calculated,) the 
amount of specie and bullion in the vaults of the baoks, and the 
increase of the circulating medium by the means of bank notes : — 

Exchangeable Excess of 

value of bank- Bullion bank notes 

Depreciation, notes in cir- and specie in over specie and 

per cent. culation. the banks. bullion. 

Bank of England.... 1810 14 13 3.5 14.5 

... 1830 par 20 9.17 10.9 
Private and joint sfck 

banks in 1810 14 20 1.5 18.5 

Do 1833 par 10 2.15 8 

Banks of Ireland.... 1S10 14 2.7 .5 2.2 

do 1830 par 5 2. 3 

Banks of Scotland.... 1810 14 3. .6 2.4 

do .... 1830 par 3 5 1.4 2.1 

Bank of France 1810 par 2 .8 1.2 

do 1S30 par 9 8.5 5.5 

Bank of Russia 1810 T2 23 2.3 20 7 

do 1830 75 25.2 2.5 22.7 

Bank of Austria IS 10 80 21 2 19 

do 1830 par 10 3.5 6.5 

Holland in 1S10 

do 1330 par 1 .4 .6 

Portugal 1810 30 1.4 .2 1.2 

do 1830 .. 2 .5 15 

Prussia 1810 

do 1330 par 2 .7 1.8 

United States 1810 par 5.8 3.2 2,6 

do 1829 par 12.8 4.6 8.2 

Total 1S10 £97 £14.6 £82.4 

" 1830 100 5 30.3 • 70 2 

" 1800 estimated at £46 

III. Statement of the circulation of bank notes in the United 
Kingdom of Great Britaiu and Ireland at different periods, in 
millions of pounds sterling. 

December. December. December. December 

1842. 1845. 1848. 1849. 

Bank of England £19.5 millions. £20.2 millions. £16.9 millions. £17 9 millions. 

Private banks, Engl'nd 5.0 " 4.5 " 3.5 " 3.5 " 

Joint-stock banks.. . 3.0 " 3.1 " 2 5 2.6 " 

Banks in Scotland.... 3.0 " 3.3 " 33 " 3.2 " 

Banks in Ireland 5 2 " 7.4 " 4.8 " 4.7 " 

Tot., United Kingdom £35.7 " £38.5 " £31.0 " £319 " 

Mr. McCulloch estimated the amount of coin in circulation in 
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1833 at 
£30,000,000 sterling ; but when we reflect that they have a large 
bank-note circulation, and that nearly all the merchants keep 
their deposits in, and do their their business through banks, I 
doubt if the average circulation of coin during the last twenty 
years has exceeded £20,000,000, and have estimated it at that 
sum. The notes of the Bank of England constitute the principal 
means of all the other banks and bankers of the kingdom, with 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 257 

which to redeem their notes ; and hence they arc used as a substi- 
tute for coin to the amount of perhaps £6, 000,000, which should 
not be treated as any portion of the circulation of the country. 
This amount should therefore be deducted from the gross circu- 
lation of England, and the deduction is made in the following 
table. The average circulation of bank-notes in the United 
Kingdom from 1833 to 1840 was about the same as from 1841 
to 1849. 

IV. Statement of the average circulation of coin and bank- 
notes among the people, from 1S41 to 1849, and the amount to 
each person, after deducting £6,000,000 sterling, Bank of Eng- 
land notes supposed to be held by other banks. 

Bank notes. Coin. Total. Each person 

Endand and Wales £21 millions. £14 millions. £35 millions. $10]- 

Scotland . 3£ " 2| " 5| •' 9} 

Ireland 5 2 L " 3f " 9J " 5" 

The circulation of the Bank of Fiance ordinarily fluctuates 
from 210 to 240,000,000 francs : — 

Its circulation in July, 1830, was about $43,200,000 

In October, 1839, it was .... 39,937,000 

" 1S45, it was 4b,539,000 

It is most probable that the amount of paper-money m Europe 
and America was very nearly the same in 1840, and but little 
more in 1845 than it was in 1830. 

Sec. 7. Banking capital, coin, and paper money in the U. States 
from 1810 to 1849 — Exports and imports of coin. 
I. Estimate of Mr. Gallatin of the capital, notes in circulation, 
and specie in the banks of the United States at the end of the 
year 1829. 



iscertamed 

sstimated 

es Bank 


Capital. 
$95 millions. 
15.2 " 
35 


Notes. 
$39.2 millions. 
9.1 
13.0 


Specie. 
$12 millions. 
2.9 
7.2 




$145.2 " 


$61.3 


$22.1 



Total 

It is obvious that if the capital of the forty-eight banks is pro- 
perly estimated, the notes in circulation are estimated too high, 
by more than $2,000,000, and the specie in them too high by 
about $1,000,000, to correspond with the 281 banks, whose condi- 
tion was ascertained. I shall, therefore, reduce the estimate, to 
make all the parts correspond, and shall call the circulation but 
$59,000,000, and the specie $21,000,000. 

Mr. Gallatin estimated the amount of specie in the banks of 
the United States at the end of each year as follows : of 1810 at 
$15,400,000 ; of 1814, at $17,000,000 ; of 1815 at $19,000,000 ; 
and of 1819, at $19,800,000. 



258 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

The commercial records of the exports and imports of the 
precious metals, show that the amount in the country, from 1824 
to 1S28, must have been about $9,000,000 less than it was in 
1820 ; and about $5,000,000 less in January, 1830, than 
it was in 1820. We cannot reasonably assume that the amount 
of coin in circulation in January, 1830, was less than $4,000,000, 
which, taking the exports and imports of specie into con- 
sideration, and Mr. Gallatin's estimate of the amount in the 
banks, would make the amount in circulation in 1820 over 
$10,000,000, and may be illustrated as follows, (the amount 
brought in by immigrants, not entered at the custom-house, 
being estimated at from $10 to $20 each, on an average: — ) 

Estimated amount of coin and bullion in the United States, October 1, 1820 $30 millions 

Imported in four years to September 80, 1824 24.9 " 

Estimated amount brougbt in by immigrants 2 " 

Total imports and supply - $56.9 " 

Exported during tbe same four years $34.67 millions. 

Estimated amount used in tbe arts and made into plate, 
utensils, jewelry, and other ornaments, over and above 

old metal used and the produce of our own mines. 1.23 " 

Total export and consumption - — — 85.9 " 

Leaving in the United States but - $21 ** 

October 1st, 1824, when the tariff of 1S24 took effect:— 

Imported in four years, to September 30th, 182S $28.67 " 

Estimated amount brougbt in by immigrants 2 " 

Total imports and supply ------ $51.67 " 

Exported during the same four years $29.4 millions. 

Estimated amount used in the arts 1.27 " 

Total export and consumption 30.67 " 

Leaving in the United States only ----- $21 " 
October 1st, 1828, when the tariff of 1S2S went into operation : — 

Imported in six years, to September 30th, 1834 $53.75 " 

Amount brought in by immigrants, estimated at 4 " 

Total imports and supply ------ $78.75 " 

Exported during the same six years $26.46 millions. 

Used in the arts 2.29 " 

28.75 " 

Leaving in the United States ----- $50 " 

October 1st, 1834, soon after the free trade compromise act of March, 1833, 
made the first reduction of duties on foreign manufactures : — 

Imported in three years, to September 80th, 1837 $37 n 

Estimated amount brought in by immigrants 2 " 

Total imports and supply - - - - - $89 w 

Exported during the same three years $16.78 millions. 

Amount used in the arts, over and above product of our 
mines during this extravagant period of speculation. . 9.22 " 

26 " 

Leaving in the United States $63 " 

October 1st, 1837. when nearly all the banks in the nation were in a state of suspension. 



COIX AND BAKE NOTES. 259 

As the imaginary wealth of the people of the United States 
was greatly increased during the speculative period from 1S34 to 
1S37, by the multiplication and expansion of the banks, the in- 
crease of paper-money, and the increase of prices, which was the 
necessary consequence; the extravagance of the people, and the 
increase of gold and silver made into plate, watches, chain.-, and 
other ornaments and utensils, was also immensely increased. 

The value of the products of the precious metals manufactured 
in the United States in 1S39, according to the returns of the 
census, amounted to $4,734,960; which must have consumed an 
amount of gold and silver exceeding §3,000,000. 

The products of our gold mines in 1839 amounted to only 
^529,605 ; and the amount of silver was so small that it was not 
returned separately from other metals. The amount used in the 
arts for ten years, from 1837 to 1S47, over and above the 
products of our mines, and the old gold and silver worked over, 
probably amounted to over ^2,000,000 per annum. 

Estimated amount of specie and bullion in the United States, October 1, 

1837, brought forward $63 millions 

Imported in one year, to September 30, 1S3S 1T.T5 " 

Amount brought in by immigrants, estimated at .50 li 

Total supply, $S1.25 " 

Exported during the year 3 5 millions. 

Used in the arts 1 75 " 

■ 5 25 " 

Leaving in the United States, October 1st, 1S33 ... $76. " 

Imported in four years, to September 30, 1S42 23.55 

Amount brought in by immigrants, estimated at. 2.45 " 

Total supply, -------»■». §102 " 

Exported during the same four years $32.3 millions. 

Used in the arts, estimated at . . .' 7.7 " 

— ■ 40 

Leaving in the United States ------- $62 " 

October 1, 1S42, when the tariff of 1S42 went into operation. 

.Specie imported in three and three-quarter years to June 30, 1S46, under 

the tariff of 1542 f 36 

Estimated amount brought in by immigrants 5 * 

Total supply, - - - Jl03 « 

Specie exported during the same period $19 5 millions. 

Used in the arts and loss by friction, etc., esti- 
mated at ' ¥mm s.5 " 25 

Leaving in the United States, June 30, 1547 - $75 " 

Specie imported during the year ending June 30th. lS47.in consequence 
of the short crops in Europe and the great demand for our flour and 
grain o 4 j r. 

Amount brought in by immigrants, estimated at ~ \.± " 

Total supply, . •_ . $io0.5 " 



200 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

Brought forward, $100.5 millions. 

Specie exported during the same year $2.5 millions. 

Specie expended abroad by the navy, and by the 

army in Mexico, estimated at 4 " 

Used in the arts and lost by friction, etc 3 " 95 

Leaving in the United States, June 30, 1847, $91.0 

and over $30 millions on the 1st of December, 
1346, when the tariff of 1S46 took effect. 

Specie imported in four years to June 30, 1851 $22.6 " 

A mount brought to our mints from California 6S.2 

Estimated amount brought by immigrants 7.2 " 



Total supply, $189.0 

Specie exported during the same period $5S millions. 

Used in the arts, and lost 14 " 

Expended abroad by the army and navy 3 " 

75 



Leaving in the United States on the 30 June, 1S51 - - $114 

The greatest part of the specie imported into the United States, comes from ?vTexico and 
South America — while that exported, mostly goes to the Old "World. The reader will 
see from a comparison of the exports with the imports of specie, that the principal part 
of the produce of the mines of California goes to Europe. 

There is much reason to believe that there never was more 
specie in the United States, in proportion to the population, than 
there was during the general suspension of specie payments by 
the banks, from May, 1837, to May, 1S38 ; and consequently 
the suspension could not have been caused by the small amount 
of specie, but by the excessive amount of paper money, the wild 
and extravagant spirit of speculation, the excessive imports of 
foreign goods, (which served to paralyze the industry of the coun- 
try) and the rapid accumulation of a foreign debt ; all of which 
causes contributed to alarm capitalists, bankers, and business 
men ; to destroy confidence and credit ; to depress property, and 
to derange business. 

While the several States were making loans, and selling their 
bonds in Europe, and to the agents of European capitalists in 
America, from 1833 to 1838, in order to establish banks, make 
canals, railroads, and other improvements, and were increasing 
their debts in Europe about $100,000,000, the specie of the 
United States was increased, by means of importations, about 
$26,000,000, and the balance of the loans was imported in the 
shape of European manufactures. After our debts became so 
large that European capitalists became alarmed, and would not 
loan us any more money, nor buy our State stocks and bonds at 
scarcely any price less than a discount of from 20 to 80 per cent., 
the merchants and foreign manufacturers still continued to glut 
our markets with foreign goods ; and during four years, under the 
operations of the free trade compromise act of 1833, they drained 
the United States of specie, and reduced the quantity in the coun- 
try from $76,000,000, October 1st, 1838, to $62,000,000, Octo- 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 261 

ber 1st, 1842. From October 9th, 1839, when. the most of our 
banks suspended specie payments the second time, to the passage 
of the tariff act in August, 1S42, was one of the most gloomy 
periods in the history of our country ; about as gloomy as the six 
years next prior to the passage of the tariff act of 1824, immediately 
after the heavy importations of 1815, 1816 and 1817, and exceeded 
only by the general embarrassment, depression, prostration, and 
suffering of the country, during the period from 1784 to 1789, 
after the heavy importations of foreign goods at the close of our 
Revolutionary War, when the country enjoyed, to the fullest ex- 
tent, that glorious system of free-trade which the nullifiers have 
long been sighing after. * 

While the tariff act of 1842 was in operation, (from October 
1st, 1842, to November 30th, 1846,) it operated to check and 
lessen the importation of foreign goods, to secure the home-mar- 
ket, to a considerable degree, to the laborers and producers of 
our own country, and to increase the industry of the nation. 
The balance of trade was in our favor, a part of which was ap- 
plied to the payment of the interest and principal of our large 
foreign debt and a part paid to us in specie ; the specie of the 
country increased about |l8,000,000 ; and, at the end of that 
period, our commerce, finances, banks, mining, manufacturing, 
and agricultural industry, were in a very flourishing condition. 

II. Statement in millions of dollars, of the capital and gross cir- 
culation of the banks of the United States, and the specie in them, 
at the time of their reports, the nearest to the 31st of December 
of each of the undermentioned years ; also, estimates, in accord- 
ance with the bank reports and the foregoing calculation, of the 
coin in circulation, the whole circulation of coin and bank-notes, 
the population, and the average circulation to each person at each 
period.* 





1810. 


1814. 


1815. 


1819. 


1824. 


1829. 


Capital, in millions 


$52.6 


$82.5 


$89.8 


$137 




$145.2 


Bank-notes issued * 


2S.1 


45.5 


G8 


44.8 




59 


Specie in banks * 


15.4 


17 


19 


19.8 


$18 


21 


" circulation . . 


15 


11 


s 


10.2 


3 


4 


Total circulation 


43.1 


56.5 


76 


55 


50 


63 


Population, (millions). 
Dollars to each person. 


73 


8.3 


8.4 


9.6 


11 


12.6 


6 


6% 


9 


5f 


*i 


5 




1833. 


1836. 


1842. 


1845. 


1846. 


1849. 


Capital in millions 


$200 


$290* 


$234 


$202 


2207 


$218 


Bank-notes issued 


94.8 


149.1 


66 


tosv 


112 


132 


Specie in bank 




37.9 


35.4 


43 


38 


45.4 


" circulation . 


15 


22 


26.6 


32 


42 


34 


Total circulation 


110 


171 


92.6 


142 \ 


154 


166 


Population (millions). 


14 


15| 


18.3 


20" 


20f 


22 1 


Dollars to each person. 


71 


11 


5 


n 


n 


n 



* A portion of the amount of bank-notes in circulation, and specie in the 
banks at the end of the years 1810. 1814, 1815, 1819, and 1829, are estimates 
of Mr. Gallatin, which have been generally adopted and contained in our offi- 
cial reports since 1834. The whole column for 1824 are estimates of mine. 



2G2 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

Our foreign commerce has not only affected the specie in our 
country, but it has had a general influence also upon the circula- 
tion of our banks. Prior to the acquisition of California in 1848, 
the production of gold and silveg annually by our mines, was but 
little over half a million of dollars. About $2,000,000 more 
than the products of our mines were needed annually to satisfy 
the pride of the people, and supply them with utensils and orna- 
ments ; and to keep pace with the increase of our population, re- 
quires an increase of coin of $2,500,000 annually ; so that we 
needed about $5,000,000 annually to supply the wants of the 
country, and have a sufficient specie basis to sustain our banks, 
and maintain the credit of our paper currency. The amount of 
specie in the United States is so exceedingly small, in proportion 
to the population and commercial wants of the country, that large 
importations of foreign goods, and an exportation of specie to the 
amount of $4,000,000 or $5,000,000 a year, for two or three 
years in succession, will inevitably weaken the banks very much, 
produce a panic, and a run upon many of them, and cause many 
failures, if not a general suspension of specie payments. This is 
verified by the commercial revulsion from 1837 to 1842. In 
May, 1S37, nearly all the banks in the United States suspended 
specie payments ; during the year ending September 30th, 
1838, our imports amounted to but $108,486,616, including 
$17,747,116 specie, and but little over $90,000,000 in merchan- 
dise and foreign products ; our exports the same year amounted 
to $113,717,404, including but $3,508,046 in specie — that is, 
we exported exclusive of specie, over $110,000,000 in amount, 
and imported but little over $90,000,000 ; paid off several mil- 
lions of debts, and got a balance of over $14,000,000 specie to 
sustain our banks. This enabled nearly all the banks in the old 
States, and many in the new ones, to resume specie payments 
during the spring and summer of the year 183S, and to go on for 
some time prosperously ; but the free-trade compromise act again 
invited large importations of foreign goods, amounting during the 
year ending September 30th, 1839, to $162,092,132, including 
only $5,595,176 in- specie ; while our exports were but 
$112,251,673, exclusive of specie to the amount of $8,776,743 ; 
showing a nominal balance of trade against us that year of about 
$44,000,000 ; a drain of over $3,000,000 of specie from the 
country, and a large increase of our foreign debt. 

This large balance of trade against us and drain of specie, 
occasioned a second suspension of specie payments on the 9th of 
October, 1839, by Mr. Biddle's United States Bank of Pennsyl- 
vania, which was soon after followed by nearly all the banks south 
and west of the State of New York. No other country ever felt 



COIX AND BANK NOTES. 263 

so quickly and sensibly, and suffered so severely, the disastrous 
effects of excessive importations of foreign goods, and an unfavor- 
able balance of trade ; for no ether country ever had so small an 
amount of specie in proportion to the extent of their commerce ; 
and in no other country was the credit system ever carried to so 
great an extent, upon a foundation so slight and frail. 

The amount of specie in the United States, October 1st, 1839, 
being about $73,000,000, and October 1st, 1842, but $62,000,000, 
in round numbers : the quantity in the banks §45,000,000, in 
1839, and but $33,545,000, December, 1842, averaging about 
$39,000,000, left in circulation, including what was hoarded up 
and withdrawn from use, from §28,000,000 to $29,000,000. 

Y\'hen specie is exported, it is withdrawn entirely from the 
vaults of the banks in the commercial cities, and they draw the 
specie from the banks of the country and the interior cities, and 
the amount in circulation is scarcely affected at all. Export two 
years in succession to pay for foreign goods, §5.000,000 each 
year more specie than is imported, accompanied by a great in- 
crease of debt by means of heavy importations, these §10,000,000 
being withdrawn from the banks, reduces their specie to about 
$30,000,000, and this, of itself, will often produce a panic and a 
run upon the banks, and cause a draw upon them of $5,000,000 
or §10,000,000 more, and thereby occasion a failure of many of 
them, and perhaps a general suspension of specie payments. 
The suspension of October, 1S39, was occasioned by the export- 
ation of specie, and the heavy importations of goods the previous 
year, though the balance of specie exported was but little over 
§3,000,000 ; and the suspension of May, 1837, was in conse- 
quence of the immense importation of foreign goods ; the rapid 
accumulation of a heavy foreign debt, and the anticipation of large 
exportations of specie to pay it ; the great expansion of the banks, 
and their heavy loans to speculators who could not pay. All 
these things contributed to create a panic, and induce a with- 
drawal of deposits, and a run upon the banks, and soon led to a 
general suspension of specie payments in self defence, and before 
the anticipated exportation of specie to pay our foreign debt had 
commenced.* 

Sec.-S. Money to each person in the United States, and in each 
country of Europe. 
I. Statement of the amount of bank-notes issued to each inhabi- 
tant, and the estimated amount of coin and bank-notes in circula- 

* As long as the free trade tariff of 1S46 continues in force, nearly all the 
products of our min^s of California (like those of Mexico and South 
America.'; will be exported to Great Britain and France; and those nations 
will derive the principal benefit of them. 



264 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

tion, in each of the following divisions of the United States, at the 
date of their reports nearest to the last day of December of each 
of the undermentioned years. 

1836. 1842. 1842. 1845. 1845. 1849. 
Coin and Coin and 

Bank notes. B'k-n'ts. B'k-n-ts. B'k-n-ts. B'k-n-ts B'k-n'ts. 

Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, $5^- $2| $4 $4 $5J $5 

Massachusetts, Ehode Island, and Con- 
necticut 15| 9f 11 18 19J 16 

New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
vania 12 4i 5| 6% 8| 7 

Ohio, and other North-Western States, 

including Iowa 5| If 3| 2 3| % 

Delaware, Maryland, Dist. of Columhia 

Virginia, and North Carolina 6| 3| 4^ 5| 7 6 

Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri.. 4f 2^ 4 5 6£ 5 

Slave States south of 35° of latitude. 14% 4 ^ 4 6* 5\ 

United States 9£ 8f 5 5| 7£ 5J 

For some months, annually, after harvest, including the fall 
and forepart of the winter, the bank-notes of the commercial and 
manufacturing States are sent into the agricultural States to pay 
for agricultural products ; and during that portion of the year, 
the circulating money of the agricultural States is greater than is 
indicated in the above table ; but the merchants soon collect the 
greater portion of it and send it to the commercial cities to pay 
for goods ; so that during half or more of the year, it is much less, 
and perhaps did not average more than is above stated, during the 
years referred to. 

Bank paper being a cheaper currency than coin, its natural 
tendency is to displace coin, and induce its exportation and con- 
sumption in the arts. The balance of trade being generally in 
favor of manufacturing and commercial, and against agricultural 
States, the tendencies of trade are to drain the latter of their coin, 
and to transfer it to the former. The products of manufacturing 
labor, when sold in the markets of the commercial world, amount 
to about twice as much as those of agricultural labor employed 
in either cold or temperate climates ; but not so when the latter 
is employed in the culture of cotton, sugar, coffee, and other 
tropical products, in a soil and climate adapted to them. Labor 
employed in mining and manufacturing in Great Britain, or in 
the United States, is more than twice as productive as agricul- 
tural labor can be made in Ohio and the North-western States. 
In fact, the average income of the people of the manufacturing 
States of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and of Great Britain, 
is more than twice as great as that of the agricultural State of 
Ohio, and nearly twice as great as that of the agricultural State 
of Vermont. 

A majority of mankind are inclined to spend all they can earn, 
and all they can get credit for, and as the wants of agricultural 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 2u-5 

I 

communities are generally greater than their incomes, they often 
buy more than they can pay for with their crops within the year ; 
and hence agricultural countries are usually involved in debt ; 
the balance of trade is almost universally against them ; and this 
drains them of the precious metals, and tends to depress their 
industry and the price of their products still more. Poverty, 
and nothing but poverty, a want of ability to pay promptly, and 
a loss or diminution of credit, tends to check importations, and 
to restore the balance of trade, by lessening the demand for, and 
the price of goods, and the inducement to import them. 

As long as the balance of trade is against a country, it must 
either export its specie to pay such balance, or buy on credit, 
accumulate a debt, and eventually be drained of its specie to pay 
interest, as well as the principal of the debt. Bank-notes may, 
for a time, supply the place of coin, and thus afford a temporary 
remedy ; but in the end, they aggravate the evil. By inflating 
the currency in some instances, and in others keeping it full, they 
keep up, and often raise the price of both domestic and foreign 
products, and thereby tend to prevent the exportation of domestic 
products ; to encourage importations ; to increase both the 
quantity and value of goods imported, and exports of specie to 
pay for them ; and to diminish the industry of the country by 
depriving its own citizens of the benefit of its markets for their 
products. The necessary consequence is, a run upon the banks 
for coin, a great diminution in their circulation, many failures of 
banks, and numerous bankruptcies among the people, attended 
with a depression of property and industry, and wide-spread 
embarrassment throughout the country. Such a revulsion 
necessarily checks importations for a time, and as exportation 
goes on as usual, the balance of trade is eventually turned in its 
favor ; specie again flows in, and the country partially recovers 
from its embarrassments. 

Any measures which tend to increase the productive industry 
of a country, by securing its markets to its own laborers and 
producers, tend also to increase its wealth and domestic com- 
merce ; to lessen its imports of such articles as are, or may be 
produced at home ; to turn the balance of trade in its favor ; and 
to attract to it, and retain, a large amount of the precious metals 
as a necessary means of carrying on its domestic commerce. 
Hence every country, taking a long series of years together, 
attracts and retains tin amount of the precious metals, and main- 
tains an amount of money in circulation, just in proportion to its 
condition, and the value of its productive industry and commerce ; 
and hence you can readily deduce the amount of its productive 
industry and commerce from the average amount of its circulating 
12 



266 



ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 



money: and vice versa. Compare the average circulation of 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, from 1836 to 
1850, with that of Ohio and the other North-western States, or 
even with that of Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, and 
the reader will have a complete illustration of this truth. 

This is the principle upon which Gregory King in 1696, and 
Humboldt in 1S04, estimated the amount of money in circulation 
in each of the countries of Europe ; and this is the principle 
upon which many of the estimates in the following table are 
formed. As nations are now accustomed to keep records of their 
foreign commerce, and as the record evidence of the circulation 
of paper-money in the United States, Great Britain, Ireland, and 
other countries, is nearly perfect, these records furnish data for 
an estimate approximating to accuracy, of the amount of circu- 
lating money in every country of Europe, such as was not pos- 
sessed by Humboldt when he wrote, nor by any author before his 
time. 

II. Estimates founded partly on official estimates and records, 
of the population and circulating money, including coin and 
bank notes, in each country of Europe and America, and the 
amount to each person, at the end of the year 1840. 



Great Britain , 


Popu 
18.2 m] 

8.2 
34 

7.5 
15.8 
22.5 
15 
15 

2.2 
14.6 

6.1 
10 5 

70.4 


lation. 
llions. 

it 

It 

(( 

tl 

(( 


Circul 

mon 

$192 mi 

44 
272, 

67.5 

79 
123.5 

60 

75 

11 

65 

24 

22 

211 


iting 

ey. 

llions. 

u 
it 

H 

K 

u 

It 
II 

tl 


Amount to 
each person. 

$10K 




8 




9 




5 


Italy (including Lombardy) 

Gorman Austria 


5K 

4 

5 




5 




4>£ 


Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. . 


4 

2>i 


Russia, Hungary, and other East- 
ern Nations of Europe 


3 


Total of Em-ope 

United States 


240.0 

17.3 

3.0 

2.0 

6.4 

17.3 
286 


$1,246 

138 

30 

8 

88 

53 


8 
10 


British N. American Provinces . . 


4 
6 


Mexico, and all Spanish American 
nations 


8 


Total of Europe & America 


$1,513 


$5* 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 2<)1 

III. Statement of the result of the foregoing facts and estimates 
of the amount of coin and paper-money in circulation in Europe 
and America, and the average amount to each person at different 
periods from a. d. 1500 to 1840. 

Years. 

1500 , 

1000 

1700 

1800 

1810 

1S30 ,. 

1840 









Amount to each 


Coin. 


Paper-money.* 


Total. 


person. 


$150 millions. 





$150 millions. 


$150 


364 " 





364 " 


3.00 


666 


$5 millions. 


671 


4.50 


1,216 


220 " 


1,436 


7.00 


1,335 


395 


1,730 " 


7.75 


1,186 


330 


1,522 


5 85 


1,200 " 


313 


1,513 


5.30 



As there was a vast amount of paper-money in circulation from 
1805 to 1815 in several countries of continental Europe, as well 
as in Great Britain and the United States, which was really de- 
preciated from 10 to 50 per cent, below specie, and yet passed 
nominally at par in the purchase of merchandise and other pro- 
perty, we may treat the circulation of paper-money in 1810 as 
equal, in the common transactions of trade, to $450,000,000, 
and the whole circulation as equal, nominally, to §8 to each per- 
son. Here we can see a good cause for a great decline of the 
prices of manufactured goods since ]810, independent of the less 
amount of labor required to produce them. 

The largest amount of money, including bank-notes and coin, 
in proportion to the population, which ever existed in the civilized 
world, or probably ever will exist, was during the existence of the 
bloated paper currency in Great Britain, Russia, and Austria, 
from 1805 to 1815 ; when half of Europe seemed deluded with 
the idea that mere promises to pay were as good as payment 
itself; and they sought to aid themselves with their miserable 
paper currency to conquer Napoleon. The paper, however, rap- 
idl}* depreciated from 10 to 80 per cent., in proportion to the 
excess put in circulation beyond the commercial wants of those 
countries respectively, and their ability to redeem it in coin ; and 
their golden and delusive dreams were soon dissipated. Nothing 
less than the frosts of a Russian winter gave the first check to 
the increasing and colossal power of Napoleon. 

Sec. 9. Depreciation of Paper Money, Failures of Banks, losses 
and evils resulting, and remedies suggested. 
The invention of paper-money seems to have been made by 
the English, the latter part of the seventeenth century, and first 
carried into effect by means of the Bank of England. It gained 
but little credit for many years ; but such has been the mistaken 
confidence and delusion of the public in many countries on this 

* That is, the excess of paper money over and above the amount of coin 
and bullion in the banks. 



2 08 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

subject, at several periods, that it has served to stimulate a wild 
spirit of gambling speculation, and has probably done more to 
foster reckless extravagance, fraud, and knavery, and to promote 
dishonesty and corruption in business, during the past century, 
than all other causes combined. Nearly $2,000,000,000 must 
have been lost by the holders of paper-money during the last 
century and a half. 

A great Real Estate Bank was got up at Paris by John Law, 
in 1719, usually known as the Mississippi scheme ; the stock of 
which was puffed into consequence, and rose several hundred per 
cent, in its exchangeable value ; all Paris, and a large portion of 
the capitalists and business men of France, became excited on 
the subject, speculated largely in its stock, and fancied that they 
had made themselves rich ; but in a few months the bubble burst, 
the bank exploded, and the circulation of the notes of the bank, 
(which was extensive,) as well as its stock, became worthless, and 
embarrassment, ruin, and bankruptcy, was suddenly spread and 
extended throughout the nation. This disastrous experiment 
entirely cured the French people of their mania for paper-money, 
and they confined themselves to a specie currency for more than 
two-thirds of a century ; until the madness of the democratic 
party, during the French revolution, the latter part of the eigh- 
teenth, century, induced the government to issue many millions 
of paper-money, called assignats, which were payable in the con- 
fiscated lands of the clergy and nobles. This experiment failed 
also, and was very disastrous in its consequences, though not 
equally so as the great scheme of Law. 

During the American revolution, our forefathers resorted to 
the experiment, which had become very prevalent in Europe, of 
issuing government notes, called continental money, to aid them 
in their emergency. From 1776 to 1781, $359,547,027 were 
issued by order of the American Congress, and it depreciated so 
rapidly that in 1780 it was not worth more than two and a half 
cents on the dollar, and in 1782 less than one cent on the dollar. 
The result was most distressing to the army, and very disastrous 
and ruinous to a large portion of the whole nation. It was funded 
in 1790 at only one cent on the dollar. 

As heretofore shown in table number II. of section 6, the 
paper-money of Russia, Austria, and Portugal, as well as that 
of 'England, France, and the United States, has been greatly 
depreciated, and great losses have consequently been sustained by 
the holders C& **» m eacn and a ^ °^ those countries. 

It is stated in Brande's Encyclopaedia that no fewer than two 
hundred and forty' of tne country banks failed in England and 
Wales during the yeu vs 1814 > 1815 > and 1816 > ° ccasionin g 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 269 

nearly as much distress, loss, bankruptcy, and suffering, as the 
great Mississippi scheme of France in 171!). During the years 
1816 and 1817, a great number of banks failed in the United 
States ; many failed in 1825 also ; and the failures in the United 
States during the revulsion from 1S37 to 1S42 amounted to over 
one hundred and sixty, with a nominal and pretended capital of 
over $132,000,000, and a circulation of over $43,000,000. 

A paper currency, which the maker is not able and legally 
bound to redeem in coin at the will of the holder, whether issued 
by the government, by incorporated or joint stock banks, or by 
individual bankers, is one of the greatest evils which can afflict 
any country. But notwithstanding the numerous frauds, losses, 
and evils, resulting from paper-money, the conveniences and 
advantages arising from well managed banks are very great; and 
banking is so interwoven with our system of doing business, that 
it is difficult, and perhaps not advisable to attempt to dispense 
with bank-notes, as a part of the circulating medium of the 
country. Something, however, should be done to secure the 
public, and to prevent, as well as to punish fraud. The indi- 
vidual liability of bankers, without more speedy and efficient 
remedies to enforce such liabilities than the common law affords, 
and different judges from some we have in the United States, 
proves to be almost worthless. I entertain no doubt, however, 
that remedies may be devised, which would make the individual 
liability of bankers available to promote the security of the 
public. 

The public mind seems to be tending towards the following 
points, as necessary safeguards in our system of banking : — First, 
that government stocks in good credit should be deposited with 
some government officer, in pledge to redeem their outstanding 
notes ; secondly, that such officer should keep the bank-plates, 
have all the notes struck off, countersigned and registered in his 
office, and delivered to the bankers, and that uniformity, as far 
as practicable, should be preserved in the plates of all the notes 
of the same denomination in the State ; thirdly, that every bank 
should keep on hand in specie, and in specie funds subject to draft 
at sight, an amount equal to from 30 to 50 per cent, of all their 
liabilities to the public, to enable them to pay their debts in coin, 
or its equivalent, whenever called on ; fourthly, that none but 
those who have capital to lend, and do not wish to borrow money, 
should become bankers, and to secure this object, that no bank 
should be allowed to make loans to its directors, officers, or 
stockholders, either directly or indirectly ; fifthly, that the direc- 
tors and other managing officers should be personally liable for 
all the debts of the institution, and that the private property of 



270 ON THE PRECIOUS METALS, 

the stockholders should also be h olden to an amount equal to their 
stock ; sixthly, that the power to alter and amend the charter, in 
order to correct abuses, should be reserved ; and seventhly, that 
all violations of law by the stockholders, as well as the officers, 
should be declared and punished as crimes ; and that neither the 
bank, nor any stockholder, director, nor other officer thereof, 
should be allowed to set up any violation of law, as a defence 
to a suit on any contract of such bank, bank officer, or stock- 
holder. 

The first point stated is substantially the basis on which the 
Bank of England (the first bank which ever issued notes) has 
always done business, and the same principle of banking is now in 
operation in the States of New York and Ohio. The second 
point is important to secure the stockholders of banks, as well as 
the public, against fraudulent and excessive issues ; and also to 
guard against counterfeits. This provision also is in operation in 
New York and Ohio, under their general banking laws. The 
third point seems absolutely necessary to secure at all times the 
redemption of bank-notes in gold and silver ; and notwithstanding 
the opposition of bankers, it appears to be increasing in import- 
ance in the public mind. As to the fourth point, the case of the 
late United States Bank of Pennsylvania, as well as of numerous 
others, has created a very general impression in this country, that 
the payment of the capital stock of a bank in coin, to any amount 
whatever, affords but little security to the public, if the directors 
or officers of the bank can take it half or all out again, in the 
shape of loans to themselves ; that when the directors, managing 
stockholders, and officers, have thus loaned to themselves perhaps 
two or three times as much as the amount of their stock, it is often 
for their interest to have the bank fail, and its notes depreciated, to 
enable them to buy them up at half price, or less, and apply them 
in payment of their own obligations ; their indirect gains by such 
failure being much greater than the loss of their stock. To allow 
speculators, as well as business men who want money, to manu- 
facture paper-money at pleasure, and loan it to themselves, pre- 
sents too many, and too great temptations for over-issues, and 
improper loans, to be consistent with a sound currency, and the 
security and safety of the public. The fifth and seventh are also 
important, to deter selfish and cunning men from attempting to 
make bank-paper an instrument to defraud the public ; and also 
to prevent them from setting up their own violations of law, 
to defeat the honest claims of their innocent, confiding, and de- 
luded creditors. But what appears to me equally as important, 
and perhaps more so, than any of the points above named, is a 
radical change in the mode of electing directors, so as to give all 
the stockholders a fair voice in the election of directors, and 



COIN AND BANK NOTES. 2*71 

the management of the bank, and not allow a few, who own a 
majority of the stock, to combine together and control the whole, 
for their own private advantage, regardless of the safety of the 
public, and of the rights of the other stockholders.* 

It is very difficult to sustain banks in agricultural States, against 
which there is a constant balance of trade ; but very easy to sus- 
tain them, with ordinary prudence and good management, in 
manufacturing States, in whose favor there are generally heavy 
debts, as well as a balance of trade. Hence the necessity of 
greater checks, and greater prudence, in the former than in the 
latter. 

* See chapter V. section 9, where this subject of elections is discuesed. 



CHAPTER XI. 

ON THE INCREASED POWERS OF PRODUCTION OF THE PRESENT AGE 

THE CONSUMPTION BY THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, 

OF THE PRINCIPAL NECESSARIES OF LIFE, AND THE PROPOR- 
TION OF THEIR SEVERAL WANTS THE PROPORTION OF ADULT 

MALES EMPLOYED IN AGRICULTURE, AND IN OTHER EMPLOY- 
MENTS, IN THE UNITED STATES AND IN GREAT BRITAIN AND 

IRELAND AND THE IMPORTANCE OF ADAPTING THE DIVISION 

OF EMPLOYMENTS, AND THE INDUSTRY OF THE PEOPLE OF A 
NATION, TO THEIR WANTS, CONDITION, RESOURCES, AND THE 
WANTS OF THE COMMERCIAL WORLD. 

Sec. 1. On the increased production of the present age — and the 
capacity of Great Britain and the TJ. States to produce. 

The increase of knowledge in the natural sciences has been so 
great, and their application to agriculture so extensive since the 
middle of the last century, that, by the aid of more efficient tools, 
crops of all kinds have been doubled in quantity, in every well 
cultivated country ; and they are now three times as great per 
acre on an average, in Great Britain and Belgium, as they were 
three centuries since. The inventions made during the last 
hundred years (since the year 1750) have had an effect upon 
mining, mechanical and manufacturing industry still greater, and 
more surprising. The productiveness of industry has been 
increased by machinery employed in spinning, about thirty fold — 
employed in wearing, about eight or ten fold — employed in rolling 
iron, perhaps five fold- — in the navigation of rivers, transportation 
on Canals and Railroads, and in all other mechanical, manufac- 
turing, and mining operations, from two to five fold. The 
increased supply of products has kept pace in Great Britain, the 
United States, and some other countries, with the increased power 
and efficiency of human industry. This has been shown in chap- 
ters VII, VIII and IX. 

The physical wants of man are limited, by his constitution and 
nature ; and though his artificial and factitious wants are unlim- 



PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 273 

ited, yet the demand for articles of luxury and fancy to supply 
them, is limited in most cases, by his ability to pay for them.* 
The fact is well known to every intelligent merchant and manu- 
facturer, that the ordinary supply of products, both natural and 
manufactured, greatly exceeds the demand. This is true of 
almost every thing but the precious metals. The question is no 
longer, what a nation is capable of producing, but how much the 
people can consume, and sell to advantage. The facts exhibited 
in chapters VII and VIII, show that Great Britain alone could 
soon manufacture cotton and woollen goods, iron and hardware, 
for the whole of Europe and America ; if she could command 
their markets for the sale of her products. She has laborers 
enough, and water power, fuel and capital sufficient, to increase 
her machinery and manufacturing power to an almost unlimited 
extent ; and she would do so, if the markets, and the demand for 
her products at good prices, were equally extensive. 

The natural resources and capacities of the United States for 
mining and manufacturing, are more extensive then those of 
Great Britain. The United States have also the capacity of 
producing Indian corn, vegetables, fruits, provisions of most kinds, 
and all the materials for clothing, sufficient for five hundred 
millions of inhabitants. But it would be the height of folly and 
madness to develope their agricultural resources any faster than 
an increase of the population of the earth, shall have caused a 
demand for their products. The quantity of each and all of our 
products should be adapted to our wants, and the extent of our 
markets. Whatever a nation produces which it does not want 
and cannot sell to advantage, is not only worthless, but is often 
worse than worthless. The excess tends to depress the price and 
market value of all its products for which there is a demand, and 
thus tends to lessen the value of its exports. 

Sec. 2. The division of employments , and the industry of a 
nation, should be adapted to the id ants of the people. 
Foreign as well as domestic markets being limited, and the 
capacity of most nations to pay for foreign products being also 
limited ; the division of employments, and the industry of a nation, 
should be adapted to, and in accordance with, the wants of the 
people and of the commercial world — and with the natural 
resources and condition of the country. It should be the busi- 
ness of legislators and governments, as well as producers, to learn 
the wants*of the people and of foreign commerce, as well as the 
quantity of the products of each class of producers, and the natu- 

* See sections 1 and 10 of chapter VI. 
12* 



274 AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 

ral resources of the country, and to endeavor to give such direc- 
tion to industry as to adapt it to such wants and resources. 
This leads to the inquiry, what are the wants of the people ? 
and what is the extent of each of their wants ? 

Sec. 3. How muck of each class of provisions, breadstuff a, and 
vegetables, do our people need ? ' 

How much in quantity, on an average, do a people need of 
breadstuffs, meats, and vegetables ? The evidence and estimates 
which I have met with generally tend to show, that the inhabitants 
of most countries of Europe consume more breadstuffs and much 
less meat and vegetables, on an average, than the people of the 
United States. In Great Britain, the people consume much 
more meat than they do on the continent, though much less than 
in the United States. The consumption of grain in Great Britain 
is about eight bushels, and in France it has been generally esti- 
mated at from nine to ten bushels per annum, for each person. 

In the United States, the allowance to adult field slaves is 
usually one peck each per week, or thirteen bushels per year ; 
but the consumption of the free population and the house ser- 
vants,,, does not exceed seven and a half bushels of grain for 
each person. From the best evidence I can collect, I estimate 
the average quantity of meats of all kinds consumed annually by 
each free person in the United States, at one hundred and fifty 
pounds ; consisting of one hundred pounds of pork, ham, and 
bacon, fresh and salt, and fifty pounds of beef, mutton, and veal. 
The inhabitants of Great Britain are supposed to consume a 
little over one hundred pounds per annum each, on an average, 
while the French consume less than fifty pounds, and the people 
of Ireland, and some other nations, not over thirty pounds each. 
The census of 1840 shows that the white and free colored popu- 
lation of the United States, and the house servants, amounted to 
about fifteen millions, and the field slaves and their children, to 
about two millions. 

The disposition of the wheat crop of 1839-40, was about as 
follows : — 

Million bushels. 

Consumed by the fifteen millions free persons and 

house servants 4 bushels each, 60 

Exported in 1840 in flour and wheat, about - - 10.2 

Required for seed one eighth part, - - - 10.5 

Used for starch, soured, and wasted., - - - 4.1 



Total crop harvested in 1839, - 84.8 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 21 5 

Million bushels. 

Rye consumed one bushel each, - - - 15. 

Exported in grain and meal about, - .3 

Used for seed about one eighth of crop, - - 2.3 

The remainder distilled, - - - - - 1. 

Total crop harvested in 1839, - - - - 18.6 

The quantity of buckwheat raised was reported at 7,291,743 
bushels ; which would afford nearly half a bushel for each inhab- 
itant. The crop of oats was returned at 123,071,341 bushels, 
and was equal for food, to nearly half as many bushels of corn. 

The quantity of potatoes raised was reported at 108,298,060 
bushels. A bushel of wheat furnishes an amount of nourishment 
equal to about A\ bushels of potatoes ; and a bushel of rye or 
Indian corn is equal to about 4 bushels of potatoes. The potatoe 
crop was equal to about twenty-six million bushels of grain. 

Reckoning oats equal to half as many bushels of other grain, 
and potatoes and turnips according to their equivalent in grain, 
the quantity of grain and its equivalent in potatoes and turnips 
used annually for each free person, on an average, in the United 
States and in France, may be estimated as follows : — 

United States. France. 

Eaten by man, - - - 8 J bushels. 10 bushels. 
Distilled and brewed, 1 \ 

Used for seed, - 2J 2 J 

Fed to animals to convert ) .^ 2 i 
into meat & for horse feed, \ 4 * 

Total, - 23* 15 

* Tnis estimate is much less than the supply for the year 1839-40 accord- 
ing to the census. The returns of the census of the crop of wheat, rye, bar- 
ley, and buckwheat, may be relied on, as they were generally harvested with 
care, and measured. But very little of the crop of Indian corn in the states 
south of the Potomac, and west of Pennsylvania having been measured, the 
returns were mere guess-work of the farmers and planters, and (as I think) 
at least 25 per cent, too high. It amounted to over 330 million bushels in 
those states, and less than 47 million bushels in the six eastern and five mid- 
dle states. My estimate of the consumption of the corn crop of that year 
is as follows : — t 

Required to raise the swine about 2 bushels, and to fatten them, about 5 
bushels of corn, or its equivalent in other grain and potatoes, over and above 
milk, grass, and meat, for each 100 pounds of pork. 

BusheL?. 
To make 1,900,000,000 pounds, the estimated amount that year, 133,000,000 
Consumed by two million field slaves, ----- 24,000,000 
Consumed by fifteen million other persons, - 30,000,000 

Distilled into whiskey, ---..-. 12,000,00'' 

Used for seed, 6,000,00 

Exported in corn and corn meal, - - - . . •' - - 1,500,000 



2*76 AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 

The proportion of each kind of grain and vegetables eaten by 
the free population and house servants of the United States, was 
nearly as follows, viz., four bushels of wheat, one of rye, two 
bushels of Indian corn, half a bushel of buckwheat, and potatoes 
and other vegetables equal to three fourths of a bushel of grain. 
The quantity consumed annually, on an average, by the inhabi- 
tants of Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia, for breadstuff's, and 
to convert into meat, may be about eighteen bushels, while the 
consumption of the countries of Southern Europe does not exceed 
about twelve bushels to each person. Eighteen bushels would 
be sufficient in this country, if none of it were wasted, and no 
more meats and distilled liquors were used, than the health of the 
people require. 

The crop of grain including half the bushels of oats and the 
equivalent in grain of the crop of potatoes, raised in each division 
of the United States in 1839, according to the census, would 
afford to each person for food, horse feed, and to convert into 
meat, the number of bushels following. 

Potatoes equal Total 

Grain. to grain. bushels. 

New England States, 7| bush. 3J bush. 11 

Five Middle States, in- ) 

eluding Delaware, Ma- > 22 2 24 

ryland, and Dis. Col. ) 
Virginia, N. and S. Oa- ) 

rolina, Georgia, and > 36 | 36 j 

Florida, ) 

Other Slave States, 50J J 51 

Western Free States, 44 1 45 

The population of the six New England States in 1840, was 
2,234,822. The crops of those states in 1839 being sufficient to 
supply the inhabitants what was equivalent to only eleven bushels 
each, when their consumption was about twice as much, the defi- 
ciency was equal to over twenty-four million bushels of grain, 
which was supplied by the western and southern states in the 
shape of grain, flour, meal, pork, hams, beef and lard. The 

Fed to cattle, sheep, and poultry, one tenth part as much as to 

hogs, 13,000,000 

Fed to horses perhaps, 6,000,000 

Deduct one iifth of the 330 million bushels returned for the 



southern and western states as an over estimate, 
And it still leaves a large quantity wasted for want of care, 
by reason of want of markets, and depressed prices, amount- 
ing to about, 86,031,000 

Tot?,l crop according to the census, - - - 377,f>31,000 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 277 

population of the five middle states and the District of Columbia 
was then 5,118,076, and though they contain the great commer- 
cial cities of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, yet their 
crops were sufficient to supply all their wants, and leave a surplus. 
The farmer can see from this illustration, the advantage to 
him, of the manufactures of New England, and the importance of 
increasing the manufacturing and mining industry of all the 
States, in order to create markets for his products. Were it not 
for manufactures, the people employed in them in New England 
and the Middle States, would have been dispersed in the Western 
World, mostly engaged in agriculture, increasing the supply and 
depressing instead of raising the price of breadstuiFs and pro- 
visions. The farmer should also take into consideration, that a 
very large proportion of the people of New York and Philadelphia 
are employed in the mechanic arts and manufactures ; that it 
requires but a very small proportion of the population of any 
country to be engaged in commerce, navigation, and retail trade ; 
that a comparatively few thousand men are required to attend to 
the commerce, navigation, and retail trade of a great nation ; 
that commercial men, therefore, furnish but a very trifling market 
to the farmer in any country, and that the principal markets he 
enjoys, are furnished by persons employed in the mechanic arts, 
manufactures, and mining. 

The farmers of New England can furnish a supply of bread- 
stuffs and provisions equal in quantity to what is consumed by 
themselves, and by all the persons, with their families, who are 
employed in navigation and commercial pursuits. So that the 
entire market in New England for the farmers of other States, 
may be said to be created by manufactures. The mining, 
mechanical, and manufacturing population of the Middle States, 
was much greater in 1S40 than that of the New England States, 
and consumed and furnished a market for the farmer for a 
quantity of his products, exclusive of hay, products of the dairy, 
poultry, eggs, fruit, vegetables, wood, and many other things, 
including only half the oats — equal to about sixty million bushels 
of grain. How insignificant are commercial pursuits when com- 
pared with the mechanic arts, manufactures, and mining industry, 
in supplying markets for the farmer ! 

Estimate of the quantity of pork, ham, bacon, and lard — fresh 
and salt, made in the United States in the year 1839 ; consumed 
by fifteen million free persons, and house servants. 
100 pounds each on an average, - 1,500 million. 

Consumed by over two million field slaves, at 

185 lbs. each, - - 375 " 

Exported, about, - - - 25 u 

Total consumed and exported, - - 1,900 " 



278 AMOUNT OF OUll SEVERAL WANTS, 

The quantity of beef, mutton, and veal consumed during the 
year 1840, may be estimated at fifty pounds for each of the fifteen 
million free persons and domestic servants, equal to 

750 million pounds. 
Beef exported during the year, 19,681 bbls. 

which is less than - 4 " u 

The consumption in 1840 of bread-stuffs and provisions, by the 
white and free colored population of the United States, including 
house servants (fifteen million) may be estimated as follows — the 
prices being taken as average prices in all parts of the country 
at the places of production, during six years, from 1840 to 1845, 
inclusive : — 

Pork, ham, &c, 100 lbs. each at $4 00, - $60,000,000 

Beef, mutton, and veal, 50 lbs. each, ' - 30,000,000 

Wheat and flour, 4 bushels each, at 80 cts., 48,000,000 

Rye, corn, and buckwheat, 3J bushels each, at 

45 cts., - - - 23,625,000 



Total value of the grain and meats consumed, $161,625,000 

Products of the dairy consumed about - $33,000,000 
Milk and cream not reported in census, one third 

as much, - 11,000,000 

Products of the orchard, valued at - 7,256,000 

Products of market gardens, - 2,601,000 

Products of gardens for domestic use, estimated at 10,000,000 

Poultry of all kinds, whole value returned - 9,344,000 

Eggs, two thirds as much as poultry - 6,230,000 

Potatoes and turnips, 3 bushels for each, at 20 cts. 9,000,000 

Total - - - $250,056,000 

The consumption is equal to $16| for each person. The 

inhabitants of cities and villages paid on an average 50 per cent. 

above these prices, on account of the expense of transportation, 

traders' profits, &c. 

Add for consumption of two million of field slaves 
24 million bushels of corn at 33| cts. $8,000,000 

4 million bushels of potatoes at 20 cts. - 800,000 

Products of gardens, - - 1,000,000 

Pork and beef, 190 lbs. each, at $4 per 100 lbs. 15,200,000 



Total for slaves, - - $25,000,000 

And making a total of - - $275,056,000 

value of breadstuffs and provisions produced by the farmer and 

consumed in our own country. 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 279 

The whole amount exported during the fiscal year 1840 was 
valued at about sixteen millions of dollars. 

Here we see that the quantity of each class of provisions, 
breadstuff's, vegetables, fruits, &c. necessary to satisfy the wants 
of our people, is very limited, compared with the capacity of the 
country to supply them ; so limited that our markets have been 
generally glutted, and prices very much depressed ; and the 
foreign demand has generally been very trifling. The short 
crops in Europe in 1845 and in 1846, and the consequent foreign 
demand for our products, raised prices in 1846 and 1847 ; and 
the partial failure of the potato crops in Europe since, has 
tended to increase the demand for our products, and to keep up 
prices. It may, however, be safely affirmed that, for four years 
out of every five, (from 1820 to 1845) our crops were so much 
beyond the wants of our country, and the foreign demand for 
them, that no increase of quantity could have increased their 
aggregate value in the least. On the contrary, an increase of 
one fourth part, or even less, in quantity, would have diminished 
their aggregate value very considerably ; and a large diminution 
in quantity would have increased their aggregate value. Such 
being the case, any increase of industry employed in agriculture 
at the present time, though it might benefit the persons employed, 
could not benefit the country in the least ; and in a national 
point of view, the labor would be useless and entirely lost. On 
the contrary, if such labor could be employed in producing such 
mineral, mechanical, and manufactured products, and erecting 
such buildings as are wanted by our people, it would be produc- 
tive in a national, as well as in an individual point of view. 

Sec. 4. How much salt, fish, tea, coffee, spices, sugars, 8$c. do our 
people need, and consume annually ? 

Let us now inquire, in the progress of the examination, what 
quantities of salt, fish, tea, coffee, spices, and sugars, dried fruits, 
and rice, the people of the United States consume annually. 

The reports on commerce and other evidence show that the 
average annual consumption of such articles for the years 1839, 
1840, and 1841, and the prices paid by the consumer, were 
nearly as follows : — 

Millions. 
Six million bushels domestic salt, and the same quan- ) <*. . 

tity of imported salt, cost the consumer about \ 

Fish cost the consumer - 6 

About 12 million lbs. of tea cost in China about 30 

cts., but cost the consumer on an average 70 cts. \ 8 .4 

per lb. 



280 AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 

100 million lbs. coffee cost abroad about 9 cts., but > "jS !- 
cost the consumer about 13| cts. - ) 

300 million lbs. sug-ar cost consumer about 9 cts. 27. 

25 million gallons of molasses at 40 cts. - - 10. 

Spices cost abroad about $400,000, and cost the con- 
sumer three times as much 

Dried fruits and almonds cost abroad about $1,200- ] 
000, and cost the consumer about 

30 million lbs. of rice at 5 cts. - 1.5 



1.2 

2.4 



Total cost to the consumers - - $74. 

of these articles not produced by the farmers of cold and 
temperate climates, but mostly products of warm countries ; 
equal to nearly $5 for each person. 

Sec. 5. What clothing do the people need annually ? 
Estimate of the value of the various kinds of clothing consumed 
by the people of the United States annually, during the years 
1839-40 and 41. 
Manufactures of cotton, according to the returns of Millions. 

the census of 1S40, retained for home consumption $42.8 
Manufactures of. wool retained - - 20.6 

" silk - - 119 

" flax - - .322 

" mixed materials - 6.545 

Cloths made in families of wool, flax, and cotton 29.023 

Hats and caps - 8.600 

Straw bonnets and hats - - 1.476 

Manufactures of leather, valued at $33,134,403, of 

which the boots and shoes were about - 30. 



Total of the above materials for clothing produced 

at home - - - $139,485 

Cost abroad of the same articles imported and con- 
sumed on an average, each of these years - $44. 

Duties paid on them, about - - 11. 

Freight, cost and profits of importing, 15 per cent. 6.6 

Jobbers' profits on about 120 million dollars of the 
foreign and domestic goods for clothing at 12 J per 
cent. - - 15. 

Expenses, freight, and profits, of the retail merchant 

on 150 million dollars sold at 25 per cent. 37.5 

Over 200 million dollars of these articles consist of 
cloths and trimmings, including home-made cloths, 
to be made into clothing, the cost of making being 
one third as much as the materials - 67. 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 281 

Total for the annual cost of clothing, including bed- Millions. 
ding, carpeting, and other furniture, made of fabrics 
that are woven. §320.585 

Perhaps the clothing and bedding for the two mil- 
lion field slaves cost about half as much as that of 
the free persons or $10 each. - - 20. 



This leaves for the free persons, and domestic ser- 
vants — equal to twenty dollars to each person. - $300. 5S5 

Sec. 6. What fuel, lights, soap, and furniture, do the people 

need ? 
The fuel, lights, furniture, and soap, consumed in 1840, may 
be estimated as follows. Wood for domestic use equal to one 
cord and a half for each free person and domestic servant, worth 
when cut and sawed for use, on an average throughout the United 
States, about §2.50 per cord, and one sixth part as much for 
workshops, stores, etc., or its equivalent in coal, exclusive of what 
is used for steam engines, and in furnaces ; §4,37J for each of 
15 million persons. - - §71.250 

Sperm and wax candles, 2,900,000 lbs. at 40cts. 1.160 

Tallow candles made by chandlers, as returned, about 

17 million lbs., at 11 cts. - - 1.870 

# Tallow candles made in families, estimated at - 5. 

Oil and gas consumed for lights, estimated at 6. 

Soap consumed, as returned by the census, about 47 

million lbs., at 4 J cts. - - 2 220 

|SofG soap made in families, estimated at - 6. 

The value of furniture made in 1839, was returned 
at §7,555,405. This does not include beds, 
crockery, glass and stone ware — stoves, hollow- 
ware, hardware, brass, silver, copper and tin ware, 
clocks, etc. Taking all these things into consider- 
ation, the amount annually expended for the whole, 
exclusive of carpeting and bedding, may be esti- 
mated at 15. 



Total - - - §108.5 

Equal to more than $7 for each person, for fuel, lights, 
soap, and furniture for the year. 

*The tallow candles consumed in Great Britain as stated by Porter, 
amounted to 66.402.6S4 lbs. in 1801, to 93,816 346 lbs. in 1821, and to 
155,55*3,192 lbs., in 1830. 

tThe soap consumed in Great Britain, is stated by Porter as follows — 
about 53 million lbs., in 1801— nearly 93 million lbs., in 1821— and over 170 
million lbs., in 1841. 



282 AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 

Sec. 7. What kind and value, of dwelling houses, out-houses, 
grounds^ shade trees, etc., are needed ? 

It is difficult to determine what kind and value of dwelling 
houses, improvements about them, and out-houses, a people need, 
to promote their comforts, and secure the greatest degree of 
health that is practicable. One thing is very certain, that nearly 
all the diseases and weaknesses to which man is subject, are 
aggravated by cold, heat, and dampness in excess, by great 
changes in temperature from day to night — and many of them are 
produced by the same causes. All of which can in a great mea- 
sure be guarded against, by good dwellings, beds and bedding, 
yards, shade trees, and attention to drainage and cleanliness. 

The dwelling houses built in the United States in 1839 are 
valued in the census at over 41 million of dollars, and this sum 
does not include the repairs and improvements of old houses, nor 
the erection of fences, out-houses, and other improvements. The 
value of all the dwelling houses in the United States in 1S40 — 
and the improvements around them, including yards, fences, out- 
houses and trees, may be estimated at over a thousand million 
dollars ; and the annual wear and destruction of them, and of 
keeping them in repair exclusive of rents, may be estimated as 
high as thirty millions of dollars, and the cost of building for the 
increasing population, thirty millions ; making in all sixty millions 
of dollars, equal to four dollars for each free person. This sum 
seems very large, and yet there is a large proportion of our 
people very badly housed. I have no doubt that the health, as 
well as the comforts of a large majority of them, might be pro- 
moted by expenditures for such purposes judiciously made, at least 
two or three times as great as have been heretofore incurred. 

Sec. S. Expenditures for books, information, education, pleasure- 
horses and carriages. 

The expenditures for books, pamphlets, newspapers, Millions, 
and other periodicals, as indicated by the census, 
amounted to about - - $5. 

Expenses annually of keeping horses and carriages 

for pleasure, estimated at - 20. 

The expenditures for education, exclusive of books, 
board, and the personal expenses of scholars and 
students in New England and New York, was 
equal to about fifty cents to each inhabitant, and 
perhaps half as much for each free person in the 
other states. - - - 5. 



Total - - $30. 



Total 
Equal to two dollars to each free person 



AND PROPER DIVISION' OF EMPLOYMENTS. 



2 33 



Sec. 9. Cost of tobacco and intoxicating drinks consumed, annually. 

The tobacco manufactured during the year preceding 
the census of 1840, exceeded the amount exported 
over five millions of dollars, and the value of tobacco, 
snuff, and cigars consumed,^ must have cost the 
consumers at least 

The quantity of spirits, wine, and strong beer con- 
sumed during the year, was equal in intoxicating 
properties, to nearly fifty million gallons of distilled 
spirit ; perhaps seven eighths of it was used for 
drink, and cost the consumers not less than 



Millions. 



$7.5 



30. 



Total cost of stimulants, - - $37,5 

Equal to $2,50 to each free person. 

Sec. 10. Recapitulation of the consumption of the people and 

reflections on the imperfect division of employments , in the 

United States. 

Recapitulation of the annual consumption of the people, and 
the average amount to each person, except the field slaves. 
Amount stated in Sec. 3, exclusive of To each person 

consumption by field slaves - $250million. $16§ 

Amount stated in Sec. 4 - 74 " 5 

Amount stated in Sec. 5 exclusive of 

consumption by field slaves 
Amount stated in Sec. 6 

c< " 7 - 

" "8 

« " 9 . 



Amount stated in Sec. 3 for field slaves 

u a x a u 



300 " 


20 


108.5 " 


7 


60 " 


4 


30 " 


2 


37.5 " 


*h 


£860 " 


$57\ 


25 " 




20 " 





Total 
All of which were consumed, worn out, 
wasted, and destroyed, except the 
following, which were accumulated, 
to wit, furniture to the amount and 
value of - 
An increase of dwelling houses valued at 
Books, pleasure carriages and horses 
Total value included, that were accu- 
mulated - 



$90i 



8 millions. 
30 " 

2 " 



40 millions. $2| 



Total amount actually consumed. 8865 

* See chapter IX section 19. 



284 



AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 



These estimates are intended to comprise the value of all the 
material products of industry, annually consumed by the people 
of the United States, during the years 1839-40 and 41 — 
together with the amount paid for teachers' wages, which are not 
usually included with productive industry. Almost all industry is 
in some sense productive ; but none is generally ranked by politi- 
cal economists as productive, however useful it may be, except 
such as produces material products, or adds value to them by trans- 
portation, and sale, which is a sort of quasi productive industry. 

Hence we exclude from the rank of productive industry, house- 
keeping, the labor of domestic servants, all professional business, 
teaching of all kinds, all matters of pleasure and amusement, 
official labor, military services, and the administration of justice. 

The aggregate amount of these several kinds of employment 
and business, not ranked as productive industry, may be esti- 
mated at from $150 to 200 million per annum; and the values 
reckoned as productive, produced by industry and capital during 
each of those years, may be estimated at about one thousand mil- 
lion of dollars. 

The amount accumulated during each of those years is esti- 
mated as follows . — 



In houses, furniture, &c, as heretofore estimated, 

Clearing and fencing about two million acres of 
new lands - 

Draining & other improvem'ts made on other lands, 

Increase in amount and value of agricultural tools, 
implements, teams, and stock, about 3 per cent., or 

Increase of manufacturing, milling, mechanical, 
and mining capital, about 5 per cent., or nearly 

Increase in capital employed in commerce, retail 
trade, navigation, transportation, and the fish- 
eries, about 3 per cent., - 

Expenditures in building railroads, canals, and ) 
water works, over and above the accumulation £ 
of foreign debts for them, ) 

Increase in other public property, such as roads, 
bridges, churches, national, state, and county 
buildings, forts, harbors, &c, 



Million dollars. 

40 

24 
6 

12 

16 



15 



12 



10 



Total accumulated, 
Amount consumed, brought forward, - 

Total produced, 
Estimated amount produced in 1850, 



135 

865 

1000 
1400 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 285 

It thus appears that the quantities of our products respectively, 
are not adapted to our wants, and the wants of the commercial 
world. Of some articles we produce a great surplus, much of 
which is wasted, and the labor employed in producing them 
totally lost, while of others we produce much less than we really 
need, to supply our wants and promote our comforts. 

The capital employed in the United States in 1840 in produc- 
ing the following articles, the gross value produced, and the 
average value imported annually, in 1839, 1840, and 1841, was 
nearly as follows, stated in millions of dollars. 



Capital 


Produced. 


Imported. 


Cotton goods, $51 mil. 


$46 mil. 


$11 mil. 


Woollen goods, 15 J 


20J 


13 


Mix 'd goods, cotton & wool, 4 J 


61 




Home made goods, 


29 




Bar, pig iron, & castings, 20J 


171 


5 


Machinery, 8 




4i 


Hardware, cutlery, &c, 5 J 


Total, - - $105 mil. 


$136J 


djjoqi* 



The labor employed in producing the Indian corn, pork, and 
other grain, provisions, and vegetables, not wanted, but actually 
wasted for want of sufficient markets, if properly trained, would 
liave been amply sufficient to produce twice as much clothing, 
iron, and hardware as we imported — and an additional capital of 
about sixty millions of dollars invested in such employments, 
would have been sufficient to produce them. The amount annu- 
ally accumulated in the shape of agricultural improvements and 
capital, at the same time, (as I have endeavored to show,) was 
equal to over forty millions of dollars, so that all that was neces- 
sary to furnish capital sufficient for these objects, was to divert 
from agriculture, the increased amount invested in it, during a 
single year and an half ; three fourths of which, in the form of 
investments in agriculture, have no present value whatever, in a 
national point of view. By these means, we should not only 
increase the quantity and value of our mining and manufacturing 
industry, and save over thirty millions of dollars then annually 
paid for those classes of foreign products, and also save the cost 
of importing them ; but we should increase the quantity and value 

* Comparatively few of these goods were re-exported, except manufac- 
tures of cotton to the amount of about one million, and woollen goods val- 
ued at less than half a million dollars, leaving lor consumption here what 
cost abroad about thirty-two millions of dollars, and were worth in this 
country, after the duties were paid, about $44,000,000. 



280 .AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS. 

of our capital invested in these great departments of industry — 
and all this would be effected', without diminishing the exchange- 
able value of our agricultural products, or the present value of 
our agricultural capital, a single dollar. The reader will perceive 
the truth of the latter portion of the proposition (relative to 
agricultural products and capital) when he reflects, that the 
prices of all kinds of commodities and property are regulated by 
the proportion between the demand and the supply in the market, 
and that a large crop, furnishing a surplus beyond the wants of the 
market, is generally worth less in the aggregate, than a deficient 
crop. 

The people of the United States have a great surplus beyond 
their wants, and what they can sell, of food of all kinds, which 
the climate can pro'duce, and of tobacco, and intoxicating drinks, 
and cannot possibly improve their condition, by an increased 
production of such things — but their comforts, and enjoyments 
may be increased by a greater amount of most of the things 
specified in sections four, five, six, seven and eight, comprising, 
sugar, tea, coffee, many tropical fruits, clothing, bedding, furniture, 
lights and fuel ; and their condition and well being would be 
greatly improved, by an increase of capital invested in manufac- 
turing and mining industry, and by an expenditure three or four 
times as great, judiciously made, for books, education, dwelling 
houses, out-houses, yards, shade and fruit trees, and drainage 
about their premises. These remarks are intended to be general, 
and apply only to the average expenditure for such purposes. 
There are numerous cases in the cities and large villages, of indi- 
viduals expending from two to five times as much for dwelling 
houses, furniture and many other things, as is consistent with the 
general welfare of themselves and their families. 

Sec. 11. What proportion of the adult males should be employed, 
in agriculture, in different climates. 
When we .take into consideration the whole industry of our 
country, and the wants of the people, and see that less than one 
third part in value of its products are consumed by our people 
for food — and that the foreign demand for food is generally com- 
paratively trifling — and compare the prosperity and wealth of 
manufacturing nations and states with those devoted mostly to 
agriculture ; we may safely conclude, that in temperate climates 
(like all that portion of the United States lying above the 35th 
parallel of latitude) in order to produce the highest degree of 
prosperity, only from thirty to forty, or at most fifty per cent, of 
the adult male population, should be employed in agriculture. 
In lower latitudes, the people need much less clothing — the earth 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 28*7 

is more productive, many of its products less perishable, moro 
available in proportion to their weight and bulk, and may be taken 
to more distant markets ; and hence the profits of agricultural 
pursuits are much greater than they are in high latitudes r and 
the inducements to, and advantages of manufacturing much less. 
The following tables have been formed to illustrate the subject. 

Estimates deduced from official returns, reports, and the best 
authors and authorities, of the values* produced annually, from 
1838 to 1844 from labor and capital employed in agriculture, 
and in all other pursuits, together with the population, and the 
amount produced to each person. 

Values produced annually. 
In the By agriculture. Other pursuits. Total. 

United States, $550 millions. $450 millions, $1000 millions. 
Great Britain, £135 " £195 " £330 " 

Ireland, £40 " £25 " £65 " 

Population. Amount produced to each person. 

United States, 17 millions $59 

Great Britain, 18.5 " £17 16, or 85 

Ireland, 8.1 " £ 8 38 

Statement of the whole number of males over 20 years old em- 
ployed in agriculture in Great Britain and Ireland, at the under- 
mentioned periods, according to the returns; and the number 
so employed in the United States in 1840, estimated from the 
returns of the census. 

In 1831. Inl84J. 

In England and Wales, 1,075,912 1,041,9S0 

Scotland, 167,145 166,009 

Great Britain, 1,243,057 1,207,989 

Ireland, 1,167,054 

The number of males over 15 years old employed in 

agriculture in Ireland in 1841 was, - 1,594,682 

the number over 20 years old is estimated at - 1,250,000 

The number over 20 years so employed in the Uni- 
ted States in 1840, is estimated at - - 3,000,000 
the whole number returned as employed in agricul- 
ture in the United States, without limitation as to 
age being, - 3,719,951 
Great Britain contains nearly twice as many square miles as 
Ireland, and about twice and a half as much arable land ; and 
yet there was in 1841 a greater number of persons employed in 

* I have included in the aggregate values produced, all agricultural and 
other improvements public and private, roads, railroads, public buildings, and 
everything usually classed by political economists with productive industry, 



288 AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 

agriculture and grazing in the latter country, than in the former. 
Great Britain is one of the best cultivated countries in the world, 
and the fact that the number of persons employed in agriculture 
did not increase from 1831 to 1841, is proof that no greater 
number was needed ; the remainder of the people were more 
profitably employed in other pursuits. Nearly the whole increase 
of the population of Ireland was either employed in agriculture, 
or remained idle ; for the reason that there was very little 
increase of other pursuits to employ them. The agricultural 
laborers of Great Britain accomplished about twice and a half as 
much as the same number in Ireland, which affords conclusive 
evidence that the latter must have been idle much of the time, 
perhaps half of the time on an average, and many of them work 
to bad advantage, when th:y do labor. By reason of large mar- 
kets in the immediate vicinity of the farmers of Great Britain, 
furnished mostly by the manufacturing and mining population, 
they realize much higher prices also for their products, than the 
farmers of Ireland, and the aggregate annual value of their 
products is about three and a half times as much as it is in 
Ireland. 

The number of persons employed in the cotton, woollen, 
worsted, silk, lace, hose, flax, and linen factories, in the United 
Kingdom, was as follows : — 





In 1839. 


In 1847. 


In England and Wales, 


349,294 


455,042 


Scotland, 


59,314 


67,243 


Great Britain, 


408,608 


522,285 


Ireland, 


14,863 


22,591 



In addition to these, there were great numbers employed in hand 
loom weaving, and in household manufactures. 

The number of persons employed in mining in 1841, was as 
follows : — 





Males over 


Males under 20 




20 years old. 


and females. 


In England and Wales, 


125,059 


4S,209 


Scotland, 


14,179 


6,378 


Ireland, males over 15, 


3,016 




Ireland, males under 15 & females, 




SO 



N Statement of the proportion in a hundred, of the adult male 
population in different parts of the United States, and in England 
and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, employed in agriculture 
and grazing, and the per cent, employed in all other pursuits ; 
including in the latter division all idle, infirm, and unemployed 



AXD PROPER DIVISIO> 


OF EMPLOYMENTS. 


289 


persons, at the undermentioned periods; also the estimated 
amount annually produced to each of the whole population from 
1339 to 1841. 


In 1840, in 


In Agriculture, 
per cent 


All others. 
per cent 


imt. produced 
;o each person. 


Maine, New Hampshire, and j 
Vermont, - ) 

Massachusetts and - ) 
Rhode Island, - ) 


73.5 

38.7 


26.5 
61.3 


$56. 
100. 


Connecticut, 

New York, New Jersey, and ) 
Pennsylvania, - j 

North Western Free States, 

Northern Slave States lying ) 
above the 35th degree of > 
latitude, - ) 

Southern Slave States, 


58. 

61,7 

79. 

83.4 

91. 


42. 

38.3 

21. 

16.6 

9. 


86. 
72. 

44. 

45.* 
60.* 


In the year 1831. 








England and "Wales, 
Scotland, - 
Ireland, 


31.7 

30.4 
64.6 


68.3 
69.6 
35.4 




In the year 1841. 








England and Wales, 
Scotland, - 
Ireland, 


25. 

27. 
66. 


75.) 
73. ] 
34. 


85. 
38. 



The reader will see from the foregoing tables, that the annual 
earnings and incomes of communities in temperate as well as in 
cold climates, are generally in proportion to the number of the 
people employed in pursuits other than agriculture ; and that free 
labor employed in our North Western States in the culture of 
wheat, Indian corn, and other products, is less productive than 
slave labor employed in the Southern Slave States in the culture 
of cotton, sugar, and rice, and less productive also, than slave 
labor employed in Kentucky and Missouri, in the cultivation of 
tobacco and hemp. 



* In these calculations, slaves are treated as persons who produce, and 
the profits to the owners of raising slaves in the Northern Slave States are 
not taken into the account- 
• 13 



290 



AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 



Statement in English quarters of the average quantity of 
wheat, and wheat flour, and of all other grain and meal, including 
peas and beans, exported annually from Ireland to Great Britain 
during the undermentioned years : — 





Wheat and wheat flour. 


All other grains & meal 


1801 to 1810, 


70,833 qrs. 


387,125 qrs. 


1821 to 1830, 


460,709 " 


1,451,154 » 


1831 to 1840, 


540,415 " 


2,1'75,461 » 


1841 to 1845, 


410,687 " 


2,519,980 " 


1846, 


393,462 " 


1,431,932 " 



The numbers of cattle, sheep, and swine, exported to Great 
Britain were as follows : — 

In 1835. 1846. 1847. 1848. 



Oxen, cows, steers, &c. 

Calves, 

Sheep and lambs, 

Swine, 



98,150 



6,363 

259,257 
480,827 



189,960 
9,992 
324,179 

106,407 



196,042 

7,086 

59,25': 255,682 

110,787 

Mr. McCulloch estimated the exports of Ireland in 1835 at 
£17,394,813, of which £445,900 in value were sent to British 
colonies and foreign countries, and the remainder (amounting to 
nearly £17,000,000) to Great Britain. Mr. Spackman estimated 
the value of the grain, flour, meal and animals, exported from Ire- 
land to Great Britain in 1845 at over nine millions sterling — the 
exports in 1846, (the first year of the dearth,) were nearly as great, 
and the exports of animals during the famine year (1847) con- 
tinued about the same. With the exception of potatoes and a 
few other crops, not far from one fourth part of all the agricul- 
tural products of Ireland were exported to Great Britain, from 
1820 to 1846 inclusive — the quantity exported being sufficient to 
supply nearly two millions of inhabitants — and yet it may be 
safely affirmed, that the agricultural products of Great Britain, 
during that period, were greater in proportion to the population, 
than those of Ireland. 

The potato crop failed in Ireland in 1846 and in 1847, and 
has partially failed several years since. The failure caused a 
scarcity of provisions, and great distress, during each of those 
years, amounting in 1847 among the poor peasants to a famine, 
which swept off many thousands of the inhabitants by starvation, 
and by diseases caused by a want of food, clothing, fuel, shelter 
and bedding, sufficient to make them comfortable. During the 
years 1847 and 1848 considerable quantities of grain, flour, and 
meal were imported into Ireland from Great Britain and from 
foreign countries ; and the government made large expenditures 
on public works in that country, in order to employ the labor- 
ing poor, supply them with the means of making purchase*, and 
save them from perishing. 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 201 

"Why were those exports of agricultural products from half fed 
Ireland to pampered Britain ? Can the advocates of free trade 
account for the anomaly, consistently with their principles and 
theories ? My explanation is this. The exportation was the 
result of necessity produced by their condition ; by the want of a 
proper division of employments, and the employment of a suffi- 
cient number of persons in mining and manufactures, to supply 
their necessities ; by free trade with Great Britain, which supplied 
and glutted their markets, and prevented the growth of manufac- 
tures ; and by absentee landlordism. These causes compelled 
them to export to Great Britain agricultural products of the value 
of about .£3,500,000 annually, to pay their rents to absentee 
proprietors ; and about eight or nine millions sterling to pay 
British manufacturers and miners for the products of their indus- 
try, which should have been produced at home, by Irish labor. 
How could Ireland and the Irish people be otherwise than poor 
and depressed, under such a state of things ? They have more 
than twice as many agricultural laborers as are necessary to cul- 
tivate their little island, and they must necessarily be poor, until 
the surplus population is employed in manufactures, and the 
breadstuffs and provisions retained at home to feed them, instead 
of being sent abroad, to pay for products of British labor. 
Spackman* says, u The state of Ireland at the present time 
bears a strong analogy to that of England in the reigns of Henry 
VIII. and Elizabeth, when the land was overrun with beggars, and 
the most cruel punishments could not suppress the crime of men- 
dicancy." 

The present system is depopulating Ireland, by reducing the 
people to poverty, distress, and starvation — and driving great 
numbers out of the island. The population decreased from 
8,175,124 in 1841, to 6,515,784 in 1851. 

Sec. 12. General reflections on the effects of an improper 
division of employments. 
No people can produce very much, or be very flourishing in 
their condition, and be idle from one third to half the year ; and 
without a proper division of employments, and a large proportion 
of the population employed in mechanical, manufacturing, mining, 
and other pursuits, it is impossible to furnish labor for them all, 
and to avoid great numbers being idle much of the time for want 
of employment. In view of these facts, can any one wonder at 
the extreme poverty and distress of the Irish, and the great 
wealth and power of the British people ? Would an Irish Par- 

* See Spackman's Analysis of the occupation of the people of Great Britain 
and Ireland — published in 1847, page 50. 



292 

liament be of any use to the people ? Could it increase the pro- 
ductiveness or value of their industry ? Do not their sufferings 
and distress arise from an improper division of employments, and 
the idleness resulting from it ? from a want of mechanical, manu- 
facturing, and mining industry, to enable the people to provide 
themselves with comforts other than breadstuffs and provisions ? 
Do they not need better and more houses, more clothing, more 
tools and implements to work with, more tea, coffee, sugar, spices, 
&c. &c. ? and more employment to enable them to earn the 
means of paying for such comforts ? The same causes operate 
upon and depress British India, and all the British Provinces in 
America. 

These considerations apply with nearly the same force to our 
Free States, and to the Northern Slave States, as they do to 
Ireland. We can never clothe ourselves, and obtain all the 
comforts we need by raising breadstuffs and provisions, part of 
which are sold at extremely low prices, and a part actually lost 
for want of a market. The Irish enjoy free trade with England, 
and the benefits of the English markets for their agricultural 
products, which are of great consequence to them, and which we 
do not and never can enjoy ; and yet they are miserably poor ; 
and we should be equally poor, were it not for the more equal 
distribution of wealth and the products of labor, and the fact that 
our agricultural population being generally educated, and not 
subject to the paralyzing and depressing influence of Catholicism, 
are more industrious and ingenious in making domestic cloths, 
tools, and implements, and erecting and fitting up houses, work- 
shops, and other buildings, for their own use and comfort. In 
consequence of the division of employments being more in 
accordance with their wants, the value of the productive industry 
of the people of Massachusetts and Rhode Island is much greater 
in proportion to their numbers, thaji that of the inhabitants of any 
other State in the Union. 

Vegetables and fruits nearly all perish within a short time after 
they ripen ; flour and most kinds of grain cannot be kept more 
than a year or two without great difficulty, except in very high 
latitudes and a dry atmosphere ; and the same difficulty attends 
the keeping of almost every kind of meat. It is impossible for a 
people to accumulate the products of their industry of this kind 
for a series of years, and to keep them on hand waiting for a 
demand, and a market for them ; but they are obliged to dispose 
of them soon after they are raised, to save them from spoiling ; 
and whatever they produce more than they need for consumption, 
and more than they can find an immediate market for, is in most 
cases an entire loss. Whenever, therefore, in any country, more 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 293 

persons are employed in raising; perishable products, than can be 
consumed at home, or sold to advantage, the labor of the extra 
number so unnecessarily employed, is not only an entire loss to 
the community, but the clothing they wear, and the other com- 
forts they consume or enjoy, all constitute a draw-back from the 
earnings of their fellow citizens. 

The evil does not stop even here ; it Has been shown in 
reference to cotton, Indian corn, and some other articles, that the 
price of commodities is regulated by the relative proportion 
between the demand, and the supply in the market ; by an over- 
production of perishable commodities, not only the surplus not 
needed is lost, but that surplus serves to depress the market 
price of what is actually sold, so that a surplus is actually worse 
to the producers in the aggregate, than a deficient crop. How 
important it is then, that the division of employments among 
every people should be nicely and accurately adapted to their own 
wants, and to the wants of the commercial world ! that they 
should produce as far as practicable whatever they need for their 
own consumption and comfort ; and that they should produce 
nothing in any greater quantities than they need, unless it is 
wanted by the commercial world, and will sell at good prices. 

It is therefore impossible for a people to improve their condi- 
tion by the production and accumulation of breadstuffs and pro- 
visions, beyond what are needed for immediate use. Wool, 
cotton, flax, hemp, silk, tea, coffee, sugar, spices, and some other 
articles produced in warm climates, may be accumulated for 
future consumption ; but they are dead property while lying and 
waiting for a market. The metals, and almost all manufactured 
products can, on the contrary, be accumulated to any extent, 
and be preserved and kept in use for a series of years, either 
administering directly to the comforts and enjoyments of man, or 
serving as useful agents in facilitating his labors, and increasing 
the products of his industry and the comforts of life. None of 
the metals have ever been produced and accumulated beyond 
the wants of man ; and with the exception of the inhabitants 
of Great Britain, no people have ever produced or obtained in 
any mode whatever, a sufficient supply of tools, instruments, 
machinery, and utensils of industry, to increase to the greatest 
extent practicable, the products of their industry. Buildings of 
wood, well built, with proper repairs, will last and administer to 
the wants and comforts of man for half a century or more ; those 
well built of brick or stone will sometimes last for centuries ; 
agricultural improvements, such as buildings, fences, fruit-trees, 
drains, and under drains, with proper care, attention and repairs, 
last a great length of time ; and canals, rail-roads, and most 



294 AMOUNT OF OUK SEVERAL WANTS, 

other public improvement?, witb proper attention and repairs, 
will last as long as man will have occasion for them. Nearly all 
these things serve as active capital, are in their nature productive, 
and serve as agents to aid man in producing and distributing the 
comforts of life. They are not like the necessaries and luxuries 
we eat and drink, which are immediately consumed in their use, 
and useless until needed for consumption. They constitute the 
principal elements of wealth, and the instruments with which it 
is produced and distributed. Though the people of nearly all the 
nations of the civilized world, with the exception of occasional 
years of poor crops, can procure a supply of food sufficient to 
secure the greatest degree of health, strength, and longevity 
which is consistent with the climate in which they live ; yet no 
people, as a whole, not excepting even the inhabitants of Massa- 
chusetts and Great Britain, ever were provided with dwellings in 
such numbers, and of such kind and construction, as would tend 
to secure the greatest degree of health, strengtn, and longevity, 
which might be attained in the country where they resided. 

Those things, therefore, which are productive in their nature, 
together with good dwelling houses, clothing, beds, bedding, fur- 
niture, books, and other things, not perishable, nor immediately 
consumed in their use, are what we should strive to produce and 
to accumulate in this country. We should also strive to acquire 
and disseminate among the people useful knowledge and skill ; 
which constitute the most effective and valuable capital that man 
can possess. But the public mind in the United States has 
attached too much importance to agriculture, to the production of 
food and raw materials, and too little to the production of cloth- 
ing, shelter and lodging ; too much importance to commerce, rail- 
roads, canals, and other instruments for distributing wealth, and 
quite too little consequence to the agents and instruments neces- 
sary to produce it ; too much importance to internal improve- 
ments and the agents and instruments of transportation, and too 
little to mining, mechanical and manufacturing industry, which 
are necessary to produce the greater portion of the comforts of 
life, and the materials of commerce. Great Britain, Massachu- 
setts, and other manufacturing and mining states, are deriving 
great advantages from their railroads in the transportation of raw 
materials to be manufactured, and in the distribution of the 
products of their manufactures and mines ; but the great 
state of New York has at present (1851) comparatively few 
manufactures and mineral products of her own to transport. 
How much benefit is that state (with the exception of the 
cities of New York and Buffalo) now deriving from her splen- 
did canals and numerous railroads ; compared with what 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 295 

might have been derived, if the manufacturing policy had been 
pursued by the people ? With the exception of the people of 
those cities, have not the British derived greater advantages from 
those works, in the increased facilities of introducing their manu- 
factures into the interior of the United States, than the citizens 
of the state of New York have ? These queries are suggested 
for the consideration of the reader. 

Nearly all the cloth made in every country, and every age of 
the world, prior to the year 1767, was spun on a one thread wheel, 
and woven in a hand loom. Spinning, weaving, and making cloth 
in this mode, constituted a large proportion of the employment 
of females in every civilized country. It was common in ancient 
times for ladies of the first rank, and even princesses, to engage 
in such pursuits, and it was deemed honorable. In this mode, 
females were employed, and in this mode the people were fur- 
nished with clothing, until a comparatively recent period ; but 
the custom seems to have been mostly superseded by the use of 
machinery at the present time ; and Great Britain has been long 
striving to clothe the world. Where machinery for carding, 
spinning, weaving, and other processes in making cloth, are 
introduced, women and children can do a large proportion 
of the work ; their labor is rendered from ten to thirty times e,s 
productive as by the ancient processes ; the division of employ- 
ments is not deranged ; and no portion of the community need 
be without employment, where such manufactures are carried on 
extensively. 

But where the practice of manufacturing in families is aban- 
doned, and the people are clothed with the manufactures of 
other countries, there is scarcely any employment for children, 
and comparatively little for females. Where manufacturing 
cloth in families is abandoned, as it is mostly in this country, not 
over two fifths of the male population should be engaged in agri- 
culture, and the remaining three fifths in mechanical, manufac- 
turing, mining, commercial, and other pursuits. If, instead of 
having the male portion of over three fourths of our population 
engaged in agriculture, not more than one half were so engaged, 
and the remaining half were employed in other pursuits, the mar- 
kets would be well supplied, but not so much surfeited with agri- 
cultural products ; such products would rise in price ; the earn- 
ings of the half engaged in agriculture would exceed in value the 
earnings of the three fourths at the present time ; the country 
might be well supplied with cloths of every kind, and with iron, 
steel, copper, lead, hardware, and all manufactures of the metals 
made at home ; we should have no occasion to import metals of 
any kind except silver, tin, and zinc ; and our imports like those 



296 AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 

of Great Britain and France, would consist mostly of raw mate- 
rials to be manufactured, and of the products of tropical and 
warm climates, which do not come in competition with the indus- 
try of our own citizens. In such case, the division of employ- 
ments would be in accordance with the wants of the people ; we 
should produce everything we need, which our country is capable 
of producing ; and instead of selling raw materials at extremely 
low prices to pay for manufactured goods at high prices, we 
should export manufactured goods to pay for r.aw materials which 
we could not produce, or not in sufficient quantities for the con- 
sumption of the country. Instead of producing twice as much 
Indian corn and some other articles as the country needs, and 
half or two thirds as much iron, hardware, cotton, woollen, silk, 
and linen goods, we should produce about as much of the former 
as the country might require, and a surplus of the latter to pay 
for our tea, coffee, sugar, spices, and other products of warm and 
tropical climates ; and the balance of trade would soon be in our 
favor. 

Under the compromise act prior to the tariff of 1842, our 
country was filled with the products of foreign industry, which 
displaced so much of the products of the industry of our own 
citizens, who were consequently idle for want of employment ; 
many of them were obliged to live very poor, and were finally 
driven to agricultural pursuits for a support. The country be- 
came involved in debt for foreign goods, and eventually drained 
of its specie to pay for them ; agricultural products being still 
more increased beyond the demand for them, fell more and more 
in price ; and thus, by the system of free trade, the proper divi- 
sion of employments was disturbed, the productive industry of the 
country was lessened, and instead of producing what we wanted, 
we produced a great surplus of what we did not want, and ran 
into debt for what we did want. The tariff of 1846 is producing 
similar effects. 

It makes no difference what a people pay for any kind of neces- 
saries or comforts, provided they pay for them in the products of 
their own industry at corresponding prices. The price of the 
one equalizes that of the other, and the tendency is to stimulate 
the industry and increase the production of both parties ; but 
when one party refuses to take the products of the other in pay- 
ment, and requires money, the tendency is to paralyze the indus- 
try of the latter, in as much as it exhausts his means and fur- 
nishes him no market for the products of his labor, and no facil- 
ities for extending his business and increasing his industry. 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 297 



Sec. 13. Utility of competition — Injurious effects of excessive 



In as much as the price of a commodity depends not only on 
the amount of labor, skill, and capital required to produce it, but 
also on the proportion between the demand and the supply in the 
market, an increased production tends to lower prices, and 
diminished production tends to raise them. The public are 
therefore interested in having the supply of every commodity 
equal to the demand, in order to keep down prices to the general 
level of other products, which cost the same amount of labor and 
skill. A sufficient amount of competition to produce this result 
is useful to the community. When, however, the production of 
any thing exceeds the demand and consumption of the country, 
and the wants of commerce, the competition among sellers in the 
market is so great, that the producers are not only injured by the 
consequent depression of the price, but the labor bestowed upon 
the production of the excess not needed, is in many cases a total 
and in others nearly a total loss to the community. 

Though some individuals may derive benefit from the reduction 
of prices produced by excessive competition, yet they never 
derive as much benefit as the competitors suffer loss — for the 
reason just given ; that the labor bestowed, and the expense 
incurred in the production of the excess, is generally a total loss 
to the community. It is therefore a national loss. This rule 
applies to all employments, professions and pursuits. In the 
United States, we have many more lawyers and physicians than 
can live by their professions, and more than the wants and good 
of the public require. By excessive competition, they injure each 
other, without materially benefiting the public ; for the time of 
the supernumeraries is spent without advantage to the public. 
Such is sometimes the case with steamboat owners, stage pro- 
prietors, and other common carriers. So also with merchants, the 
great number in this country often produces so excessive compe- 
tition and great anxiety to sell, as to induce them to urge upon 
the people on credit, or at low prices, more goods than they really 
need, or are able to pay for ; and the result is, much extrava- 
gance — many bankruptcies and failures to pay, — great losses by 
merchants, and serious injuries to the community. 

An arrangement among the owners of coal mines in the north 
of England, to regulate the price of coal, by limiting the produc- 
tion and sale of it, has existed with some partial interruptions ever 
since the year 1771.* 

This is effected by means of a committee appointed by them ; 
who sit regularly in the town of Newcastle ; to ascertain the con- 

*See Porter's " Progress of the Nation," title Cod. 



208 AMOUNT OF OUR SEVERAL WANTS, 

sumption of coal, and the supply in the market — -fix the prices at 
which the various qualities may he solely and the quantity lohich may 
from time to time be shipped from each Colliery to supply the 
demand ; the quantity assigned to each, depending on the num- 
ber and size of the pits opened, the number of mines, and the 
amount of capital invested. 

The Coal mines of Great Britain are so numerous and exten- 
sive, that were it not for some such arrangement, the production 
of coal might at times greatly exceed the demand ; and thereby 
depress prices to so low rates, as to be ruinous to the trade ; and 
reduce to bankruptcy and distress, great numbers of persons em- 
ployed in it, and in the mines. By regulating and limiting the 
production of the principal mines in the kingdom, from whence 
coals are transported to London and other large cities, and adapt- 
ing it, (in conjunction with the supply from the other mines) to 
the public wants, prices have been kept steady, sufficiently high to 
remunerate persons employed in the mines, and in the trade, and 
the business rendered safe ; and yet the competition from the 
smaller mines in the kingdom has kept down prices to a reasonable 
standard. 

The Iron Masters of Great Britain have had frequent meetings 
and conventions for years past, to make reports, collect informa- 
tion of the production, consumption at home, and exportation of 
iron, the supply in the market, and the probable future demand 
for it — in order to increase or limit the production according to 
circumstances — adapt it as near as practicable, to the demand, 
and establish prices, by conventional arrangements among them- 
selves. 

A similar course (though to a much less extent) has been 
pursued by the cotton manufacturers of Great Britain. They have 
held frequent conventions, in order to confer together, and when 
the markets are glutted, the most of the cotton mills work short 
time ; so as to sustain the operatives by partial employment, 
and at the same time, to lessen the production, adapt it to the 
wants of the public, and keep up prices. 

The producers of cotton in the Southern states having learned 
a lesson of wisdom from these examples, have held conventions, 
collected information on the subject, and come to the conclusion, 
that the depression of the price of cotton from 1840 to 1S49, was 
caused by over production, beyond the immediate wants of 
the world, and by checking the increase of the production, they 
have succeeded in raising prices. 

Lawyers and physicians in all parts of our country, have been 
in the habit of holding meetings, conferring together, and regu- 
lating the prices of professional services, as far as practicable, in 



AND PROPER DIVISION OF EMPLOYMENTS. 299 

order to keep them up to a proper standard. Were it not for such 
conventional arrangements, and the sentiment of honor among 
professional men to maintain them, the spirit of competition 
would soon depress the prices of professional services so low, as 
to discourage high professional attainments, degrade the char- 
acter of the professions, and destroy their usefulness. 

It was common in England from the 12th to the 17th century, 
to fix the price of labor by act of Parliament. This system was 
arbitrary, productive of much injustice and oppression, and with 
the aid of monopolies then common, it tended to destroy compe- 
tition, and discourage and depress industry. It can never be 
expedient to fix prices by statute, except for official labor — not 
to grant monopolies, except for short periods of time, to encour- 
age invention, and to establish new branches of industry. But 
much good may be done by die government, and by associations, 
meetings, conventions, committees, authors, reports, books, news- 
papers, and other periodicals; by collecting and disseminating 
information of the quantity of the products of each branch of 
industry, and of the consumption and wants of the public ; to 
divert industry from employments in which it is not needed, to 
others in which it is needed ; and to adapt the industry and pro- 
ductions of a country, to its conditions, the wants of the people, 
and the foreign demand. These are the principal uses of our 
annual reports on commerce, and of the statistics collected by 
our national and state governments. Such information is not 
only useful, but indispensably necessary to the legislator, to 
enable him to legislate in such a manner, as to promote the 
general welfare of the nation ; for though the industry of a coun- 
try cannot be regulated with safety, by positive rules, yet much 
may be done by a system of patents, premiums and bounties, and 
by regulating commerce, to encourage the increase of such 
branches of industry, as may be needed most. 



CHAPTER XII. 

ON PRICES ; THE LAWS WHICH REGULATE AND GOVERN THEM, 
THE CAUSES OF THEIR FLUCTUATION FROM AGE TO AGE, IN 
DIFFERENT COUNTRIES. 

Sec. 1. Necessity of a standard, or measure of value — use of 
gold and silver as the. standard. 
In making exchanges or sales of property, a common standard 
or measure of value is necessary, by which the commodities 
exchanged or sold may be compared, and their relative values 
determined. The precious metals, on account of their utility, 
intrinsic value, beauty and durability, and the general desire for 
them, have been made the common measure of value, and 
universal currency, of civilized nations, from the earliest eras of 
history. In order to facilitate the use of gold and silver in 
making exchanges, governments have made them into coin — that 
is, they have assayed them and weighed and divided them into 
pieces convenient for use, and stamped them with a government 
stamp, as an evidence of the weight of pure metal contained in 
each piece, as fixed by law. Coin is called money, because its 
weight and quality has been ascertained and stamped upon it, 
according to law. Coining adds a little, and but a little, to the 
value of the metal, by ascertaining its true value, and thereby 
increasing the facility of effecting exchanges with it ; but the 
substantial value of coin, consists in the intrinsic value of the 
metal, for other uses. 

Sec. 2. Causes of the Changes in Value of Gold and Silver. 

The precious metals do not furnish an invariable standard and 
measure of value. It seems to be generally admitted by states- 
. men, and by writers on political economy, that the exchangeable 
value of gold and silver is affected, like all other commodities, by 
the amount in circulation, in proportion to the demand for them ; 
and that their fluctuations of value are often local as well as 
temporary, depending on the relative amount in circulation. 

The demand for the precious metals in every country is in 
proportion to the number and wealth of the inhabitants, and the 
value of their productive industry. When gold and silver are 
abundant, their relative value declines, and the prices of all other 



OX TRICES. 301 

things rise ; and when they are scarce, their relative value is in- 
creased, and other things fall in price. Hence the importance of 
giving the reader a statement of the amount of coin and paper- 
money in circulation in the commercial world, at different periods, 
and the amount to each person — to enable him to understand the 
causes of the constant depreciation in the value of coin, and the 
rise of commodities — from the year 1500 to the year 1S10 — to 
compare present prices of labor and products, with prices at 
any past period — and to understand one of the principal causes 
of their fluctuations. (See Sections 6 and 8 of Chap. X.) 

The value of all goods and products in England in 1696 was 
then adopted as the standard by which to estimate the value of 
all exports from and imports into the kingdom. That standard 
has been retained from that time until the present, and the 
commercial records of England show the fluctuations in the 
nominal prices of goods, from year to year, for more than a 
century and a half. By means of these records and other 
records of the prices of grain and some other articles for several 
centuries together with the facts collected and condensed in 
Section S of chapter X, of the amount of money in circulation 
at different periods, it becomes practicable to determine with 
reasonable accuracy, how much of the nominal fluctuations in 
prices have been produced by differences in the amount of cir- 
culating money, and how much by other causes. The amount 
of circulating money to each person I have estimated in that 
section as follows, — in the year 1500 at but $1,50 — in 1700 at 
$4,50 — in 1 810 at about $8 ; in 1840 at $5,30. It was about the 
same in 1850 as in 1S40 — Call the amount in 1696, $4,40, and 
we have an efficient cause (other things being the same) why 
products should be about eighty per cent, higher in 1810, and 
twenty per cent, higher from 1840 to 1850, than they were in 
1696. 

Sec. 3. On the Price, or Market Value of Products. 

The only fair criterion or measure of value of an article, is the 
quantity of other commodities, or money, which can be readily 
obtained for it in exchange, whenever the owner wishes to part 
with it. This, in all commercial dealings, and in all money val- 
uations, is called the current price. 

The price, market value, current or exchangeable value, of all 
commodities and species of property, depends on the proportion 
between the demand and the prospective as well as the actual 
supply in the market, and on the amount of money in circulation 
in proportion to the population, and industry. The demand* 

* See on this subject of demand and value, section 3, of chap. VI. 



302 ON PRICES. 

depends first, on the utility of the thing, and its capacity or sup- 
posed capacity to promote the comfort, convenience, and enjoy- 
ment of man, to increase his wealth, or to gratify his pride, van- 
ity, or ambition ; secondly, on the number of persons in the circle 
or district where it may be used, who may desire it ; thirdly, on 
the number of persons in that district who are able and willing 
to pay the current price for the thing desired. 

As manufactures are generally very valuable in proportion to 
their weight and bulk, most of them will bear transportation 
thousands of miles, in wagons, on camels' backs, packhorses or 
mules ; and hence the market for such products, and the district 
in which the demand for them exists, is co-extensive with the 
commercial world. But food of most kinds is very bulky and 
heavy in proportion to its value, and liable to perish in a com- 
paratively short period ; and hence the extent of the market for 
flour, grain, and meat, is necessarily limited by the nature of 
things, to a narrow circuit, which it cannot pass ; except at 
periods of short duration, when crops are deficient in other coun- 
tries, and prices extraordinarily high. In ordinary seasons the 
prices of rye, Indian corn, oats, and all other coarse grains are so 
low, that they will not bear transportation more than from fifty 
to one hundred miles by teams, before the cost of transportation 
will exceed the value of the article after it is transported. The 
intensity of the demand for food in any country, must therefore 
depend on the density of the population ; for the coarse grains, 
vegetables, fruits, and most of the flour and meat, must be con- 
sumed in the immediate vicinity where they are produced. 

The supply of agricultural products depends, first, on the cli- 
mate, soil, and season ; secondly, on the advancement made by 
the people in the natural sciences, and in the mechanic arts ; 
thirdly, on the number and proportion of the population devoted 
to agriculture, in the district of country which supplies the mar- 
ket, and the amount of capital accumulated and appropriated to 
agricultural purposes ; and, fourthly, on the prices of products, 
which generally affect very materially both the present and pros- 
pective supply of them. The supply of the products of mining, 
mechanical, and manufacturing industry, depends mostly on the 
same causes ; first, on climate, which determines the wants of the 
people and acts as a stimulant or otherwise to industry ; secondly, 
on their advances in the natural sciences and the mechanic arts ; 
thirdly, on the number and proportion of the people so employed, 
and the skill acquired, and capital accumulated and employed by 
them ; and fourthly, on the price of their products in the market. 
This fourth condition has much more influence upon the produc- 
tion and the supply of manufactured, than of agricultural pro- 



ON PRICES. 303 

ducts ; first, because manufactures are conducted by a much lesa 
number of persons, who are mostly capitalists and men of intelli- 
gence, who have their correspondence with each other, in relation 
to the markets, hold conventions, and to some extent regulate 
prices, by withholding a portion of their products from the mar- 
ket when the supply is too large, and prices depressed, by working 
short time, and lessening the production, until the supply and 
demand are equalized. On the contrary, agricultural products 
depend much on the season ; their quantity cannot be increased 
or diminished at will, by working twelve, eight or six hours per 
day ; they are perishable iu their nature, and cannot be kept very 
long on hand, but however much the market may be glutted and 
prices depressed, they must be thrown upon it before they perish, 
though the necessary effect must be to depress prices still more. 

Sec. 4. Natural limit to the demand for Food ; no limit but 
Poverty , to the demand for objects of Ornament and Fashion. 
There is a natural limit to the demand for food. Every per- 
son needs to sustain life and promote health, a certain quantity in 
the aggregate of bread, and of animal, vegetable, and other food. 
He may vary the quantity of the different kinds, but cannot 
materially increase the aggregate quantity, without making a glut- 
ton of himself. Here is an impassable barrier to the increase of 
demand beyond a certain quantity, though the demand often falls 
short of this barrier, by reason of the poverty of a people, and 
their inability to pay for as much as they really need. That was 
the case in 1S47 with the people of Ireland, the highlands of Scot- 
land, and some parts of France, but it was mostly confined to the 
agricultural population. On the contrary, to the demand for, and 
consumption of, fine and costly silks, satins, laces, muslins, 
worsteds, broadcloths, watches, jewelry, and other personal orna- 
ments, silver plate, furniture, carriages, horses, books, pictures, 
fine houses, pleasure grounds and gardens, objects of taste, fash- 
ion, and amusement, there is scarcely any barrier or limit, except 
the want of ability of persons to pay for them 5 and the passion 
for such things is so strong, that multitudes are ruined by indulg- 
ing it beyond their means. Such things, not being perishable in 
their nature, or not rapidly perishable, may be accumulated to 
any extent consistent with the ability of the people ; and they 
may be kept on hand by the producer, until they are wanted, and 
may be accumulated by the consumer for future. use. The man- 
ufacturer, therefore, has the advantage over the farmer, in the 
comparatively unlimited demand for his products, in their imper- 
ishable nature, and the small expense, compared with their value, 
of transporting them to any market, however distant. 



304 ON PRICES. 

Sec. 5. Effect of Demand and Supply on each other , and on 

prices. 

The production of articles, (the demand for which is limited 
by the laws of nature,) should be confined to that limit, and all 
the population not needed to produce so much as may be needed 
of such articles, should be employed in other pursuits. Supply 
and demand mutually act and react upon each other ; and where 
there is a proper division of employments, supply may be increased 
ten fold, and the demand still keep pace with it, and prevent 
prices from falling, if the supply consists of all the different arti- 
cles, and in the proportions needed by the community. For in 
such case, one class of producers would exchange through the 
medium of commerce, their products which they do not want for 
their own use, with other producers, for other products which they 
do need ; and thus the products of every man's industry would 
become available to procure for him their full value in such arti- 
cles as he or his family need ; there would be no surplus products 
thrown upon the market without buyers ; the market would never 
be glutted, and prices never depressed. In this way, the splendid 
conception of I)r. Smith, stated in the Wealth of Nations, 
might be realised ; production might go on ad infinitum, and the 
production and bringing to market a commodity wanted, would, 
through the operations of commerce and the stimulus exerted on 
the mind of man by the commodity itself, call into existence 
equivalent commodities to be exchanged for it at fair prices. 

A large surplus greatly depresses prices, and a deficit raises 
them. If the division of employments of a nation could be in 
perfect accordance with the wants of the people, and their mar- 
kets properly secured from over imports of foreign products, 
their products would be in accordance with their wants, and the 
wants of the commercial world ; the interchange would be made 
without difficulty ; all but the idle, dissolute, and infirm, would 
be well supplied ; there would seldom be any deficit, and never a 
large surplus to depress prices, embarrass and ruin producers. 

Sec. 6. The Prices of Labor are governed by Natural Laws. 

The prices of labor are governed by the same natural laws 
that regulate the prices of the products of industry. 

The prices of the same kinds of labor, both in Europe and 
America, are usually about fifty per cent, higher in cities than in 
the country. Manufactures are mostly situated in cities and 
large towns ; and the average wages of good journeymen me- 
chanics and skilful adult male manufacturing laborers, are gene- 





Agricultural 




Mechanics and 




laborers. 




manufacturers. 


15s. 


sterling or 


$3.60 


$7.20 


10s. 


a 


2.40 


4.80 


5s. 


it 


1.20 


— 


7s. 


u 


1.68 


3.36 


6Js 


u 


1.56 


3.12 


6s. 


u 


1.44 


2.88 


5s. 


u 


1.20 


2.40 






1.00 


2.00 



ON PRICES. 305 

rally about twice as high as those of agricultural laborers in the 
same country. 

Estimates of the average* wages of agricultural laborers, and of 
good journeymen mechanics and manufacturing laborers, in the 
United States, from 1S40 to 1850 — and in the undermentioned 
countries of the Old World from 1830 to 1850, per week, with- 
out board, from which one third should be deducted in case 
board and lodging are furnished by the employer. 



United States, f. 

Great Britain, 

Ireland, 

Holland and Belgium, 

France, 

Prussia and north part > 

of Grermany, $ 

Austria, interior of ) 

Grerrnany, and Italy, ) 
Spain and Portugal, 

The real value of labor depends on the value of its products ; 
but its price depends on supply and demand and the amount of 
money in circulation, and is determined by the proportion which 
the number of competent laborers bears to the demand for 
labor. 

In as much as mechanical and manufacturing employments 
require much more experience, skill, and science, than agriculture 
does, the number of persons who have attained the experience 
and skill required for the former, is small, when compared with 
the number of agricultural laborers ; hence the wages of agricul- 
tural laborers are low, in consequence of a great surplus of 
numbers ; and the wages of mechanics and manufacturing 
laborers are much higher, by reason of their numbers being less, 
in proportion to the demand for their labor. 

The demand for labor depends much on its productiveness ; 
that is, on. the quantity of commodities it will produce in a given 
time, and the price they will sell for. A people who have made 
great advances in the natural and mechanical sciences, and have 
accumulated a large amount of machinery, tools, and instruments, 
can make their industry much more productive than a rude and 

* These are intended as average wages for men throughout each country. 
Very skilful mechanics and manufacturing laborers will sometimes earn 
two or three times as much as here estimated. 

f The shillings in the first column are sterling money, for agricultural 
labor. 



306 ON PRICES. 

ignorant people, but little acquainted with the mechanic arts, and 
destitute of machinery. Hence wages among the former are gene- 
rally much higher than among the latter people ; hence wages 
are at present nearly twice as high in England as they were a 
century since — fifty per cent, higher than they are in France — 
about twice as high as in Austria, the interior of Germany, and 
many other countries of Europe ; and agricultural labor is nearly 
twice as high in England as in Ireland. 

The high prices of labor in the United States are maintained, 
partly by the skill, activity, science, and general intelligence of 
the people, which contribute to make their industry effective ; 
partly by the spirit of freedom which inspires them with the 
ambition to labor for themselves, and not to sell their services to 
others, unless they can get more for them than they are really 
worth ; and partly by the prospective value of lands in the new 
States. Agricultural labor in the North Western States is 
mostly paid for in barter, at prices nominally from twenty-five to 
fifty per cent, higher than its products would sell for in 
money. 

If manufacturing laborers in Great Britain and the United 
States were equally skilful and efficient, the real value of their 
labor would be the same in both countries, if the prices of manu- 
factured products were the same. It costs the British manufac- 
turer but a trifle more to send his products to the New York 
market, than it does the manufacturer of Massachusetts or of the 
interior of our country . If by means of under valuations, the 
imported products are subject to a duty of only twenty per cent, 
on their real value, the American manufacturer would have an 
advantage over the foreign manufacturer of only from twenty to 
twenty-five per cent, if the price of labor were the same in both 
countries — and consequently, the real value of manufacturing 
labor is only about twenty-five per cent, greater here than it is in 
England — though the price paid for labor here is fifty per cent. 
greater than it is in England, and more than twice as much as it 
is in France. The raw materials of fine cotton goods comprise only 
about one-fourth part of their value ; and the raw materials of 
iron and hardware are dug out of the earth, and cost not much 
but labor. Hence the foreign manufacturer has an advantage 
over the manufacturers of the United States under the tariff of 
1846, and the system of valuations in use, of from fifteen to 
twenty-five per cent., and hence the former can undersell the latter 
in our own markets, and at the same time sell at such prices as 
to make large profits on their business, whereby they can and 
have supplied our markets with the greater part of the finest 
quality of goods, and nearly all the hardware and rail-road iron 



ON PRICES. 



107 



used here — supplanted and ruined great numbers of our manu- 
facturers — thrown thousands of our laborers out of employment 
— and greatly lessened the aggregate industry of our country. 

Though the price of labor in this country has been generally 
above its real value, the superabundance of laborers in Europe 
has depressed it below its real value — and the consequence has 
been, that while capitalists there have oppressed the laborer by 
an unjust division of the products of labor — by retaining too 
large a share for the profits of capital and superintendence, and 
allowing the laborer too small a share ; in this country, the high 
price of labor has often injured, and sometimes ruined, the em- 
ployer. If the tariff of 1846 is to be continued, labor must- 
come down to the standard of its true value, as measured by the 
commercial value of its products, which is but little above its 
real value in Great Britain. 

Sec. 7. On the Prices of Lands. 

The prices of lands, like all other property, are governed by 
the relative demand for them, and the supply in the market. 
But as unimproved lands are generally unproductive, and can be 
made productive only by means of improvements made by the 
labor of man, the demand for lands depends ; 1st, on their pro- 
ductive qualities ; 2nd, on the amount of labor judiciously 
expended on them ; 3rd, on the demand for agricultural produce, 
and the price it commands in the vicinity ; and the demand 
for, and the price of produce, depend on the density of the 
population of the country. Two elements, therefore, in addition 
to its intrinsic qualities, enter into the price of land, which 
create the demand for it and give it value ; 1st, population 
in the vicinity of it ; 2d, labor expended in improving it, and in 
making roads, building bridges, mills, towns, villages, &c, in 
the vicinity of it. Lands in the interior of New Holland, Van 
Diemen's-land, Oregon, California, Missouri Territory, Texas, and 
many other countries, would have no value whatever, were it not 
that the increase of the human family renders it probable that 
at some future period, there will be a demand for them for occu- 
pation and use. There is, therefore, a prospective demand, which 
gives them some value. 

Population is an element of price and value ; whatever value 
lands may have in addition to the improvements made by human 
labor, must depend on population ; and is in proportion to the 
density of the population, which creates the demand for food, 
and therefore creates the demand for land which produces food. 
Perhaps it would not be far from the truth to estimate the 
average quality of lands fit for cultivation, or good for grazing, as 



308 ON PRICES. 

worth over and above tlie improvements judiciously made on 
them, about 10 cents per acre for every inhabitant to the square 
mile in the vicinity ; making lands worth over and above im- 
provements, in counties of 10 inhabitants to the square mile, $1 
per acre ; in counties of 20 to the square mile, $2 per acre ; of 
40 to the square mile, $4 per acre ; and of 60 to the square mile, 
$6 per acre ; and when you get above that number, the increase 
in price and value is much more rapid than the increase in popu- 
lation. 

From seventy-five to eighty per cent, of all the private property 
in Great Britain consists of real estate, and the buildings, and 
other improvements upon it — all the personal estate not much 
exceeding twenty per cent. Real estate bears quite as high a 
proportion to personal estate in this country and generally high- 
er in the agricultural states, than it does in Great Britain. Only 
about three-fifths of the whole value of the real estate in Great 
Britain, and about the same proportion in this country, was pro- 
duced by human labor, on the land itself, by buildings and other 
improvements, and two-fifths or more, comprising at least thirty 
per cent, in value, of all the property in every well settled coun- 
try, may be said to be added to the land by population ; which 
creates a demand and markets for its products — and by public 
roads and other public expenditures and improvements. 

Estimate of the value added by population alone to the real 
estate of Great Britain, and to the real estate of the States of 
Massachusetts, New York, and Ohio in 1840, and the amount 
added by each one of the population — calling such addition of 
value equal to twenty-five per cent, of the whole amount of private 
property. 

Value added. Amount by each. 

In Great Britain £760,000,000 

equal to $3,648,000,000 $200 

Massachusetts $82,000,000 $112 

New York $242,000,000 $100 

Ohio $86,000,000 $56 

These estimates may not be entirely correct, they are probably 
too low, but it is sufficiently correct for the purpose of illustration 
■ — to show the reader how rapidly an increase of population adds 
to the value of property — and that the same number adds three 
or four times as much to its value, in a densely populated coun- 
try, as they do in one very new, and sparsely inhabited. 

The prices of improved lands depend on the rents they will 
command; and the amount of rent depends on the surplus value 
of the produce, over and above the price of the labor and the 
costs of cultivation. The amount of rent and the price of Ian i, 



ON PRICES. 309 

therefore, depend much on the price of labor. Whore the popu- 
lation is dense, and there is a super-abundance of laborers, as in 
many countries of Europe, labor is usually very cheap, and 
produce, rents, and the prices of land are necessarily high. 
Where there is a super-abundance of land, and a deficiency of 
laborers, if labor is productive, as in the United States, it is 
usually high, and produce, rents, and the prices of land, are 
necessarily low. So far from the aggregate value of the property 
of the people of the United States being increased by an increase 
of territory, by the acquisition of Texas, New Mexico, California, 
and Oregon, and scattering the population over those vast coun- 
tries, it has been, and will be for many years to come, diminished 
by these causes. The prospective value of the lands of those 
distant regions is so remote, that they are not worth three cents 
per acre, in the aggregate, exclusive of the precious metals 
contained in them. So far as population gives value to land, a 
given number of inhabitants densely peopling a small territory, 
increases the aggregate value of the land much more than the 
same number scattered over a territory five or ten times as large 
So far as value is produced by human labor, combined labor is 
the most productive, and there is a great loss in scattering the 
population over a large surfrce, and thereby increasing the 
expenses of making roads and other internal improvements, and 
of transporting products from the producer to the consumer in 
distant regions. 

From these facts and illustrations, the reader may learn why 
the value of real estate depends so much on the density of popu- 
lation ; and why. farming lands, of an average quality, are worth, 
over and above the improvements on them, in England, 40 to 50 
pounds sterling per acre ; within a few miles of the cities of 
Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, $40 to $50 per acre ; in 
the centre of the grand prairie of Illinois, remote from population, 
timber, fuel, and water, and in the very new counties of Michigan, 
Wisconsin, Iowa, and Missouri, not over forty or fifty cents per 
acre ; and in the interior districts of Texas, Missouri Territory, 
Oregon, California, and New Mexico, not more than as many 
mills per acre. 

The only way to keep up the price of wild lands, and render 
the public lands of much value, is to adhere rigidly to the min- 
imum price of one dollar and a quarter per acre ; to give none 
away to individuals, and whenever grants are made to States, to 
prohibit their sales for less than that price. This system kept up 
prices nearly sixty years, until the large amount of bounty lands 
given to the soldiers and volunteers of the Mexican war were thrown 
into the market, without limitation as to price ; which depressed 



310 ON PRICES. 

prices nearly one half. The large quantities which will be thrown 
into market by means of the bounty land bill, (of 1850) may 
depress prices much more. 

It is now proposed to give the lands away, in limited quantities, 
to actual settlers. Such a policy would draw from the Treasury 
of the United States, the cost of extinguishing the Indian titles, 
of making surveys, and other expenses incident to the land sys- 
tem, and render valueless the whole public domain, all the school 
lands of the Western States, and all the lands granted to the 
States for making internal improvements, and for other public pur- 
poses. But inasmuch as the principal part of the value of wild 
lands in a new country, is created by population, — by improve- 
ments made in the vicinity — and by the prospect of an increase 
of population — it seems just and reasonable, that a portion of the 
value thus created by the early settlers, should enure to their 
benefit. In my opinion, twelve or fifteen sections in each sur- 
veyed township, of six miles square, should be appropriated for 
schools, roads, county, and state purposes. For example ; about 
three or four sections instead of one, should be appropriated for 
the support of common schools; three or four for making town- 
ship roads, and bridges, when the country is new ; three or four 
for making county roads, and bridges, building court house, jail, 
and poor house — and as many more for making canals, state 
roads, and other internal improvements. 

All such expenditures would enhance the value of the remain- 
ing lands retained by the general government, and at the same 
time increase the advantages of the settlers and relieve them of 
some of the burthens of taxation, which are often very oppressive 
in a new country. Such a policy would give them, in the shape 
of public schools and improvements, a portion of the value, which 
they themselves create, and thereby put them in possession of a 
portion of the advantages enjoyed by the inhabitants of the old 
States, which were produced and made by their common ancestors. 

Sec. 8. On Rents, and what regulates their Value. 
The prices of rents are governed by the same laws that regu- 
late the prices of products, labor and lands. The great regulator 
is the proportion between the demand for, and the supply of, 
improved lands. The intensity of the demand depends, first; on 
the density of the population, which affects the prices of products. 
Second, on the state of improvement and the productiveness of the 
land itself; and lastly, on the price of labor. Rent is the value of 
the residue of the crops after paying for the labor of cultivating the 
land and selling the crops, and for the use of the capital em- 
ployed. Hence the amount of rent depends mostly on the value 



ON PRICES. 311 

of the crops that may be raised, and the value of the crops 
depends on the number and density of the population that want 
them ; but the rent also depends some on the price of labor. 

In all new countries, where wild lands are abundant and cheap, 
where any man can procure lands sufficient to improve and culti- 
vate for a trifle, there are very few who wish to rent other men's 
lands for cultivation. Improved lands in new countries will 
seldom rent for sufficient to pay the taxes annually levied on 
them, and the interest on the cost of the improvements ; and it 
sometimes happens that the owner can scarcely get rent enough 
from good lands to pay taxes, the cost of superintendence, and 
the expenses of keeping the fences, buildings, and other improve- 
ments in as good condition as when they were rented. On the 
contrary, the annual rent of good lands, within a few miles of 
large cities in Great Britain, is generally from five to eight 
pounds sterling ($24 to $38) per acre. Hence we may deduce 
the conclusion, that the amount of rent which good improved 
lands will command, depends almost entirely on the number of 
inhabitants in the vicinity to consume their products. Hence the 
value of lands and the price of rents increase, with the increase 
of population. 

The modern Malthusian theory of rent teaches that it is the 
difference between the productiveness of first rate lands, and the 
inferior qualities of land, which are successively brought into 
cultivation. This theory and all its assumptions are fanciful and 
fallacious ; and all the reasoning in support of it is sophistical. 
The rich river bottoms in the new states, generally command as 
little rent as the poor hills above them, back from the rivers, for 
the reason that the latter are more healthy than the former, and 
as the prices of agricultural products are extremely low, the 
greater productiveness of the rich lands rarely compensates for 
their greater insalubrity. 

Sec. 9. Interest on Money , and Profit on Capital. 

The rate of interest on money loaned, depends much on the 
proportion between the demand and the supply in the market ; 
though the interest on the great mass of loans is regulated by 
law. The natural rate of interest, is the average profits which 
can be made by the use of property, which the money will pay 
for, after paying all expenses attending its use, and a reasonable 
compensation for superintendence. 

The profits on capital depend on circumstances. The profits 
on land may be regarded as synonymous with rents. They 
depend mostly on population, which causes a demand for its pro- 
ducts, but partly on productiveness, and some on the price of 



312 ON PRICES. 

labor, as shown in the last section. The average profits of im- 
proved farms in Ohio and all the North-western States, do not 
exceed, if they equal, three per cent, per annum, over and above 
taxes. One of the principal sources of profit from holding 
lands, consists in their average annual rise in value of three or 
four per cent., caused by an increase of population. 

The profits on capital invested in manufacturing, mining, or 
any other pursuit, consist of the residue of nett income after 
paying the wages of labor employed, the cost of superintendence 
keeping the capital good, and incidental expenses. Hence the 
profits depend on the field of employment, on the extent of the 
market and the prices of products, and on the prices of labor. 
The profits of the manufacture of cotton goods, iron and hard- 
ware in Great Britain, during the high prices from 1800 to 1815, 
must have been generally as high as from twenty to thirty per 
cent, annually ; and they have sometimes, for short periods, 
ranged as high as from ten to fifteen per cent, in the United 
States. At many other periods, the manufacturers in this coun- 
try have run their factories for very trifling profits, and sometimes 
at a loss, owing to the markets being glutted with foreign imports, 
the depression of prices, and the fact that laborers demanded 
more for their labor, than its products in the shape of manufac- 
tured goods, would sell for in the market. 

Though the wages of labor have been increased in Great 
Britain by mining and manufactures, and the condition of the 
laboring population greatly improved since 1*780, yet labor havirjg 
been very abundant, and labor of most kinds superabundant, the 
greater part of the time, capitalists have derived the principal 
and most extensive benefits from the introduction of machinery 
and the wonderful increase of the manufacturing and mining 
industry of the kingdom. In the United States, the wages of 
labor having been about fifty per cent, higher than in Great 
Britain, the result has been different. As mining and manufac- 
turing create a market for labor, and also for agricultural pro- 
ducts, they have benefited the laborer and farmer in this country, 
much more than they have the capitalist. Those branches of 
industry tend to build up cities and villages, and to increase the 
value of real estate both in cities and in the country. They have 
raised the value of all the farms, as well as other real estate in 
the vicinity where either of them is carried on ; and as the 
manufacturing capitalists of the United States are generally 
large owners of real estate, I presume that their manufacturing 
enterprises and business have benefited them indirectly, (by 
increasing the value of the real estate owned by them) to an 



ON PRICES. 313 

amount nearly equal to the nett profits realized by them from, the 
business of manufacturing. 

The profits of manufacturing being the residue after paying 
wages and all expenses, wages have been so much higher in this 
country than in G-reat Britain, that the profits of the capitalists 
have been much less, and perhaps on an average, not more than 
half as great as in Great Britain. This is shown by the vast 
accumulation of wealth in that country, and the prodigious num- 
ber of princely castles, and magnificent dwellings, erected during 
the present century by the manufacturing and commercial classes. 
Though the great mass of the people live in miserable cottages, 
yet the aggregate value of all the dwelling houses, out-houses, 
and pleasure grounds around them, in Great Britain, were worth 
in 1842 (according to the income tax) nearly three times as much 
as the same kind of property in the United States. 

The average profits of capital are now much greater, and per- 
haps twice as great in nearly all northern Europe, as they were a 
century since. This is owing to the greater productiveness of 
industry, more extensive markets for its products, and greater 
facilities for commerce. In the great chain of causes and effects, 
these things were caused by machinery, by new and improved 
tools and implements, by greater knowledge of the physical 
sciences, and by canals, steamboats and railroads, which in their 
turn have contributed to increase population and to enlarge the 
field of employment for both capital and labor. All those things 
mutually act and react upon each other. 

Profits having been high in G-reat Britain, capital has rapidly 
accumulated, become superabundant, and greater than the field 
of profitable employment. This has cooperated with the statute, 
to make interest low. The low rate of interest at home has 
encouraged capitalists to invest their capital in foreign loans and 
enterprises, and in manufacturing, mining, railroads, and 
splendid buildings, rather than to loan it at home at low rates ; 
and by these means, the increase of the wealth of the kingdom 
has been accelerated with still greater rapidity, than it otherwise 
could have been. 

The high rate of interest in the State of New York has had 
the contrary effect, and has greatly retarded manufacturing 
industry in that State. It has encouraged men to employ their 
capital as money lenders, rather than to invest it in manufacturing 
and other pursuits on their own account, and at their own risk 
— and 1 have no doubt that there is more money lent in that 
State, in proportion to the population, than in any other State or 
country in the world. The lender takes all the securities he can 
procure from the borrower, watches over him constantly for the 
14 



314 ON PRICES. 

purpose of increasing his own security, and often to take 
advantage of the embarrassments of the borrower, to compel him 
to pay extra interest or to sell his property at less than its value. 
All these things tend to create an antagonistical interest between 
the lender and the borrower, to embarrass and injure the 
borrower, and to discourage and destroy enterprise. On the 
other hand, in States where interest is low, capitalists are 
inclined to form limited and other copartnerships, to invest their 
money on their own account, and to superintend its employment 
themselves, rather than to loan it. It appears to me that this 
is one of the principal causes, cooperating with the system of 
manufacturing corporations, which has caused manufacturing 
industry to increase with so much greater rapidity (during the 
last thirty years) in Massachusetts and Rhode Island than it has 
in New York. 

Sec. 10. Free Trade theory of Cost and Price. 
Dr. Way land says, in the introductory chapter of his work on 
political economy : "The amount of labor expended in the 
creation of a value, is commonly denominated its cost. This is 
always the standard by which, for long periods, the degree of 
exchangeable value may be estimated. When, however, we 
here speak of labor, we speak of it as simple labor ; that is, 
without taking into consideration the degree of skill which 
may be combined with it, or the other circumstances which may 
conspire to create variation in its value. We suppose, in the 
remarks above, in all cases labor of the same kind is to be com- 
pared together. I have said above, that cost forms the standard 
by which the degree of exchangeable value for long periods is to 
be estimated. Temporary circumstances may create a variation 
from this standard ; and may for a short time elevate this value 
above or depress it below the cost. — These, however, can con- 
tinue to operate but for a short period ; the tendency of ex- 
changeable VALUE IS ALWAYS TO GRAVITATE TOWARDS COST." 

He says, in Book II. Chap. III. Sec. 6, "Although free com- 
petition is necessary to reduce -prices to their natural rate ; 
yet beyond this, competition, within long periods, can have no 
effect whatever. The price of every article is determined 
by the cost of its production ; that is, by the labor and capital 
necessary to produce it." 

Sec. 11. Free Trade theory of the effect of competition. 
He says in Book II. Chap. 1. Sec. 2, "that the general rate at 
which every thing is exchanged, is the amount of labor which it 
costs to produce it." The producer can never for a long period, 



ON PRICES. 315 

charge more than a fair remuneration for his labor and capital ; 
because, then it would be cheaper for the other party to produce 
it for himself. He cannot, for a long period, charge less ; be- 
cause in this case, he will be ruined, and must leave the employ- 
ment ; and thus the number of producers will be diminished, 
and the value of the product will rise to the average rats of profit. 
Nevertheless, for short periods, the exchangeable value of any 
product may be raised above the reasonable rate of profit. If 
the demand exceed the supply, there will be a competition among 
the buyers ; the more wealthy will overbid the less wealthy, and 
the price will rise. This rise of price will induce others to devote 
themselves to supplying the demand, and thus the price will fall. 
If the supply be greater than the demand, there will arise a 
competition among the sellers, and the price will fall, and will 
remain depressed, until either the demand increases, or until so 
many leave the employment, as shall reduce the supply to the 
average demand." 

Again, he says in his introductory chapter, p. 22 : "The 
moment the price of an article falls below its cost, it ceases to 
be produced, until the price rises. As soon as it rises above 
ordinary profit, capital and labor are directed to it, and it is 
produced in sufficient quantity to meet the usual demand. When 
the price of any article is low, men leave off this kind of produc- 
tion in too great numbers, and hence follows a comparative 
scarcity of the product which they furnish. When the price is 
high, men rush, in too great numbers, into this sort of production, 
and hence arises a temporary glut, and a depreciation of its 
exchangeable value." 

Dr. Wayland comes to the following general conclusions ; 

u l. Cost, that is, labor bestowed, is the foundation of ex- 
changeable value, and from which, it can never, for long periods, 
materially vary ; that is, an article can always be had for what it 
costs to produce it ; including in this, the ordinary profit of the 
producer. Notwithstanding this, there will, however, arise various 
fluctuations, depending upon the following circumstances. 
Other things being equal, 

2. The greater the supply, the less the exchangeable value. 

3. The less the supply, the greater the exchangeable value. 

4. The greater the demand, the greater the exchangeable value. 

5. The less the demand, the less the exchangeable value. 

6. And in general, cost being fixed, exchangeable value is in- 
versely as the supply, and directly as the demand. 

7. Or still more generally, at any particular time, exchange- 
able value will be as the cost, plus the effect produced by 
the variation in supply and demand." 



316 ON PRICES. 

The foregoing principles of cost and value, together with the 
assumed causes and facilities of the increase and diminution of the 
supply of commodities, constitute the foundation and chief corner- 
stone of the doctrines and principles of the Free Trade Party. 
They originated substantially with the distinguished author of the 
"Wealth of Nations ; but were much more fully developed by Mr. 
Ricardo, and more explicitly stated by Dr. Wayland, than by Dr. 
Smith. They were but partially adopted by M. Say, and en- 
tirely discarded by Dr. Chalmers of Edinburgh, in his Political 
Economy. 

Sec. 12. False assumption involved in the Free Trade theory of 

Price. 
This whole theory is based on the assumption that common 
labor, unaccompanied with extraordinary skill or science, is a cer- 
tain rule or measure of value, which determines the cost, and 
thereby regulates the price of every commodity produced by it. 
That is, if one article cost two days' labor, and another but one, 
the former cost precisely twice as much as the latter, and its ex- 
changeable value must necessarily be just twice as much, plus or 
minus the effect produced by the variation in supply and demand 
which (the theory assumes,) does not regulate, but tends to dis- 
turb the natural price. Both of these assumptions are untrue ; 
so far from labor being either a rule or measure of value, by which 
to determine the cost, price, or value of its own products, its value 
is equally fluctuating as the value of its products ; its value in fact 
depends mostly on the price or value of its products ; like every- 
thing else, its price is regulated by the principles of supply and 
demand, and the proportions between them ; and an increased 
demand for, and an increased price for its products, produces an 
increased demand for labor, and raises its price also. Both are 
mutually dependent on each other ; both are equally fluctuating 
and uncertain in value, and neither can be a rule or measure by 
which to determine the price or value of the other ; the prices of 
both are raised, depressed, fixed, regulated, and adjusted by the 
competition between buyers and sellers in the market ; the 
laborer being a seller of his labor, and the hirer being the pur- 
chaser. The proportion between supply and demand, that is, the 
competition between buyers and sellers, fixes and regulates the 
price and the exchangeable value of everything ; while the amount 
of labor required to produce an article, has only an indirect and 
incidental effect on its price, by increasing or diminishing the 
facility of producing it, and thereby affecting the supply. The 
proportion between supply and demand is the principal and 

EFFICIENT CAUSE, which DETERMINES AND REGULATES THE PRICE 

of an article, and the amount of labor required to produce it, is 



ON PRICES. 317 

but an INCIDENTAL CAUSE, which AFFECTS the PRICE INDIRECTLY, 

by increasing or diminishing the supply of the article. The free, 
tirade economists have elevated the incident to the rank of the princi- 
pal, and degraded the principal to the station properly belonging to 
the incident. 

Sec. 13. False Assumption of the facility of Labor and Capi- 
tal, changing from one employment to another. 

The theory of Free Trade, as above quoted from Dr. "Wayland, 
also involves the farther assumption, that laborers can change, 
and capital be changed, from one employment to another with as 
much facility as water runs down hill ; that by a sort of instinct, 
natural or gravitating tendency, the moment the price of an arti- 
cle falls below its cost, both laborers and capital leave the em- 
ployment by which it is produced, and it ceases to be produced 
until the price rises ; and that these shifting laborers, and this 
floating capital, are moved on by some irresistible natural impulse 
and rush into that species of employment, whose products are 
above the assumed standard of cost. In this manner they assume 
that by means of the impulses of nature, prices, trade, and all 
human employment, if unrestricted by human laws, will regulate 
themselves with unerring certainty, in accordance with the laws of 
nature and the wants of man, the same as water tends, by an 
inherent impulse or gravitating principle, to find its own level. 

This assumption I have drawn out in my own language, but it 
is substantially the same as that above Quoted from Dr. Wayland ; 
and it is not peculiar to him ; it runs through the writings of Dr. 
Adam Smith, Conde Raguet late of Philadelphia, and of nearly 
all the free trade writers of the age. It contains about an ounce 
of truth, to a pound of error. There is a slight tendency of the 
character assumed, but it is very slight indeed. It is much 
stronger among an educated, than it is among an illiterate people ; 
or rather it does not exist at all among the latter ; and the as- 
sumption in its full length and breath as maintained by the free 
trade writers, is contrary to the experience of all ages and coun- 
tries, sinee the commencement of the era of authentic history. 
The wages of agricultural labor have long been about twice as 
high in Great Britain as in Ireland. If the theory were true, this 
could not have been the case ; on the contrary, the average 
wages for labor would have been very nearly the same in all 
countries, men and capital would frequently change from one em- 
ployment to another, and the division of employments, and the 
productions of every country, would be adapted to its condition, 
and the wants of the people. 

Until a very recent period, such a thing as a change of the 



318 ON PRICES. 

laboring classes from one employment to another, was almost 
unknown ; and to this day, not only the laboring classes of Asia, 
but almost all those of the Continent of Europe, are nearly as 
much fixed and confined through life, by the stern laws of 
necessity, to the employment in which they were educated, as the 
everlasting hills and mountains are immoveably fixed in their 
respective localities. They have and understand but one 
employment, by means of which they can procure subsistence, and 
they are compelled to work at that through life ; and when sick 
or infirm to live on either public or private charity, or starve. 
Even among the people of our own free states, (the best educated 
of any people in the world as a whole), perhaps not over one in 
twenty ever attempt to change the employment to which they 
were bred ; and many who do change are injured by it. A child 
may be educated to one employment as well as another, but after 
pursuing any one for a period of fifteen or twenty years, the 
mental and physical habits become so adapted to it, that both 
mind and body in ninety-nine cases in an hundred, are unfitted 
for any other employment. All the way in which the proportion 
between the number of persons in any country engaged in the 
different employments can be changed, is by the education of the 
youth ; it is next to impossible to change the employment of 
laboring adults. 

It is so also, with most kinds of capital. Direction may be given 
to it before it is invested, but when once invested in agriculture, 
real estate of any kind, mills, factories, tools or machinery, it is 
invested forever, and can never be recalled. Though the owner 
of it may exchange it for other property, yet it remains the same ; 
and it is the owner only that is changed, and not the capital. The 
truth is, only the rising generation and newly created capital, can 
be turned into new channels, and established in new employments. 
And this can be effected only during the progress of a long series 
of years, by means of a system of training and education, both 
physical and mental. It cannot be the result of the self-regu- 
lating operations of nature, for nature does not teach man mech- 
anism, nor does it teach him the laws of trade, nor any of the 
physical sciences, either by instinct, intuition, or otherwise. 

Sec. 14. Errors of the Free Trade theory, arising from false 



These positions will be illustrated by reference to statistics, in 
the progress of the work. The greater proportion of the errors 
and heresies of the free trade economists or advocates, result 
directly and indirectly, from their two leading principles above 
stated ; both of which are assumptions compounded of truth and 



ON PRICES. 319 

falsehood, in which the latter greatly predominates. These prin- 
ciples, or assumed principles, are nothing more nor less than the 
old doctrines of fatalism and necessitarianism, slightly modified, 
and engrafted upon the principles of political economy. Fatalism 
and necessitarianism both teach that man is so utterly helpless, as 
to be incapable of either conception or action which does not 
originate either in the impulses of nature, or with the special ope- 
ration of the Spirit of God. They deny man all freedom of 
action, all freedom of will, and all power of originating action of 
any kind. The advocates of free trade are a little more liberal 
to him. While they insist that the prices of commodities and all 
the laws of trade are governed by the fixed and immutable phy- 
sical laws of the Universe, that men will buy where they can buy 
nominally the cheapest, and that man should allow himself to float 
down the current of time in accordance with these physical laws, 
exposed to the violence of all the elements of the material world, 
without ever making a struggle to resist or evade their destructive 
influences upon him, they admit his power to resist these laws to a 
very limited extent, but insist that his struggles are necessarily 
unavailing to do any good, and only contribute to make his con- 
dition still worse. 

Fatalism and necessitarianism deny that man has any power to 
originate any action whatsoever, whereby his condition may be 
changed, or affected, either for the better or the worse. The 
doctrines of free trade, following closely in their footsteps, deny 
that he has any power to improve his condition. They admit 
that he has the power to alter his condition and to change his 
fate ; but only to make it worse, and never to make it better. 
They inculcate the principle that man should always conform to 
the physical Jaws of Nature ; while true policy, in my view, 
requires that he should act in accordance with the moral laws of 
nature, as explained in the first chapter of these essays. Dr. 
Chalmers in his political economy, labors to show the importance 
of communities and nations as well as individuals, conforming to 
the moral law in all cases, in order to promote their highest 
earthly good and prosperity. 

Sec. 15. Tables shoicing the prices of Wheat in England from 
1120 to 1557. 
Statement of the prices in England of wheat per quarter of 
eight Winchester bushels, at various periods from the 12th to the 
16th century, in sterling money of those several periods ; and the 
prices also in the money of the present time. To which I have 
added a calculation of the price or value, on comparing the 
amount of the money then in circulation for each person in 



320 



ON PRICES. 



Europe, with the amount in circulation in 1840, calling tihh 
amount for each person in Europe and America at the latter 
period, equal to $5J and at all the former periods up to the year 
1500, only $1.50 ; in 1600, $3 and in the year 1700, $4.50 as 
stated in Section 8 of Chapter X. 



Price in money 


Price ir 


i money 


Compare 


of that time. 


of the present time. 


per qi 


In the year s. 


d. 


s. 


a. 


s. 


1120, 2 




6 




21 


1197, 18 


8 


56 




196 


1223, 12 




36 




126 


1237, 3 


4 


10 




35 


1243 and 1244, 6 




18 




63 


1257, 24 




72 




252 


1258, a great famine, 40 




120 




420 


*1270, a famine, 96 




288 




1008 


1286, early part of, 2 


8 


8 




28 


1286, after h'vy storm,! 6 




48 




168 


1290 and 1294, 16 




48 




168 


1299, 1 


8 


5 




17 


1317, before harvest, 44 




132 




462 


1317, after harvest, 14 




42 




147 


1324 to 1329, Ox.av. 4 


7 


13 


9 


48 


1349,1361 and 1387, 2 




5 


3 


18 


1359, 26 


8 


67 


4 


239 


1423, 1447 and 1451, 8 




16 




56 


1434, before harvest, 26 


8 


53 


4 


212 


1434, after harvest, 5 


4 


10 


8 


37 


1449 and 1459, 5 




10 • 




35 


1486, 24 


8 


32 


10 


115 


1494 and 1496, 4 




5 


4 


17 


1497 and 1521, 20 




26 


8 


93 


1553 to 1556, 8 




8 




28 


1557, before harvest, 53 


4 


53 


4 


186 


1557, after harvest, 5 




5 




17 



10 



Sec. 16. Average and comparative Prices of Wheat from 
1583 to 1800. 

Summary statement of the average prices of wheat per quarter 
of eight Winchester bushels, at Oxford, England, during the 
undermentioned periods ; also the highest average and lowest 
average for a year during each period ; being formed from an 

* There was in 1270 a famine in England, so severe that, according to 
Peckham, as quoted by Fleetwood, "provisions were so scarce that parents 
did eat their own children." 



ON PRICES. 321 

average of the highest and lowest prices of each year, taken at 
Lady-day (25th March) and Michaelmas (29th September). 
To which I have added an estimate of the comparative prices 
on taking into consideration the amount of money in circulation 
at each period, and comparing it with the amount in circulation 
from 1840 to 1850. 



Years. 
15S3 to 1590 average, 
15S6 highest " 

15S8 lowest " 

1601 to 1610 average, 
1608 highest " 
1604 lowest " 

1641 to 1650 average, 
1649 highest " 

1642 lowest " 
1651 to 1660 average, 
1659 highest " 
1654 lowest " 
1691 to 1700 average, 
1698 highest " 
1691 lowest " 

1701 to 1710 average, 
1710 highest " 

1702 lowest " 
1741 to 1750 average, 
1741 highest " 
1743 lowest " 
1751 to 1760 average, 
1757 highest " 
1760 lowest " 
1771 to 1780 average, 
1774 highest " 
1779 lowest " 
1791 to 1800 average, 
1799 highest " 
1794 lowest " 

Sec. 17. Average Prices of Wheat from 1S01 to 1S50. 

Summary statement of the average prices of wheat throughout 
England and Wales, per quarter of eight imperial bushels, 
during each decennial period from 1801 to 1850 ; also the 



Sterling money. 




s. 


d. 


Comparative price, 


21 


10J 


42s. 


36 


2 


70s. 


14 


H 


2Ss. 


29 


*k 


54s. 


44 


6 


81s. 


24 


4 


44s. 


46 


7 


73s. 


62 


6 


98s. 


32 


9 


51s. 


38 


5| 


58s. 


53 


1 


79s. 


19 


10 


30s. 


47 





60s. 


58 


1 


73s. ' 


29 


11 


38s. 


29 


34- 


36s. 


61 


10 


75s. 


24 


6 


30s. 


23 


H 


30s. 


43 


3 


45s. 


21 


1 


22s. 


37 


7 


38s. 


60 


5 


60s. 


26 


o 


26s. 


49 


h 


46s. 


62 


2 


57s. 


34 


8 


32s. 


63 


11 


52s. 


88 


11 


70s. 


49 


5 


40s. 



322 ON PRICES. 



highest and lowest averages during any year of each period, as 
ascertained by the receivers of corn returns.* 











Money. 








Years. 








s. 


d. 


Comparative price. 


1801 to 1810 


average 


j 




83 


11 




60s. 




1801 highest 


u 






119 


6 




90s. 




1803 lowest 


a 






58 


10 




44s. 




1811 to 1820 


average 


5 




87 


6 




66s. 




1812 highest 


u 






126 


6 




95s. 




1815 lowest 


u 






65 


7 




49s. 




1821 to 1830 


average 


? 




59 


5 




52s. 




1825 highest 


(c 






68 


6 




60s. 




1822 lowest 


a 






44 


7 




39s. 




1831 to 1840 


average 


J 




56 


11 




56s. 




1839 highest 


a 






70 


8 




70s. 




1S35 lowest 


u 






39 


4 




39s. 




1841 


a 






64 


4 


Year. 


s. 


d. 


1842 


a 






57 


3 


1847 


69 


9 


1843 


a 






50 


1 


1848 


50 


6 


1844 


a 






51 


3 


1849 


44 


4 


1845 


a 






50 


10 


1850 


40 


3 


1846 


u 






54 


8 


1851 


about 39 





' The average 


3 prices 


of wheat 


in Great Britain, 


per quarter 


,in 


1845, 1846, and 1847, were as 


follows : 












1845. 




184G. 


1847. 






s. 


d. 




s. 


d. 


s. 


d. 


January, 


- 


45 


H 




56 


1 


68 


4 


February, 


- 


45 


4 




54 


71 

' 2 


73 


31 


March, 


- 


45 


4 




55 


4 


75 


4 


April, 


- 


46 


H 




55 


6 


75 


4i 


May, 


- 


45 


10 




56 


4 


91 


1 


June, 


- 


47 


5 




52 


5 


92 


10 


July, 


- 


49 


3 




51 


7 


78 


10 


August, 


- 


55 


7 




45 


11 


70 


6 


September, 


- 


54 


5 




50 


1 


54 


3 


October, 


- 


57 


10 




May 29, 


102 


5 


November, 


- 


58 


10 




August 21, 


62 


6 


December, 


- 


57 


10 




a 


28, 


60 


4 



Grain was higher in England after harvest in 1845, than it was 
before harvest ; higher in October and November, than it was the 
following winter and spring. There was an alarm in the fall of 
1845 of a short crop which was not justified by the result ; the 
crop was better than was supposed, and prices consequently 
declined in the winter and spring following. 

* The Imperial bushel contains nearly 3)£ per cent, more than the Win- 
ehester bushel. 



ON PRICES. 323 

The potato crop of 1846, failed both ia Ireland and Great 
Britain ; the grain crop also was short, which produced a famine 
in Ireland and much alarm in England, and prices went up con- 
stantly from September 1846 until the last of May, 1847, when 
they attained their maximum of nearly 103s. per quarter, or $3 
per bushel- The high prices, together with- the opening of the 
ports, and allowing free trade in grain and flour, invited large 
importations, and caused great speculations in those articles. 
The importations into the United Kingdom during the year 1847, 
consisted of over twenty-one million bushels of wheat, nearly 
fifty million bushels of other grain, and over three million and 
six hundred thousand barrels of flour, besides considerable quan- 
tities of meal. The markets became overstocked and glutted, 
prices began to fall early in June, and fell constantly, until the 
end of the year, and much of the wheat which was purchased in 
May at over 100s. per quarter, was sold the last of August and 
in September at from 50s. to 62s. 

The result of so large importations was, that the balance of 
trade was turned against Great Britain, large amounts of specie 
were exported to pay that balance, a panic was produced, several 
banks failed, and about two hundred and fifty mercantile firms 
failed, whose liabilities amounted to over one hundred millions of 
dollars. 

Sec. 18. Comparison of the population with the products of 
Wheats and prices at different periods ; showing the poverty 
of the People. 

The facts stated in the foregoing three sections are of a very 
curious and interesting character, when we take into considera- 
tion the increase of the population of the island of Great Britain, 
from about 2,300,000 in the year 1200, to 18,527,439, beside 
the army and navy, by the census of 1841. It amounted in the 
year 1500 to about 3,800,000 ; in 1600, to about 5,000,000, 
and in 1750, to only about 7,800,000. In selecting the exam- 
ples, I have endeavored to take the highest, the lowest, and the 
medium prices, in order to present to the reader a fair view of 
the prodigious fluctuations in the price of wheat in the English 
market. On looking at the comparative prices (which are the 
real standard, on taking into consideration the amount of money 
in circulation at different periods), the reader will see that they 
were the lowest during the first half of the eighteenth century, 
that they ever were. In all the numerous examples I have found 
for the period from the twelfth to the end of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, there are very few where the comparative price was less 
than 20s. per quarter, many more where the comparative prices 



324 ON PRICES. 

were each over 100s. per quarter ; and the famine prices were 
from 200s. to 1008s. per quarter. 

The returns were made annually, without any omissions, and may 
be depended upon from the year 1583 ; and from that year to the 
year 1680, the average comparative price of each decennial period, 
was over 40s. per quarter, and the average of the whole ninety- 
seven years over 56s. per quarter ; while the average comparative 
price of each decennial period from 1700 to 1760, was less than 
43s. per quarter ; and the average of the whole sixty years hut 
37s. per quarter. The comparative prices of wheat were more 
than fifty per cent, higher on an average during the former than 
they were during the latter of those periods, though the population 
was about thirty per cent, greater during the latter period than 
the former. 

Prior to the accession of Henry VII. to the throne, in 1485, 
England was mostly a grazing country ; famines and famine 
prices were frequent, as shown by the foregoing tables ; and the 
prices would indicate and confirm the history of the country, 
that the people often suffered severely, and died by thousands 
and tens of thousands for want of food. The population was 
sparse, the people poor, and the exports of the country mostly 
confined to wool, a few coarse unfinished woollen cloths, tin and 
lead. Some wheat was exported between the years 1696 and 1767, 
but very little at any other period. Agriculture was at a very 
low ebb until after the revolution of 1688, when the annual crop 
of wheat of England and Wales was estimated at only 16,500,000 
bushels ; which is less than the present annual crop of the State of 
Ohio, and only one seventh part the present annual crop of England 
and Wales. But the prices would indicate that the annual crop 
was then (about the year 1688) not only much more certain and re- 
gular, but generally two or three times as large as it was ordinarily 
during the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries. 

It appears from the authorities collected by McCulloch, in his 
Com. Diet., title Bread, that during the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, only the wealthy of England lived on wheat bread ; 
that their servants and the great mass of the people lived on 
rye, barley, and oat bread, and were so poor they could not 
afford to live on wheat; and even as late as 1758, it was esti- 
mated, that but little, if any more than half of the people lived on 
wheat. The consumption of wheat during the last forty years, 
has been as large in Great Britain in proportion to the popula- 
tion as in any of our free States, and nearly fifty per cent, more 
than our free States will average. Eye and Indian corn, which 
are extensively used in our free States, are thought by the 
manufacturing laborers of Great Britain (who get good wages), 



ON PRICES. 325 

quite too coarse fare for their delicate palates. What has pro- 
duced this change ? Should it not be mostly attributed to the 
prodigious increase in the value of their mining and manufactur- 
ing industry ? 

McCulloch says in his statistics, title Vital Statistics, "If any 
proof were wanted of the inadequate supply of food and the 
unhealthy dwellings of the English people down to the 17th 
century, it would be found in the famines and plagues which still 
prevailed with little mitigation. They occurred in 1407, 1440, 
1477, 1485, 1493, 1500^1506, 1510, 1517, 1528, 1545, 1551, 
1557, 155S, 1563, 1569, 1585, 1592, 1593, 1606, 1625, 1636, 
and 1665. In 1407 it was computed that 30,000 persons died 
within a short time in London, while the mortality was still higher 
in the country towns. " He shows that the plague and other 
diseases swept off in 1593, about 31,891 of the population of 
London, comprising 24 per cent, of the whole, and that the 
mortality in 1625 was 31 per cent. ; in 1636, 13 per cent., and 
in 1665, no less than 43 per cent., amounting to 56,558. 

No wonder need be excited, that plague, dysentery, fevers and 
a numerous train of other diseases were often brought on by 
want of food, comfortable dwellings, lodging and clothing, and 
swept off thousands and tens of thousands of the inhabitants. 
The difference in the productive industry and condition of the 
country, and the comforts enjoyed by the people, is sufficient to 
account for the fact, that the ratio of mortality has declined 
nearly one half in Great Britain during the last two centuries ; 
and that the increase of the population prior to the revolution of 
1688, was usually only from 20 to 30 per cent, in a century, 
although it was nearly 15 per cent, every ten years, during the 
bloody wars of that nation with Napoleon. 

Sec. 19. Rent of land, wheat produced per acre, and prices of 
labor in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 
It is said in the Pictorial History of England, Chap. IV., that 
" Sir T. Collum supposes 4d. per acre to have been about the 
average rate at which land was let, towards the close of the 13th 
century ; and that the average price of wheat per quarter was 
4s. 6d., and the average produce about twelve bushels per acre. 
A century earlier, according to the law book entitled Fleta, land 
often yielded only three times the quantity sown. At a later 
period, sixty-one acres in the manor of Haws ted produced seventy 
quarters of wheat annually, on an average of three years." 
" There are items in the Hawsted accounts, showing that sixty 
persons were paid for one day 2d. each to weed the corn." This 
was the latter part of the 14th century. 



326 ON PRICES. 

The four pence rent per acre above referred to, was equal in 
the weight of coin, to 12d. of the money of the present time; 
and when the amount of money in circulation for each person at 
that time is compared with the amount at this time (1850,) the 
rent was equal to 3s. 6d. sterling, or about eighty-four cents per 
acre. The two pence per day for labor in the 14th century, was 
equal in weight of coin to about 5Jd. of sterling money at pre- 
sent, and equal in comparative value to about Is. 7d., or thirty- 
eight cents of the money of the present time. 

It is stated in the Chronicum, that workmen took their wages 
in 1351 in wheat at the price of 16d. per bushel; the nominal 
price being as stated in the following table ; to which I have 
added the amount in money of the present time, and the compa- 
rative value. 



Weeders and haymakers per day, 
Reapers, " 

Masons and tilers, " 

Other laborers, u 

Farm servants per year, 
Bailiff or overseer, u 
A first hind, " 

Carter and shepherd, " 
Cowherd and swineherd, 
A woman servant, 

These yearly wages are the prices fixed by the statute of 12 
Puchard II., Chap. 2 (about the year 1400;) and it is presumed 
they are beside food and lodging, though that does not appear by 
the act. 

Sec. 20. Value of Ships, Iron, Wool and Wines in Flanders, 

in 1470. 
In 1470, seven Spanish ships loaded with iron, wine, fruits and 
wool, on their voyage to Flanders, were captured by some 
English vessels, and brought to England. The owners applied to 
the King, Henry VI., for redress, and exhibited on oath an ac- 
count of the burden and value of the ships, and prices at which 
the merchandize would have sold in Flanders. The tonnage of 
the seven ships was as follows : one of 40 tons ; one of 70 tons ; 
one of 100 tons ; two of 1 10 tons each ; and two of 120 tons 
each. Their nominal value per ton, as sworn to, and the value 
of the merchandize, is stated in the following table ; to which I 
have added their value in weight of coin of the present time, and 



Nominal 


Price in money 


Compar. 


price. 


of present time. 


price. 


2ld 


6|d. 


$0 46 


d. to 6 


i 2 i 


92 


H 


I6J 


1 20 


n 


3i 


23 


31s. 


77s. 


$68 


21 3d. 


53 


45 


21 3 


53 


45 


14 4 


38 


31 


12 8 


31 6d. 


27 



ON PRICES. 327 

the comparative value when taking the amount of circulating 
money into consideration. 

Value in money of Comparativo 

Value sworn to. the present time. value. 

Ships per ton, £ 1.4s. £2.00s. £ 1\ 

Bordeaux wine pr. pipe, 6 9.15 35 

Bastard wines per pipe, 5 8.2 29 

Iron per ton, 11 17.12 63 

Wool pr. sack of 196 lbs. 5 8.2 29 

The nominal value of the wool as claimed, is a little over 6d. 
sterling per pound ; and its comparative value about 34d. or 68 
cents per pound of our money ; and the comparative value of the 
iron about $300 per ton. Iron must have been extremely scarce 
at that period, otherwise it could not have been so very valuable, 
when the price of labor was so low. 

Sec. 21. Exports of England in 1354, and condition of the 
laboring classes. 

This view of the value and scarcity of iron, and the value of 
wool, is confirmed by the following statements, extracted from 
Chap. IV. of the Pictorial History of England. " The most 
ancient record which presents a general view of the foreign trade 
of England, is an account preserved in the Exchequer of the 
exports and imports of England, and the amount of customs paid 
on them for the year 1354. The exports here mentioned are 
about 31,651 J sacks of wool at £6 per sack ; 3036 cwts. of wool 
at 40s. per cwt. ; 65 woolfels, (sheep and lamb skins with the 
wool on,) valued at 21s. Sd. ; hides to the value of £89 5s; 
4,774| pieces of cloth at 40s. each; and 8,061 J pieces of 
worsted stuff at 16s. 8d. each. Total value of exports £212,338 5s. 
paying customs to the amount of £81,846 12s. 2d. Wool would 
therefore appear by this account to have constituted about thir- 
teen fourteenths of the whole exports of the Kingdom." From 
other accounts, it appears that iron, tin, and lead were also some- 
times exported, which are omitted in the above account. The 
author remarks, " It may be presumed also, that iron was occa- 
sionally exported during this period, from the statute 2S Edward 
III., ch. 5, (passed in 1354,) which enacts that no iron, 
whether made in England or imported, shall be carried out of the 
country." 

The nominal value- of the exports of England in 1354, above 
referred to, their value in weight of coin of the present time, and 
their comparative value, taking the amount of money in circula- 
tion ir*to consideration, and estimating the sack of wool the same 
as the present English sack or pack, 240 lbs., and the pieces 



328 ON PRICES. 

of cloth and worsted stuff at 30 yards each piece, would be as 
follows : 

Export value Yalue in money Comparative 

stated. of present time. value. 

7,596.370 lbs. wool in sacks at 6d. pr. lb. Is. 4d. $1 17 

340,032 lbs wool in cwts. at 4j pr. lb. 11 84 

65 woolfels at 4 each. ] 1 80 

143,235 yds. cloth at Is. 4 per yd. 3 6% 3 10 

241,845 yds. wors'd st'ffs, at 61 per yd. 16 1 32 

The cloth exported was mostly of a coarse quality in an unfin- 
ished condition, and was sent to Flanders to be colored and fin- 
ished. The condition of the laboring peasantry of England must 
have been deplorable indeed in the 12th, 13th, J 4th and 15th 
centuries ; when the comparative value of their wages was only 
from 23 to 40 cents per day, and about $31 per annum, with 
board and lodging ; the comparative price of common woollen 
cloth from §2 to $3 per yard ; fine wool from 84 cents to $1 per 
pound, and coarse wool perhaps half as high ; and the compara- 
tive prices of grain and provisions on the average much higher 
than they are now, and often from two to five times as high. 
The sufferings of the laboring classes, and particularly of agri- 
cultural laborers, must have been constantly great for want of 
comfortable clothing and dwellings ; and when the crops were 
short and provisions scarce and dear, their sufferings must have 
often been intense for want of food. These are the principal 
causes of the mortality of children under five years old, having 
been nearly three times as great as it is at present ; and the mor- 
tality of adults, taking the years of plague and other pestilences 
into consideration, nearly twice as great as at the present time. 

Szc. 22. Prices of rents, wages, provisions, <Sfc, in the thirteenth 
and fourteenth centuries. 
Mr. Hallam estimated the average price of rents of arable 
lands, the latter part of the 1 3th century, at 6d. per acre ; the 
average prices of wheat 4s. per quarter of 8 bushels, and barley 
and oats in proportion ; sheep at about, or a little less than Is. 
each ; oxen at 10s. to 12s. each ; and butchers' meat, in the 
time of Henry VI., (1425 to 1464,) at 1§ farthings per lb. The 
statute of laborers, in 1350, fixed the wages of reapers during 
the harvest at 3jd. per day, they finding themselves ; that the 
statute of 1444 fixed the reapers' wages at 5d , and those of com- 
mon workmen in building at 3Jd., and established the yearly 
wages of a chief hind, or shepherd, at £1 4s., with food; and 
those of a common servant in husbandry, at but 18s. 4d., with 
meat and drink. These prices were established by law as the 
maximum prices which could be demanded by laborers, and Hal- 



ON PRICES. 329 

lam thinks them above the average rate of wages paid at those 
periods. In a note it is said, " In the Archasologia, vol. xviii., 
p. 281, we have a bailiff's account of expenses in 1387, where it 
appears that a ploughman had 6d. per week, and 5s. a year in 
addition, with an allowance of diet, which seems to have been 
only pottage. 

Taking these prices, stating then amount in money of the 
present time, and their comparative amoimt, taking the amount 
of circulating money into consideration, and the result is as 
follows : 

Price stated. Price in money of Comparative 
the present time. price. 

Rent of land per acre, 
"Wheat per quarter, 
Sheep, 
An ox, 
Meat per lb., 

Reapers per day in 1350, with- 
out board, 
By statute in 1444, 
Reapers per day without board, 
Laborers in building per day, 
Shepherds per year, £1 

Farm laborers per year, 
Ploughman per week, in 13S7, 

Sec. 23. Comparative condition of the laboring classes in the 
fourteenth and nineteenth centuries. 
These facts show that the comparative prices of the rent of 
land and the wages of labor were much lower than the products 
of labor, when we compare them with present prices. This can 
only be accounted for by supposing, that at that early age, the 
physical sciences, mechanic arts, and the standard of agriculture, 
were in so low and rude a condition, and agricultural implements 
of so rude a character, that labor was not very productive ; and 
that it then required about three times as much labor to culti- 
vate agricultural products, and even to raise animals in that cold 
climate, as is now required. Even the poor of Great Britain of 
the present day, need not envy the lot and condition of their an- 
cestors, at any time prior to the 18th century. The comparative 
price of common agricultural labor per annum, was then about 
$30 to $40 ; now it is from three to four times as much. Then 
they lived on bread made of rye, barley, and oats, with pottage, 
and a little coarse meat, barley broth, and water gruel ; now they 
live mostly, and the manufacturing laborers entirely, on wheat 



*. d. 


s. 


d. 




6 


1 


3 


-91 10 


4 


10 





9 00 


1 


2 


6 


2 20 


11 


27 


6 


25 00 


11 far. 




1 


H 


3i 




9 


66 


5 




10 


73 


H 




7 


50 


4 


4S 





42 


18 4 


36 


8 


32 00 


n 


1 


3 


1 10 



330 



ON PRICES. 



bread ; the latter have an abundance of meat, good clothing and 
comfortable dwellings ; and their earnings are generally so great 
as to furnish the means to gratify, and in their present ignorant 
state, tempt them to indulge in frequent dissipation. These 
facts and results are confirmed not only by the writings of Mr. 
Jacob and Mr. McCulloch, but by numerous other British 
authors. 

Sec. 24. Table of Prices in the sixteenth century. 
Many facts in relation to prices in England during the 16 th 
century, taken from Sir Frederic Eden's tables, are published in 
Chap. VII. of Book VI. of the Pictorial History of England, 
from which the following are extracted and the price in money 
of the present time, and also the comparative price added. 









Price stated. 


Price i 


n money Com. 












of present time 


price. 






Year. 


s. 


d. 


8. 


d. 




Mason's wages per day, 


1500 





4 





n 


$0 50 


do. allowed for diet 


> 


ic 




2 




H 


24 


do. wages per day, 




1775 


1 





1 


\ 


50 


House-painters do. 




a 


1 





1 


\ 


50 


Common laborers per 


day, 






8 




§i 


33 


Ditchers and hedgers 


do. 


1590 




4 




4§ 


16 


Gardener 


do. 


a 




6 




61 


25 


Pigeons per dozen, 




1500 




4 




6§ 


50 


Eggs per hundred, 




u 




6a7 




11 


80 


Chickens, 




a 




1 




1§ 


12 


A goose, 




a 




3a4 




5| 


42 


A lamb, 




u 




6 




10 


73 


An ox, 




a 


11 


8 


19 


5 


17 00 


A heifer, 




a 


9 





15 





13 00 


A fat cow, 




1589 


60 





62 





28 00 


A milch cow, 




u 


33 


4 


34 


5 


15 00 


A fat goose, 




u 


1 to 14d. 


1 


2 


54 


A turkey, 




a 


1 


4 


1 


4J 


63 


Pigeons per dozen, 




1590 


1 





1 


4 


50 


Butter per lb., 




a 




4 




16 


Beef per stone of 14 lbs., 


1597 


1 


llto26d. 2 


1 


90 


Cheese per lb., 




it 




3 




31 


11 


Sugar per lb., 




u 


1 


4 


1 


4J 


56 


Stockings per pair, 




1525 


2 


4 


3 


11 


2 80 


Shoes per pair, 




a 


1 


4 


2 


7 


1 86 


Stockings per pair 




1590 


2 


8 


2 


9 


1 31 


Men's shoes, 




a 


1 


6 


1 


8* 

3 3 


75 


Paper per quire, 




1570 




3 




15 



Candles per lb 
A shirt, 



Soap per lb., 
Coals per cauldron, 
Master mason per d 
Common laborer d 



ON PRICES. 








331 


Price 


stated. 


Pri« 


rn 


money 


Com. 






of pi- 


esei 


t time. 


price. 


Year. 


s. a, 




s. 


d. 




157S 


31 






n 


16 


1589 


1 8 




1 


8? 


85 


a 


8 






8J 


33 


1590 


9 




9 


31 


4 40 


1601 


1 2 




1 


2 


52 



10 



10 



37 



It appears that the comparative price of labor was as low in 
the 16th century as it was during the 13th, 14th, and 15th 
centuries ; while the comparative prices of food and clothing 
were quite as high, if not higher. In fact, labor was not very 
productive, and there was no great demand for it, until the im- 
provement of the steam-engine and the invention and introduction 
of the spinning-jenny and other machinery, the latter part of the 
18th century; and as population increased, the demand for pro- 
visions and all the comforts of life increased also, and the condi- 
tion of the laboring classes seemed to be more and more depressed. 
Such is the history of the retrograde condition of the laboring 
classes in all agricultural countries, which have but little manu- 
facturing industry. England in the 16th century, and Ireland at 
the present time, are not solitary instances. Were it not for the 
warmth of the climate, the suffering among the laboring classes 
would be nearly as great in Italy as it is in Ireland. 

Sec. 25. Contract Prices of provisions and labor at the Royal 
Hospital at Greenwich, from 1730 to 1835. 



TBABS. 


u 

ft 


u 
8jd 




ft 


CD 

s S 


Js" 


to2 




& 




ft 


ft o 


g^ 


5 ^ 


Is <s 




to 

o 




"13 




1 


OQ 


O -3 




d. 


*. d. 


s. d. 


s. d. 


5. A 


s. cZ. 


£ s. d. 


1T30, . . 


2 ! 


5 


5 


2 6 


2 6 


4 


14 


1T35, 






U 


3f 


4 


2 6 


2 6 


4 


15 


1740, 






3 


5 


4 


2 6 


2 8 


3 10 


19 


1750, 






21 

3- 


H 


4 


2 6 


2 8 


3 9 


i 7 ih 


1760, 






51 


4 


2 6 


2 8 


4 


1 12 8 


1770, 






3 


6* 


4 8 


2 6 


2 8 


4 


1 9 IX 


17S0, 






n 


6^ 


4 8 


2 6 


2 10 


3 1U 


1 17 3u 


1790, 






85 


6£ 


4 8 


2 6 


2 10 


3 Hi 


1 14 4J| 


1S00, 






61 


U* 


14 


2 10 


2 10 


5 8 


2 11 7 


1805, 






6| 


U* 


16 101 


4 6 


5 


5 9 


2 11 SK 


1S10, 






7* 


1 11 


19 9 


5 S 


5 8 


5 6 


3 8 


1S15, 






7| 


1 2 


19 9 


5 6 


5 9 


4 7 


2 15 6>4 


1S20, 






6£ 


n 


19 9 


5 3 


5 3 


4 4£ 


2 5 9 


1S25, 






101 


2 10 


5 


5 


4 6 


2 3 2 


1S30, 






4| 


4 


1 8 


5 6 


5 5 


3 6 


1 12 11 


1S35, 






4§ 


7i 


1 3 


5 5 


5 3 


3 8* 


I 16 8 

[ per ton. 


1831 to '8 


5ave 


rage. 


4£ 


8* 


1 GJ- 


5 5 


5 3 


3 6£ 



332 ON PRICES. 

The number of inmates of the hospital in 1830 is stated to 
have been 2,710. The quantities of provisions consumed must 
have been large, and the prices wholesale, not retail ; but as it is 
located only five miles from London where provisions and labor 
are the highest of any place in the kingdom, the prices may be 
regarded as about equal to the average of retail prices throughout 
the island of Great Britain. A chaldron of coals, (36 bushels,) 
generally weighs about 3,000 lbs. or nearly 27 cwt. gross ; 
and is equal to nearly two cords of hard wood of average quality. 

The population of the island of Great Britain in 1730 was 
about 7,200,000, and in 1830 about 16,200,000 ; so that during 
the century the demand for provisions more than doubled, and 
the supply of laborers more than doubled ; and though the com- 
parative prices of provisions kept pace with the increase of popu- 
lation, and nearly doubled also ; yet the demand for labor 
increased more rapidly than the laborers, and the comparative 
wages of carpenters and masons more than doubled during the 
century. It should be remarked, also, that most kinds of clothing, 
coal for fuel, and salt, declined in price during this period, so 
that, on the whole, the wages of labor would command nearly 
twice as many of the comforts of life in the aggregate in 1830, as 
they would in 1730. 

Sec. 26. Exports from London to France, and Prices of the 

same in 1751 ; and the official value of goods. 

An account of the export of certain articles from the port of 

London to France, during the year 1751, and the Custom-House 

value of the same, which was the official value fixed in the year 



1696. See Lex Mercatoria, 


515 to 520. 












Quantity. 


Price. 




Brass, wrought, cwt., 


- 


550 


£8 








Copper, do 


- 


50 


5 








Iron, tons, 


- 


25 


12 


10 


tol7j/. 


Cast-iron do. 


- 


741 . 


12 


10 





Iron do. 


- 


2 


14 





to 18/. 


Iron, wrought, lbs. 


- 


6,134 


2 





pr.cwt. 


Lead, cwt. 


- 


1,832 





12 


°i 


Shot, do. 


- 


605 





14 





Tin, do. 


- 


606 


3 


15 





Gunpowder, lbs. 


- 


800 








7 to7J d. 


Coals, chaldrons, 


- 


42 


1 


5 





Earthenware, pieces, 


- 


17,800 








1 


Grlass, do. 


- 


7,200 








8 


Stoneware, do. 


- 


200 








2 


Butter, firkins, 


_ 


530 


1 








Cheese, cwts., 


- 


32 


1 


5 






Coffee, lbs., 
Rice, lbs., 
Pepper, lbs., 
Pimento, lbs., - 
Raisins, lbs., 
Tobacco, lbs., - 
Beans, qrs., 
Wheat, qrs., - 
Wheat meal, qrs., 
Barley, qrs., 
Rye, qrs., 
Oats, qrs., 
Cloths, long, - 

Do. short, 
Frieze, yards, - 
Flannel, do. 
Linen, do. 

Do. ells, 
Diaper, yards, 
Wool, sheep's, lbs., 

Do. lamb's, lbs., 
Shoes, doz. pairs, 
Hats, doz. 
Cordage, tons, - 
Hemp, cwt., 

Total value, 



ON PRICES. 




33. 


Quantity. 
14,896 
632,464 


Price. 
£0 1 8J 
2 to 2| 


219,699 
56,459 



1 


11 




1,200 nearly, 
■ 3,270,688 
1,765 






1 1 


3| 

3 




57,3S0 


1 4 to 34s. 


1,582 


1 16 to 51s. 


410 


15 





5,200 


13 to 15s. 


200 


10 to 15s. 


556 


10 





81 


8 





250 


3 





1,730 


1 





3,000 
19,100 


1 
1 


4 

8 


210 


1 


4 


26,988 


2 





250 


1 


6 


280 


10 





10 


2 10 





130 


1 5 





758 


17 


to 22is. 



£272,199 16 10 



Among the imports from France into London the same year, 
1751, are stated the following articles : 



Price. 









£ s. 


d 


Cambrics, sup. half 


pieces, 


20,506 at 


1 





Cotton yarn, lbs., 


- 


896 " 


1 


6 


Thread, lbs., - 


- 


3,621 " 


15 





Twist, doz., - 


- 


252 " 


10 





Linen, ells, 


- 


6,581 " 


1 


s 


Iron, tonsj 


- 


11 " 


12 10 





Indigo, lbs., - 


- 


657,441 " 


2 


6 


Eggs, 


- 


6,000 " 


2 


per 



From the account, I infer that the official value of cast-iron is 
£12 10s. per ton; of bar-iron, £12 10s. per ton ; of bolt and 
rod-iron, £17 10s. ; and of wrought iron made into chain cables, 
anchors, &c. £40 per ton. The prices of all the articles stated 
in the foregoing table may be regarded as their official value at 
the present time, and as their average market value in Great 
Britain in 1696, (when the standard of official values was adopted,) 



Official Value. 






Yalue in En 


glish 


In dollars 


Average rates 
of market val. 


money 




and cents. 


£ 


s. 


d. 




£ 


s. d. 


d, 


1 


3 


$0 30 





6 





1 


6 


36 





8| 





1 


8 


40 





7f 





1 


10 


44 





9| 





1 


3 


30 





8g 





2 


6 


60 





101 








8 


16 





3 





10 





2 40 





3 21 





2 


6 


60 





111 





4 





96 





3 31 


s. 10 








48 00 


7 


5 



334 ON PRICES. 

and during several preceding years. In this view, it is exceed- 
ingly important in aiding the inquirer to institute a comparison 
between the prices of articles at the present time, and their prices 
in 1696. 

Mr. Baine, in his History of the Cotton Manufacture, p. 351, 
gives the official valuation of cotton goods, and their average 
declared or market value in 1829, as follows : 



Calicoes, white or plain, per yard. 

Do. printed or checked do. 
Muslins, white or plain, do. 

Do. printed or checked do. 
Cot. and linen cloth, mixed do. 
Fustians, velvets, &c, do. 

Lace and patent net, do. 

Counterpanes each, do. 

Stockings per pair, do. 

Cotton sewing thread per lb. 
Cotton twist and yarn per 112 lbs. 10 

The .£10 per 1 12 lbs. for twist and yarn is equivalent to nearly 
Is. 9id. or 43 cents per lb. These are the only data I have 
met with of the standard adopted in 1696 fixing the official value 
of goods. They show the value of cotton and linen cloths about 
the same — that is, linen Is. 4d. per yard, plain cotton calicoes, 
muslins, shirtings, sheetings, &c, Is. 3d. ; printed, dyed, or 
colored, Is. 6d., and flannel made of wool only Is. per yard. 
They show also the effect of supply and demand on prices. The 
prices of cotton yarn per lb. indicate that raw cotton must have 
been much cheaper at that time, (1696,) when the demand for 
it in Europe was very trifling, than it was in 1780, when the 
demand was about five times as great as at the former period. 
The cotton is said to waste in cleaning, picking, carding, roving, 
and spinning about 1J oz. in a pound, and that 100 lbs. of cotton 
will make only about 90 lbs. of yarn ; and in Massachusetts, on 
coarse cotton, the waste is estimated at 11 lbs. in 100. If the 
yarn was worth only Is. 9|d. per lb. the yarn spun out of a pound of 
cotton was worth less than Is. 7Jd. Both the cotton and the 
cotton yarn were mostly imported from India, where the yarn 
was spun by females, whose labor was only 2d., or 4 cents 
per day. Perhaps the value of the cotton might have been 
estimated higher than the labor of spinning it even on a one- 
thread wheel. Call the cotton lOd. per lb., and it would leave 
but 9id. for spinning ; and even this price is less than half the 
average price of cotton in England in 1780, which is stated by 



ON PRICES. 



335 



Mr. Baine at about 32d. per lb. The probability is, that none 
bat a very inferior quality of cotton was spun as early as 1696, 
for sale in yarn, as the official value of cotton sewing thread is 
stated at 4s. per lb., or more than twice as much as cotton yarn. 

Sec. 27. Official and declared values of the leading articles 
exported from Great Britain in 1832 and 1834. 
Account of the official and also the declared or market value 
of the British and Irish products and manufactures exported 
from the United Kingdom during the years 1832 and 1834, to 
which I have added the per cent, which the declared values bear 
to the official values. See 1st Murray's Encyclopaedia of Greo- 
graphy. 

In 1832. In 1834. 

£ £ £ £ 





Official 


Declared ; per 


Official Declared 'per 




value. 


value, cent 


value. | value, 'cent 


Cotton manufactures, 


37,206.4S0 


12.675,622 


34 


44.266.903 15.302.571 34 


Cotton yarn, 


6,726,503 


4,722.759 


70 


6,802,238, 5,211,015 76 


Linen manufactures. 


2,755,549 


1,774,726 


64 


3,850,764 2.443.345 63 


Linen yarn, 


5.S9S 


8,705 


147 


S2,lfi9. 136,312 100 


Silk manufactures, 


475,166 


529.990 


111 


533.683! 637.198 125 


Wool, sheep's, 


149.991 


219,650 


146 


81,388 192,176 236 


Woollen manufactures, 


6,556.294 


5.244,558 


80 


6,514,703 5,736.870 58 


Woollen and -worsted yarn, 


122,125 


235.307 


192 


99,9:33 238,544 239 


Brass and copper manufactures, . 


1,126,247 


916.563 


SI 


1,086.594' 961.823 89 


Hardware and cutlery, 


878,362 1 1,434.431 


163 


947.477 1.455.233:157 


Iron & steel, -wrought & unwrought, 


2,408,184 1,190,74S 


49 


2,621,672 1.406.S72 53 


Tin, wrought and unwrought, 


358,2591 355,056 


99 


370.1 t6| 370.882 100 


Soap and candles, . 


348,286 315.645 


90 


3S2,198 203.972, 09 


Salt, 


353,825 149. 67S 


42 


371,470| 152,127, 41 


Sugar, refined, 


1.292.459: 1.088.790 


80 


1,141,566 


916,391] 80 


All other articles, . 


4,232,981 5,532,293 


126 


4,678,680 


6.194,35^ 132 


Total, .... 


£65,026.699 36,344,521 


56 


73,831.549 


41,649.189, 56J£ 


Whereof from Great Britain, 


£64,582,034 35,946,024 




73,495,534|41,286,592| 


From Ireland, . , 


444,665 


398,497 




336,015 


362,5971 



By comparing the articles in the foregoing table and the per 
cent, which their declared or market value bears to the official 
value of the same articles as stated in section 26, the reader can 
calculate not only the variations in price, the rise in many cases, 
as well as the fall in others, but he can also calculate the average 
Custom House price per yard, pound, ton, &c, of many of the 
articles. It shows many curious facts. Hardware and cutlery 
advanced in price about 60 per cent., while iron, which consti- 
tutes the principal material of which they are made, fe'.l 50 per 
cent. See Sec. 31, of this chapter. The price of cotton yarn 
was, comparatively, little lower in 1832 than in 1696 ; though 
the price of cotton as I have estimated it was lOd. per lb. in 
1696 and only about 6Jd. duty paid, in 1832 ; and the process 
of picking, carding, roving and spinning by machinery, enabled a 
given number of persons to produce at least 30 times as many 
pounds of yarn at the latter, as they could at the former period. 



336 ON PRICES. 

Similar remarks may be applied to woollen and linen yarn, both 
of which are spun and mostly woven also by machinery. One 
person can tend two or three power looms, and weave ten or 
twelve times as much as in the old-fashioned hand looms, before 
the introduction of the fly-shuttle, which was as late as 1738. 
These facts show that there is no comparison between the decline 
in the prices of cotton, woollen, linen and silk goods, and also in 
hardware and cutlery and the metals generally, and the diminu- 
tion of labor required to produce them, by means of the invention, 
introduction and improvement in machinery during the last cen- 
tury ; and that though wages have increased, yet the profits of 
manufacturers in England must have increased also, most enor- 
mously. 

The labor saved in cleaning, picking, carding, roving, and 
spinning cotton into yarn by means of machinery, must be at 
least 96 per cent., while the saving in weaving is only from 80 to 
90 per cent. ; and yet the decline in the price of woven fabrics 
up to 1S32 was about twice as great as on cotton yarn. This 
shows the effect of American competition in woven fabrics. 
While the British manufacturers must compete with the Ameri- 
cans in the sale of cotton cloths, they supply the markets of the 
world with cotton yarn without a competitor ; and as Germany, 
Russia, and all the nations of Northern Europe, are but little 
advanced in manufacturing, have but few manufacturers, few 
skilful workmen, and very little machinery, or capital invested 
in spinning cotton, and manufactures are mostly of a domestic 
character, families find it cheaper to buy cotton yarn at high 
prices, and to weave it themselves, than to buy the cloth already 
woven. 

The British exports in 1845 of plain or white calicoes, shirting 
and sheetings, which come into competition with American goods, 
amounted to 613,138,645 yards, at the declared value of 
£8,302,919. The weight of cotton yarn reported as exported 
in those goods amounted to 146,897,796 pounds, at an average 
value of only Is. l|d. The same year, the cotton yarn exported, 
exclusive of thread, amounted to 131,937,935 pounds, valued at 
-£6,596,897 sterling, equal to Is. per pound of yarn. On 
comparing the number of yards exported with the pounds of yarn 
contained in them, it appears that each pound of yarn was made 
into nearly 4j yards of cloth; and this 4£ yards of cloth is sold, 
in consequence of American competition, at only ljd. or three 
cents more than a pound of yarn ; so that the only compensation 
the manufacturer got for weaving it, (if the yarn was sold at fair 
prices,) was ljd. for 4 J yards, or a little over Jd. sterling, or J a 
cent per yard. If the cloth was sold at a fair profit, the profits 
on the yarn must have been very great. 



ON TRICES. 



33"7 



Sec. 28. Official and declared Values of British Exports annually 
from 1798 to 1S45 ; and the, Amount to the U. States since 1821. 
Account of the Official and Declared or real value in 
millions of pounds sterling, of British and Irish products and 
manufactures exported during the following years ; together with 
the proportion per cent, that the declared or real value bears to 
the official value ; and the per cent, of money in circulation to 
each person, compared with the amount in 1696. 

Declar'd value of I 



Official value. 


Declar'd value. 


£18.5 


£31.2 


22.8 


36.9 


24.5 


39.7 


25.1 


45.1 


20.0 


36.1 


22.1 


37.1 


22.9 


37.2 


33.2 


47 


32.2 


43.4 


41.7 


49.6 


32.9 


34.2 


37.8 


35.5 


4S 


37.6 


46.4 


38 


40.3 


30.8 


60.4 


37.6 


60 


36.6 


64.5 


36 


69.6 


39.3 


73.4 


41.2 


77.9 


46.9 


84.8 


53. 


72.3 


41.9 


92.4 


■ 50 


97.4 


53.2 


102.7 


51.4 


102.1 


51.6 


100.2 


47.3 


117.8 


52.2 


131.5 


58.5 


134.5 


60.1 


164.5 


63.5 



pr ct. 

dee'd 

val. 



British and Irish 

products exported 

to the U. States 

by the British 

reports. 



168.4 
162.8 
162.3 
179.3 
ISO 
167.7 
162.5 
141.1 
135 
119 
104 
94 
78.3 
81.9 
76.4 
62.3 
61 
55.8 
56.4 
56.4 
60.2 
62.4 
57.9 
54.1 
54.6 
50 
50.4 
47.3 
44.4 
44.5 
44.7 
38.7 



£6.1 
9 

5.4 
7.5 
6.S 
10.5 
12.4 
4.6 
7.5 
8.8 
5.2 
7 

3.5 
5 
7.9 

11.9 



Per Cent 
of money. 



100 
150 
155 
157 
160 
162 
164 
166 
177 
16S 
166 
146 
144 
138 
137 
136 
132 
131 
130 
1.29 
128 
127 
126 
125 
124 
123 
122 
121 
120 
120 
120 

120 



For an estimate of the amount ol money in circulation at each peric 
See Chapter X, section S. 



338 



ON PRICES?. 



The per cent, of money in circulation at each period compared 
with the amount in 1696, shows the proportion which the declared 
or real value of goods would have borne to the official value, if 
prices had been affected by no causes, except the increase and 
decrease of money in circulation. The difference between the 
per cent, of the declared value of goods, and the per cent, of 
money in circulation at each period, is the true test of variation 
of prices by reason of new inventions, improvements in machinery, 
variations of supply and demand, and all other causes, except an 
increase or decrease of circulating money in proportion to the 
population. 

As remarked in Section 27 the decline of prices bears no 
proportion to the saving of labor by means of machinery ; labor 
not only advanced in price, but the main cause of its advance 
was its greater productiveness, and the larger profits realized by 
the manufacturer, which induced greater numbers to engage in 
mining and manufacturing industry, and by their competition for 
laborers, raised the price of labor. All the most important 
inventions for carding and spinning by machinery were invented 
between the years 1767 and 1785, and were generally in use in 
Great Britain before the year 1790. The power loom was 
invented by Dr. Cartwright, in 17S5, but was of comparatively 
little value until it was improved by Horrock and Radcliffe in 
1S03 and 1804, when it soon came into general use in Great 
Britain ; though it was not introduced into the United States 
until 1815, and on the continent of Europe at a still later period. 
Nearly all the improvements in mining, smelting the metals, 
working in them, and manufacturing hardware, were also invented 
before the year 1790, and were in general use in Great Britain 
before the year 1800. 

Notwithstanding the immense saving of labor by means of all 
the inventions and improvements made in manufacturing during 
the 18th century, and though most of them had been in general 
use in Great Britain from ten to fifty years prior to the peace of 
1815, yet manufactures of all kinds (as shown by the foregoing 
tables) continued higher down to 1804, and many articles were 
higher in 1834 (as shown in Section 27) than they were before the 
invention of this labor-saving machinery. In fact, prices did not 
give way at all, until after the establishment of Napoleon's 
continental system, and the American embargo and non-inter- 
course acts ; which, in a measure, shut out British goods from 
the United States and from the most of the continent of Europe, 
and thereby made the demand for them much less than it other- 
wise would have been, whereby the supply increased faster than 
the demand, and prices declined a trifle from 1806 to 1814. It 



ox prices. 339 

was not until after the general peace, that the British manufac- 
turers put down the prices of their products in order to undersell the 
manufacturers of the United States, and the continent of Europe, 
and to break them down, drive them out of their own markets, and 
thus be enabled to monopolize the markets of the world without a 
competitor . 

How could Mr. Ricardo or Dr.TVayland explain these facts and 
make them consistent with their theory of prices ; which assumes 
that the cost and the average price of every commodity, (taking 
a series of years into consideration.) is in proportion to the 
amount of labor required to produce and bring it to market ? 

The British manufacturers, by associations, conventions and 
conventional arrangements of prices among themselves, kept up 
prices until foreign competition forced them to come down ; and 
then they, from necessity, reduced the prices of their products, in 
order to continue to undersell their neighbors, and thereby main- 
tain their ascendency in foreign markets. In truth, though prices 
were affected some by the tariff of the United States of 1824, yet 
they declined very moderately, until the adoption of the tariff of 
1S2S, and the still more stringent tariffs in France, Russia, 
Prussia, and nearly all the Northern nations of Europe just 
before that time, which placed their manufactures on a firm basis, 
and enabled their manufacturers to compete successfully in their 
own domestic markets, with British goods. "When competition 
was thus raised up on every side of Great Britain, their fabrics, 
except cotton yarn, were almost driven out of the North of 
Europe, and the consumption of them much checked in the 
United States by means of the increase of our own production 
under the fostering influence of the tariff of 182S ; the supply of 
British manufactures increased more rapidly than the demand for 
them ; and the necessary consequence was, that prices sank 
rapidly from 1S2S till 1S33. 

The compromise act of 1833, increased the imports and 
depressed the industry of our country ; which together with the 
enormous increase of banks and paper money, the mania for spec- 
ulation thereby produced, and fostered by means of the govern- 
ment funds being loaned freely to speculators as well as to 
business men, caused not only the prices of products of lands but 
of labor also to advance rapidly, until the panic, and suspension 
of the banks in May, 1S37. 

Public records show that there was no increase of paper money 
in Great Britain from 1830 to 1836 inclusive ; and yet British 
manufacturers took advantage of these local causes in our country 
and the increased demand for their products consequent upon 
them, to increase the price of all their exports, and to sell them 



340 ON PRICES. 

in the aggregate at nearly one-eighth higher in 1836, than they 
did in 1832. Here is clear evidence that mere local causes 
affected materially the markets of the whole commercial world. 
It shows how sensitive the markets are, and how quickly affected 
and prices raised by a comparatively slight increase in the demand 
for goods. That the rise of prices in 1835 and 1836 of all British 
products was caused by the increased demand for them in the 
United States, is made perfectly clear by the foregoing table, 
taken in connection with the fact that there was no more than the 
ordinary quantity of British goods exported to other countries 
during those years. 

On comparing the total declared value of British exports from 
year to year from 1827 to 1845, with the amount exported to the 
United States during the same years, the reader will perceive that 
the exports to all countries except the United States increased 
with great regularity about a million annually, with but very little 
fluctuation in amount ;^and that nearly all the fluctuations in the 
whole exports to all the world, from a regular annual increase, 
arose from the great difference in the amount exported to the 
United States. The average amount exported annually to the 
United States during five years from 1S30 to 1834 inclusive, was 
only .£7,015,788 ; while the amount in 1835 was increased to 
over ten and a half million pounds sterling, and in 1836 to 
£12,425,605. This enormously increased demand for British 
goods, equal in amount to nearly five million pounds, over one 
eighth part the usual amount of goods annually exported, was 
sufficient to raise the price of goods one-eighth part, as shown by 
the table. These heavy imports of British goods into the United 
States in 1835 and 1836, involved the country in debt, caused 
the alarm, and suspension of specie payments in the spring of 
1837, and sunk the exports of British goods to the United States 
in 1837 to £4,695,225, and depressed the price of goods in 1838 
below the price of 1833. The comparatively small imports again 
in 1840 and 1S42, during the embarrassed condition of the 
United States, and in 1843, under our new tariff, again depressed 
prices very sensibly. It is a little remarkable that the small in- 
crease of exports to the United States in 1839, and again in 1841, 
enabled the manufacturers to rally prices, and raise them very 
considerably each of those years. 

Similar remarks may be made in relation to the rise in the 
price of British exports in 1825. I am unable to state the amount 
of British goods exported to the United States in 1825, but the 
gross amount of imports from Great Britain, and all her colonies 
and dependencies, was nearly ten million dollars more than it was 
either in 1824 or 1826, and over eight million dollars more than 



ON PRICES. 



341 



in 1823. This enormous increase in 1825, consisted mostly of 
products of cotton, wool, silk, and iron, caused great speculations 
in Great Britain, in those commodities, and a very great rise in 
their price ; much greater than is indicated by the Custom House 
Reports, which give the average through the year, and not the 
temporary speculative fluctuations. 

These facts ought to be sufficient to satisfy the most strenuous 
advocates of free trade, of the great influence which an increased 
or diminished demand in the United States for British and French 
goods has upon the prices of such goods ; and to show them how 
an American tariff, by increasing the supply of domestic goods, 
and thereby lessening the demand for foreign goods, must neces- 
sarily, and by the ordinary operations of the laws of trade, tend 
to reduce the price of goods throughout the commercial world. 

Sec. 29. Official and declared value of manufactures of wool, 
cotton, linen, silk, and other articles of British produce, ex- 
ported annually from 1814 to 1837. 

Statement of the average prices of upland cotton and of the 
official and declared values^ of manufactures of cotton, cotton 
yarn and twist, and of woollen manufactures, exported from Great 
Britain during the under mentioned years, and the per cent, 
which the real value bears to the official value. 



MANXTFACTITRES OF COTTON. 


[ OOTTON 


YAKN AND TWIST. 


| MANTES OF WOOL. 


Tears. 


Official 


Keal 


Per 


Prs. Cot. 


Official 


Eeal 


Per 


Official 


Real 


Per 


value. 


value. 


cent. 


in Eng. 


value. 


value. 


cent 


value. 


value. 


cent 


1814, 


£16.5 


£17.2 


104.3 


d. 28 


£ 1.1 


£ 2.7 


249 


£ 


£ 




1815, 


214 


18.9 


SS.l 


20J 


8 


1.6 


207 








1816, 


L6.1 


12.9 


80.0 


isl 


1.3 


2.6 


190 


5.5 


7.8 


140.4 


1820, 


20.5 


13.6 


6S.4 


iii 


2,0 


2.8 


139 


4.3 


5.5 


128.0 


1824, 


27.i 


15.2 


561 


Si 


2.9 


3.1 


105 


6.1 


6 


97.9 


1825, 


26.5 


15. 


56,6 


Hi 


2.8 


3.2 


110 


5.9 


6.2 


104.4 


1826, 


21.4 


10.5 


49.7 


6'i 


3.7 


3.4 


93 


5 


4.9 


99.6 


1830, 


85.3 


15.2 


42.9 


61 


5.6 


4.1 


73 


5.5 


4.8 


87.3 


1832, 


37 


12.6 


34.0 


U 


6.7 


47 


70 


6.6 


5.4 


82.1 


1834, 


442 


15.3 


31.6 


Si 


6.8 


5.2 


76 


6.5 


5.7 


88.0 


1835, 


44.8 


16.3 


36.5 


10| 


7.4 


5.7 


77 


7.4 


6.8 


92.0 


1836, 


50.6 


18.4 


36.5 


10| 


7.8 


6.1 


78 


7.5 


7.6 


103.3 


1S37, 


41.9 


\ 13.6 


32.5 


9s- 


9.2 


6.9 


75 


4.6 


4.6 


99.4 



The average annual official value of manufactures of cotton 
exported from Great Britain during several previous years, was as 
follows : 

Average of 3 years, from 1764 to 1766 inclusive, £ 223,153 

" 1 year, 1780, 355,060 

" 5 years, from 1786 to 1790 inclusive, 1,232,529 

." 5 " 1791 to 1795 " 2,088,525 

For the prices of cotton at different periods, see Chapter VIII. 

Section 13. 

* The values are stated in millions of pounds sterling, and fractions. 



342 ON PRICES. 

British exports of linen and silk manufactures. 

Manufactures of Linen, Manufactures of Silk. 





Official 


Declared 


Per 


Official * 


Declared Per 


Years- 


value. 


value. 


cent. 


value. 


value. cent. 


1816, 


£1.5 


£1.4 


93 


£161,874 


£480,522 296 


1820, 


1.9 


1.6 


85 


118,370 


374,114 316 


1824, 


3.2 


2.4 


74 


159,648 


442,582 277 


1825, 


2.7 


2.1 


78 


150,815 


296,677 197 


1826, 


2. 


1.4 


74 


106,738 


168,453 157 


1830, 


3.1 


1.9 


62 


435,045 


519,919 119 


1832, 


2.6 


1.6 


62 


476,509 


529,808 111 


Exports 


of all 


other articles of British produce. 




Official Value. 




Declared Value. Per cent 


1816, 




£9.5 




£14.8 


155 


1820, 




8.6 




11.2 


130 


1824, 




8.2 




10.3 


124 


1825, 




8.1 




11.2 


137 


1826, 




7.9 




10.1 


128 


1830, 




10.3 




11. 


107 


1832, 




11. 




11. 


100 



The foregoing tables illustrate more in detail, the conclusions 
and truths deduced from that in Sec. 28, and the most of the 
remarks in that section and in Sec. 27, apply equally well to the 
tables in this. 

It may be remarked that while cotton yarn advanced in price 
in 1825 five per cent., equal to about half the advance on cotton, 
the rise in cotton cloths was less than one per cent. ; and that 
though the declared value of cotton yarn was then ten per cent, 
above its official value, yet the declared value of cotton cloths of 
all kinds was over 43 per cent, below their official value. These 
are remarkable facts ; they show the effects of American competi- 
tion, and the American tariff of 1824, in reducing the price of 
cotton cloths, in contrast with the high price of yarn, in the 
production of which for market, the American manufacturers did 
not come in competition with the British. The same may be 
remarked of the rise in the price of cotton goods in 1836. The 
compromise act of 1833 effectually checked the further increase 
of American manufactures, so that American competition was 
not sufficiently strong to prevent the rise in cotton cloths in 1835 
and 1836, and the per cent, of the advance of their declared value, 
was from 34 to 36J ; while the advance in the declared value of 

* The whole values of the exports of silk are given ; all other exports 
are stated in millions. 



ON PRICES. 343 

cotton yarn, (where the British had no American competition to 
contend with,) was from 70 to 7S per cent. 

The only way in which our tariff could operate to reduce prices 
has been, by increasing our manufactures and domestic products, 
and thereby lessening the demand for British goods ; and when- 
ever the prices of cotton have been high as in 1S25, 1835 and 
1836, and we have had a bloated paper currency, both of which 
have stimulated a spirit of speculation, the uniform tendency has 
been to stimulate foreign commerce, increase our imports, and 
raise the prices of imported goods. In connection with our gross 
imports from Great Britain, let the reader give attention to our 
imports of cotton, woollen and other goods, in different years ; and 
he will find the amount of our imports apparently had a very 
important influence upon prices ; that when our imports were very 
large, causing a heavy demand in the foreign market, prices 
advanced ; and when our imports were comparatively small, prices 
generally fell off. 

The effect of our tariff acts of 1824 and 1828, in diminishing 
the importation of both cotton and woollen goods, and reducing 
prices from 1824 to 1833, is very obvious ; and the contrary 
effect of the compromise act of 1833, and the subsequent bloated 
paper currency, in swelling our importations, and enhancing 
prices in 1835 and 1836, and again in 1839, is equally obvious. 
The effect was more striking on woollen than on cotton goods ; 
and the cause of this is shown more clearly, by comparing the 
total exports of woollen goods from Great Britain, with their 
exports of like goods to the United States. There was a remark- 
able degree of uniformity from year to year, in the exports of 
Great Britain to all other countries than the United States, of 
woollen and silk goods. Nearly all the fluctuations from year to 
year in the quantity of such goods exported, was in the exports 
to the United States ; and inasmuch as the quantities exported in 
different years generally indicate the intensity of the demand, 
which regulates the price, all, or nearly all the fluctuations in 
prices, arose from the greater or less demand for the American 
market. The embarrassed condition of the people of the United 
States, and our comparatively small importations in 1837, 1838, 
1840 and 1842, in consequence of our embarrassments, contri- 
buted to reduce the price of goods throughout the commercial 
world, by lessening the demand for them. 

The great and striking contrast between the official and the 
declared value of linen and silk goods from 1816 to 1824, affords 
tha clearest evidence I have met with, of the entire falsity of the 
leading doctrine of prices of Mr. Ricardo and Dr. Wayland, that 
the prices of commodities are determined by the amount of labor 



3-14 ON PRICES. 

required to produce, and bring them to market; and it affords 
equally clear evidence of the great truth, that the prices of articles 
are governed by the relative demand and supply in the market, 
without any reference whatever to the labor required to produce 
them, except the indirect eifect which that may have on the sup- 
ply. Machinery was applied to the manufacture of silk, much 
earlier than to the manufacture of flax ; the first mill for throwing 
silk having been erected in England as early as 1719, after the 
model of the silk mills then in use in Italy. Spinning linen by 
machinery commenced in Scotland in the early part of this 
century, though in Dundee, the great seat of the linen manufac- 
ture, there were in 1811 but four flax mills, which were increased 
in 1831 to thirty-one, employing 2,065 spinners and 405 flax 
dressers. Flax mills were introduced into Ireland at a much 
later date ; until since 1S25, nearly all the Irish linen was both 
spun and woven by hand ; and much of it was spun by hand 
(according to Mr. McCulloch.) as late as 1838. Though there 
were in Scotland in 1834, (according to the official returns) 170 
flax mills in operation, employing 13,409 hands, there were only 
25 in Ireland, employing 3,681 hands. 

Notwithstanding nearly all the silk was thrown or spun with 
machinery, and the linen by hand, prior to 1825, yet the prices 
of silk from 1816 to 1824, appear from official accounts of 
exports, to have been nearly three times as great as they were in 
1696 ; though the prices of linen were considerably lower during 
the same period, than they were in 1696. This looks like a 
strange anomaly ; while manufactures of cotton, wool, silk and 
iron (all of which had received important aids from the use of 
machinery^, had all advanced in price ; linen goods, which were 
mostly spun on a one thread wheel, and woven in hand looms, had 
actually declined in price, and were lower than they were 120 
years previously. This can be explained only by the fact, that 
cotton had in some measure superseded the use of linen, and 
lessened the demand for it ; and as the demand decreased, the 
price fell. On the contrary, as the people of Great Britain, 
Northern and Western Europe and the United States grew more 
wealthy, and greater numbers of them became able to wear silk, 
the demand for silk goods increased much faster than the supply ; 
and the prices were raised by this increased demand, to about 
three times the standard established as their official value in 1696. 

Sec. 30. Importation into the U. States, Production and Prices 
of Iron ; and Improvements in the Manufacture. 
The prices of English pig and bar iron at Birmingham, and of 
Swedes bar iron in London, exclusive of duty of £4 to £Q 1 Os. 



ON TRICES. 345 

per ton, are stated by Mr. Babbage on the Economy of Manu- 
factures, sec. 149, as follows : 







1818. 


1824. 


1828. 


1830. 1832. 


Pig iron 


per 


ton, £6 71 


£6 10 


£5 10 


£4 10 £ 


Bar iron 


i pei 


• ton, 10 10 


9 10 


7 15 


6 5 


Swedes iron 


per ton, 17 10 


14 


14 10 


13 15 13 2 


The < 


who] 


iesaie selling prices 


at Live: 


rpool of merchants' bar 


iron per 


ton from 1806 to "1820, 


were as : 


follows 




Years. 




£. s. £. s. 


Years. 




£. s. £. s. 


1806, 




16 to 17 10 


1814, 




13 to 14 


1S07, 




15 to 17 


1815, 




11 to 13 10 


1S09, 




14 5 to 16 


1816, 




8 15 to 11 


1810, 




14 to 15 


1817, 




S 10 to 13 


1811, 




14 to 14 10 


1818, 




10 to 12 15 


1812, 




12 15 to 13 13 


1819, 




11 to 12 


1813, 




12 to 13 


1820, 




9 10 to 10 10 



The prices at Liverpool are necessarily higher, as a general 
rule, than they are at the forges, and the reader should bear in 
mind that in England a ton is 2,240 pounds, though in many of 
our states 2,000 pounds is called a ton. 

It is stated in Hunt's Magazine, for March, 1845, that pig iron 
which sold in England and Wales from 1803 to 1815, for £6 to 
£7 10s. per ton, was reduced in 1844 to £3 ; and that some con- 
tracts were made in Scotland as low as £2 ; that bar iron which 
sold during the same period, at £12 to £16 per ton, was re- 
duced in 1844 to £4 15s. 



346 



ON PRICES. 



Account of the bar iron made by rolling, imported into the 
United States from 1S21 to 1850 inclusive; the custom house 
valuation thereof, and duties upon the same, and the value of 
rolled bar iron in England during the same years. 



Years. 


Tons. 


Value in 
dollars. 


Value per 
ton. 


Duty per 
ton. 


Valiw in Groat 
Britain per ton. 


1821, 


2,189 


$117,947 


$54 00 


$30 00 


$8h to 9* 


1822, 


5.066 


253,335 


50 00 


" 


8 to Sh 


1823, 


5,346 


245,950 


46 00 


k 


8 to 84 


1824, 


5.790 






" 


9 to 12 


1825, 


4,250 


224.497 


52 80 


u 


10 to 14 


1826, 


4,437 


223^259 


50 35 


;( 


8£ to 11 


1827, 


8.102 


347,792 


42 90 


u 


8 to 9i 


1828, 


10,294 


441,000 


42 83 


(.: 


71 to 9 


1829, 


3,320 


119,326 


35 94 


37 00 


5\ to 7i 


1830, 


6,949 


226.336 


32 65 


a 


5i to 6f 


1831, 


15,245 


544.664 


35 70 


u 


5i to Gi 


1832, 


21,387 


701,549 


32 60 


u 


5 to Gi 


1833, 


28,028 


1,002,750 


35 80 


30 CO 


5\ to 7i 


1834, 


28.896 


1,187,236 


41 00 


27 80 


6 to nh 


1835; 


28,410 


1,0:10,152 


37 33 


27 60 


5\ to 8i 


1836, 


46^675 


2,131,828 


45 60 


25 75 


9 to Hi 


1837, 


47.S39 


2,573,367 


53 80 


26 00 


7 to 10i 


1838, 


36,174 


1,825,121 


50 40 


24 00 


8 to 10 


1839, 


60,282 


3,181,180 


52 70 


24 25 


8^ to 10i 


1840, 


32,828 


1,707,649 


52 33 


22 00 


7 to 9 


1841, 


63,055 


2.172,278 


34 40 


20 75 


6 to 7 


1842, 


61.599 


2.053,453 


33 33 


14 00 


5J to 6i 


1843, 


151757 


511,282 


32 46 


25 00 


4i to 5| 


1844, 


37,891 


1.065.582 


28 12 


u 


4f to 6i 


1845, 


51,188 


1,691.748 


33 00 


u 


6 to 10 


1846, 


24,108 


1,127,418 


46 75 


u 


8i to 9i 


1847, 


40,183 


2,129,489 


53 00 


30 pr ct. 


7t to n 


1848, 


81,589 


3,679,598 


45 00 


" 


5i to 7-L 


1849, 


173,457 


6,060,068 


35 00 


u 


5\ to 6f 


1850, 


247,951 


7,397,166 


30 00 


a 





The prices above stated of iron in Great Britain, are for mer- 
chants' bar iron ; the prices of railroad iron being about one and 
a half pounds sterling per ton higher. The lowest prices stated, 
are for the lowest prices during the year at the forges ; the highest 
are for the highest prices at Liverpool, where iron is usually from 
15 to 30s. per ton higher than it is at Cardiff. 

The rolled bar iron imported into the United States is nearly 
all from Great Britain, and is made by machinery, in rolling 
mills ; the bar iron made by hammering, is nearly all from 
Sweden and Norway, and is better to make into steel and for edge 
tools than the iron made by rolling. The expense of making 
pig iron into bar iron by rolling, perhaps does not require one- 
tenth part as much labor as to make it by hammering ; and 
hence English rolled iron is gradually superseding the use of 



ON PRICES. 347 

hammered iron, for all common purposes to which it can be 
applied. 

These tables of the prices of iron imported into the United 
States, and of the prices in -England, are sufficient to show the 
prices during the whole of the present century. The tables in 
Section 26 show the prices in 1696, established as the official 
valuations in England for iron exported and imported. The 
improvements in the manufacture of both pig and bar iron in 
Great Britain, and the enormous increase in the production of 
each furnace, as well as of the aggregate productions, indicate, 
that at least three times as much pig or bar iron could be made 
in 1806, and five or six times as much in 1845, with the same 
labor, as could have been made a century since. And yet we see, 
(that notwithstanding this immense saving of labor,) the prices 
of iron were kept up, until after our tariff of 1818, to nearly the 
old standard of 1696 ; and had receded comparatively little, even 
as late as the year 1824. It is easy to see, from the foregoing 
table of imports and prices, the effect of our increased tariffs of 
1828 and 1842, in reducing the prices of iron from 1829 to 1832, 
and in 1843 and 1844 ; and, also, the effect of the compromise 
act of 1833, in raising them from 1833 to 1840. The effect of 
these acts was much greater on the prices of rolled bar iron, 
(which was imported from Great Britain,) than it was on ham- 
mered bar iron imported from Sweden ; and shows the determi- 
nation of the English iron masters, to maintain their ascendency 
in the American markets, however much it might be necessary 
to reduce prices. The railroad excitement which commenced in 
Europe in 1845, and raged during the years 1845 and 1846, 
increased the demand for iron so much in Europe, that the iron 
masters raised the prices in 1846 to nearly double what the} 7 were 
in 1843, notwithstanding the comparatively light importation into 
the United States. 

The prices of iron in 1846 were about as high as in 1818, and 
nearly twice as great as they were in 1831, 1832, 1S43 and 1844 ; 
and yet the low prices during those years did not prevent a con- 
stant increase in its production. If the making of iron was pro- 
fitable during those years of low prices, how immensely profitable 
it must have been in 1846, and previous to the year 1828 ? If 
making iron prior to 1740 would fairly pay for the labor and use 
of capital, then making it in 1832. 1S43 and 1844 at only about 
37J per cent, of the ordinary price from 1696 to 1750, but with 
only one-fifth part of the amount of labor formerly required, 
would pay nearly twice as large a compensation for both labor and 
capital ; and making it from 1810 to 1820, and in 1846 and 1847, 
would afford compensation for labor and capital about four times 



348 ON TRICES. 

as great as it did a century since. These immense profits and 
high wages paid to laborers have caused a very great increase in the 
number of laborers and the amount of capital employed in the 
manufacture of iron in Great Britain ; and increased its production 
beyond all parallel in the history of the world, with the single 
exception of the manufacture of cotton. 

In 1835 about one third part, and in 1836 nearly half the 
British exports of iron were to the United States ; and during 
the whole period of the compromise act, (from 1833 to 1842 in- 
clusive,) we used more than one fourth part of the whole quan- 
tity exported by Great Britain. What an immense influence this 
large American demand for British iron has had on the market, in 
keeping up prices ! The official statements of the quantity of 
iron made in the United States, show that the increase was com- 
paratively small from 1830 to 1840 ; it is well known that the 
duties were so light under the compromise act in 1841 and 1842, 
that many furnaces and forges stopped, and the manufacture de- 
clined ; and there was very little increase in the production be- 
tween the years 1835 and 1840. The increase was also very slow 
until after our tariff act of 1828. On the contrary, the produc- 
tion increased with astonishing rapidity, in 1S43 and 1844, to 
1846, under our tariff of 1842. 

The table of imports shows that our tariff of 1828 not only 
reduced the imports of rolled bar iron in 1829 and 1830, but 
checked their increase very much some years afterwards : and if 
it could have been maintained, there can be no reasonable doubt 
that the domestic manufacture would have increased as rapidly 
from 1834 to 1842, as it did the previous years, and did also under 
the tariff of 1S42 ; and if so, the demand for British iron must 
have been much less, and its price would necessarily have fallen 
much lower than it did in 1843 and 1844. The reader can see 
how sensitive the market is ! how it was raised in 1845 and 1846 
about 80 per cent., by the railway speculations in Europe, and 
the increased demand for railroad iron. What if we had remained 
under the compromise act, and the production of iron in the 
United States had been about 250,000 tons in 1846, as it would 
have been instead of 500,000 tons, as it was under the tariff act of 
1842, and we had imported from Great Britain 200,000 or 250,000 
to make up the deficiency, instead of importing from them but 
24,108 tons ; what effect would this immensely increased demand 
have had on the market and the prices of iron ? Would not the 
prices of British iron have advanced to £12 or J215 per ton ? 

All these illustrations tend to show the effect of demand and 
supply on prices ; and to show how an American tariff, by increas- 
ing thu manufacture of products in this country, and thus increas- 
ing the supply, and also lessening the amount we have occasion to 





I. 


s. 


highest in 1808, 


100 


7 


" 1S05, 


169 


16 


" 1S18, 


134 


15 


" 1825, 


124 


4 


« 1821, 


103 






ON PRICES. 349 

import, and thereby diminishing the demand for foreign products, 
must necessarily tend to reduce prices. The facts show that we 
cannot trust much either to the tender mercies of British manu- 
facturers, or to their competition among themselves to reduce the 
prices of iron, or of manufactures of any kind ; nor can we trust 
to the free trade theory, that improvements in manufactures will 
necessarily reduce prices. 

Sec. 31. Prices of Copper, Tin, and Lead, at different periods. 
The average prices of copper per ton in Great Britain are stated 
in the Commercial Dictionary as follows : 

I. s. d. 
Average in 1800 133 3 6 

" 1801 to 1810, 129 5 3 

" 1811 to 1820, 117 17 

" 1821 to 1830, 110 17 2 

" 1831, 100 

Mr. McCulloch, in 1838, estimated the average price from 
year to year, at from £90 to £100 per ton. The prices of cop- 
per in the London market from May to October, 1846, were from 
£88 to £96, averaging about £93 per ton ; which is about 20 
cents per pound. 

The average prices of tin exported from Great Britain are stated 

in the Commercial Dictionary as follows, per cwt. of 112 pounds ; 

I. s. d. I. s. d- 

Average in 1820 3 13 6 highest in 1823, 5 5 6 

" 1821 to 1830, 4 1 8 lowest in 1830, 3 10 

" 1832, 3 13 tin in bars in 1834, 3 17 6 

Mr. McCulloch says the total quantity of tin produced in 

Devon and Cornwall in 1S37-38, amounted to 5,130 tons of the 

average value of £82, making its total value £420,660. The 

average price of British tin from 1811 to 1S15 inclusive, was about 

£7 per cwt., or £140 per ton. 

The average prices of tin in bars in the London market during 
the summer of 1846 were about £4 12s lOd. per cwt., or £92 
16s. Sd. per ton. 

The prices of lead in Great Britain per ton are stated in the 
Commercial Dictionary, as follows : 

I. s. d. 
Average in 1800, 19 16 

u 1801 to 1810, 28 12 6 

" 1811 to 1820, 22 13 9 

" 1821 to 1830, 19 12 

" 1830, 14 00 

The average prices of common pi 





I. 9. d. 


highest in 1801, 


22 8 6 


" 1S06, 


35 12 6 


" 1818, 


27 5 


" 1825, 


25 6 


in 1832, 


13 10 6 


lead in the Lond 


on market 



350 



ON PRICES. 



during the summer of 1846, were about J219 per ton, and for 
refined lead £21 per ton. The Custom House price of the 
18,420,407 pounds of lead exported from the United States dur- 
ing the year ending June 30th, 1844, was $595,238 ; or about 3| 
cents per lb., equal to £15 3s. per ton. The quantity exported 
from the United States during the years 1845-46 amounted to 
16,823,766 pounds, valued at $6 14,518, or nearly 3| cents per 
pound ; equal to .£17 per ton. 

By referring back to the prices of copper, tin, and lead, in 1751, 
in Section 26, the reader will see that the prices of copper were a 
trifle, and but a trifle less in England in 1S46 than in 1751 ; that 
tin has been about 25 per cent., and lead about 40 per cent., 
higher for a few years past, than they were a century since. 
Though the fluctuations in prices have been very great in these 
articles, they have not been as great as in the prices of iron. 

Sec. 32. Prices of Hardware at different periods. 
Prices of the following articles of hardware at Birmingham in 
the undermentioned years, as stated by Mr. Babbage on the 
Economy of Manufactures, Section 148. 

1818. 1824. 182S. 



1S32. 





s. 


d. 


s. d. 


s. d. 


Anvil, per cwt., 


25 





20 


16 


Bolts for doors, 6 in. per doz., 


6 





5 


2 3 


Braces and 12 bits for carpt. set, 


9 





4 


4 2 


Buttons for coats, gross, 


4 


6 


6 3 


3 


Brass candlesticks 6 in. pair, 


2 


11 


2 


1 7 


Gun locks, single roller each, 


6 





5 2 


1 10 


Brass knobs, 2 in. doz., 


4 





3 6 


1 6 


Locks for doors, 6 in. iron rims 










doz., 


38 





32 


15 


Stirrups, plated, pair, 


4 


6 


3 9 


1 6 


Stirrups, com. tin'd, 2 bar, doz., 


P 








Shoe hammers, doz., 


6 


9 


3 9 


3 


Trace chains, cwt., 


28 





25 


19 6 


Vices for blacksmiths, cwt., 


30 





28 


22 ] 



Here the reader will see that the fall in prices of hardware 
from 1818 to 1832 varies from about 35 to 75 per cent.; averag- 
ing about 50 per cent. Tables like this are spread before the 
world by English authors, to show the effect of improvements in 
manufacture, and of the competition of British manufacturers 
among themselves, in reducing prices. By referring back to 
Section 27, the reader will see that the declared value or market 

* All these marked with the dagger for 1832, are prices for the year 1830 
instead of 1832. 
f Price in 1812. 



ON PRICES. 351 

price of British hardware and cutlery in 1832 was 63 per cent, 
higher than the official value , though the prices of iron and steel 
which constitute the principal materials of which such articles are 
made, were less than half as high at the later as they were at the 
earlier date. As prices in 1818 were about twice as high as in 
1832, when we compare prices in 1696 with those of 1818, we 
find those of hardware were about three times as high at the lat- 
ter as they were at the former period. If the introduction of 
machinery, and improvements in the manufacture between the 
years 1696 and 1S32, have enabled the same number of laborers 
to produce twice as much at the latter as they could at the former 
period, (which cannot be reasonably doubted,) then the earnings 
of labor and capital employed in the manufacture of hardware 
and cutlery at the current prices, (taking the amount of circulat- 
ing money and cost of materials into consideration,) would be 
about four times as much in 1832, and five times as much in 181S 
as in 1696. Let the reader bear in mind that these conclusions 
are not vague conjectures, founded on hypothesis and assumed 
facts, (like many of those of the free trade economists ;) but 
they are arithmetical deductions from facts furnished by British 
records , and collected by British authors. 

The Com. Diet., title Hardware, states, " the total exports of 
hardware and cutlery from Great Britain in 1831 at £1,622,429, 
of which the United States took no less than £998,469, and the 
British possessions in North America and the West Indies nearly 
£190,000." The United States, it seems, took more than 60 
per cent, of the whole. 

The whole amount of the declared value of the exports of hard- 
ware from Great Britain, the amount exported to the United States, 
and the amount exported to all other countries were as follows : 

1834 133G. I 1S37. 1839. 

£1,485,233 £3.271,318 | £1,460,307 £1,828,521 

647,216 1,318.412 I 574,870 S49,640 

833,017 952,901 | 885,931 973,532 

Here the American demand for hardware, as in the case of iron 
and cotton, woollen, silk and linen goods, was exceedingly great 
but very fluctuating, which materially affected prices ; while the 
demand of all other countries was comparatively regular. The 
aggregate quantities of British hardwares exported to all countries 
other than the United States were very little greater in 1835 and 
1836, than they were in 1834 and 1837, yet, in consequence of 
the increased American demand the purchasers were compelled 
to pay for them from 10 to 20 per cent, higher prices. This 
heavy American demand had an immense effect in keeping up 
prices. If we could have had a tariff ever since IS 12 sufficient 
not only to protect our manufacturers of such products, but to 
encourage others to embark in the manufacture, so as to nearly 



Total amount, 

Amount to the United States, 
do to all other countries, 



352 ON PRICES. 

supply the country, arid had thereby lessened this demand for 
British hardware .£500,000 per annum, the neceosary effect must 
have been, to reduce prices very much, as well as to increase the 
productive industry of our country. The reduction of prices 
which did take place from 1818 to 1832, was submitted to by 
the British manufacturers, on account of the growing competition 
in the United States and the North of Europe, in order to under- 
sell their competitors, and maintain their ascendency in foreign 
markets. In fact, such is the cunning and management of Brit- 
ish manufacturers, by means of conventions and extensive corres- 
pondence among each other to regulate prices, that we have very 
little evidence that their competition with each other ever 
subtantially and permanently reduced the prices of any thing ; on 
contrary, we have abundance of evidence, that the reduction in 
prices has generally arisen from the competition of other 
European nations, and the United States, and the necessity thus 
forced upon British manufacturers of reducing prices in order 
to undersell their competitors. 

Sec. 33. The Western Produce Market, giving prices, at differ- 
ent places and periods. 
I. Statement of the number of hogs packed annually at the city 
of Cincinnati, during the four years, ending with the seasons of 
1838-39, and for each subsequent year to 1845-46 ; and also the 
price per 100 lbs. at which the market opened each year ; taken 
from the report of the Commissioner of Patents, of December, 
1845, p. 1,029. 





Number of Hogs. 


Prices. 


1835-36 to 1838-39, average. 


151,750 


$4 00 to $5 81 


1839-40, 


95,000 


3 00 to 3 50 


1840-41, 


160,000 


3 50 to 3 75 


1841-42, 


220,000 


2 00 to 2 50 


1842-43, 


250,000 


1 62 to 2 00 


1843-44, 


240,000 


2 25 to 2 65 


1844-45, 


213,000 


2 50 to 2 70 


1845^46, 


287,000 


4 00 to 



The number of hogs slaughtered in fifty-three of the principal 
cities and towns in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky and Mis- 
souri, are estimated in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, for April, 
1846, as follows :— In the season of 1843 and '44, at 856,000 ; 
in 1844 and '45, at 593,500 ; in 1845 and 46, at 758,100. The 
average weight may be estimated at 225 pounds, equal, after 
taking out the heads, feet, &c, to about a barrel of pork each on 
an average. This and the foregoing table will give the reader 
some idea of the extent of the Western pork market, the ex- 
tremely low prices of pork, and the effect of the enormous quan- 



0N T PRICES. 



353 



tity in proportion to the demand for it, in depressing prices. The 
reader should bear in mind, that to make every 100 lbs. of pork, 
requires about two bushels of corn to raise the hogs, over and 
above grass, slops, &c, and five bushels of corn to fatten them ; 
so that every 100 lbs. of pork represents about seven bushels of 
corn, or its equivalent in other grain, beside grass, slops, the 
labor of feeding, taking care of the hogs, and taking it to market. 
II. Statement of the average prices of wheat per bushel and flour 
per barrel in the city of Cincinnati during the month of July of 
each year from 1S41 to 1S45, compiled by the editor of the Cin- 
cinnati Gazette, from the commercial reports of that paper, pub- 
lished in Hunt's Magazine for September, 1845 ; to which I have 
added the prices of flour in the city of New York during the same 
months. 

Average of wheat and flour in Cincinnati. 







Flour per bbl. 


Wheat per hush. 


Flour in N. T 


July, 


1841, 


$4 06J 


$72f 


$5 371 


do 


1842, 


3 49 1 


491 


5 93 


do 


1843, 


3 73 


70 


5 621 


do 


1844, 


3 29 


59 


4 311 


do 


1845, 


3 26J 


641 


4 62J 



Mr. C. C. Whittlesey, of Missouri, in giving the resources of 
that state, published in Hunt's Magazine, for June, 1843, based 
on the returns of the census of 1S40, estimated their wheat crop 
at only 30 cents per bushel ; oats, rye and buckwheat at 20 cents 
per bushel ; Indian corn and potatoes at 15 cents per bushel ; 
barley at 50 cents per bushel ; and tobacco at 3 cents a pound. 

III. Prices of flour and grain at St. Louis and Cincinnati in 
March, 1843, 

Cincinnati. 

50 to | 
45 to 
16 to 

The price of flour in the city of New York at the same time 
was $5,75. 

IV. Prices of the leading articles of agricultural products in July, 
1842, as stated in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine for August, 1842. 



Flour per bbl. March, 1S43, 
Wheat per bushel, 
Corn per bushel, 





tit. Louis. 


56 $2 


50 to $2 75 


50 


35 to 37 


20 


14 to 15 





New York. 


Boston. 


N. Orleans. 


Cincinnati. 


Flour bbl. 


$5 94 to 6 00 


6 00 to 6 12 


4 75 to 5 00 


3 75 to 4 00 


Wheat bu. 


1 25 to 1 28 




94 to 95 


50 to 60 


Corn bu. 


55 to 57 


60 to 61 


32 to 33 


20 to 25 


Beef m's bbl. 


7 00 to 7 75 


9 00 to 9 25 


8 50 to 9 00 


6 00 to 7 00 


Pork m's bbl. 


7 50 to 9 50 


7 00 to 8 00 


6 50 to 7 00 


5 00 to 5 50J- 


Hams lb. 


6 to % 


5 to 6 


4 to 5 


3 to 5 00 


Sugar N. O. lb. 


3 to 5 


3ito 5 


2 to 5i 


4 to 6 


Wool Am lb. 


35 to 45 


40 to 42 


8 to 12 


20 to 30 


Lead pig lb. 


Si- 


3£to 3f 


3 to 


3 to 4 



354 ON PRICES. 

These tables and estimates show a very great difference 
between eastern and western markets for produceand, the impor- 
tance to the farmer of a market for his produce, and particularly 
for coarse grains, in his immediate vicinity. While Indian corn 
was worth 60 cents per bushel in Boston, in consequence of the 
demand created by the manufacturing population in the vicinity, 
it was worth but 32 cents in New Orleans, 20 to 25 in Cincinnati, 
and 20 in St. Louis, and not over 10 cents in many remote 
interior places in Illinois, Indiana, Tennessee, Kentucky and 
Missouri. But look at the depressed prices of mess pork at 
Cincinnati ; only about $5 25 on an average per barrel, and the 
salt, barrel and packing, and other expenses, would be about 
$1 37J, leaving only $3^88 for about 225 lbs. of pork, including 
the waist of heads, feet, &c, being about $1 75 per 100 lbs. of 
pork ; or 25 cents per bushel for the corn and the labor of feeding 
it out, taking care of the hogs, and carrying the pork to market. 
When the reader reflects that much of the farming country in 
the Western States lies from 50 to 100 miles from navigable 
waters or canals ; that it costs about ten cents per bushel to 
transport grain by wagons 30 to 33| miles, and that the cost of 
hiring it transported 60 or 70 miles would generally be greater 
than the value of corn in the western cities, he need not wonder 
that the whole crop of corn in Missouri should be estimated at 15 
cents per bushel as stated at the bottom of Table II. ; nor need 
he wonder that there is often no money market for it at any price, 
in the interior districts remote from navigable waters, and that it 
usually sells in barter in such districts, at from ten to fifteen 
cents per bushel. 

The reader will see from these examples, the effect of a large 
supply in proportion to the demand, in depressing prices ; and on 
comparing these prices with prices in Boston and New York, as 
stated in Table IV., and with the prices in Great Britain, as 
stated in sections 16, 17, and 25, he may learn how prices are 
raised by an increased demand, by means of the competition 
among buyers, that the demand for food is in proportion to the 
density of the population ; and he may thus realize the importance 
to the farmer, of manufacturing towns in his vicinity to create a 
demand and furnish a market for products, which will not bear 
transportation to distant markets. In this way he may realize 
how much more it promotes the agricultural industry and pros- 
perity of any people, to encourage agricultural industry among 
themselves, and thus effect the double purpose of increasing 
their national industry, and creating a market for their agri- 
cultural products, than it does to consume the manufactured 
products of other countries, and thereby patronize and encourage 



OX PRICES. 



355 



the industry of foreign nations, and contribute to support foreign 
laborers, and to create a market for the farmers of foreign 
countries. 

Sec. 34. Exports and Imports of the United States ; monthly 

prices of flour in New York; export and import prices from 

1828 to 1846 of Flour, IVheat, Corn and Butter. 

I. Statement of the quantities of flour and wheat exported from 

the United States annually for the years 1S28 to 1842, ending 

September 30th, for 9 months, ending June 30th, 1843, and for 

the years ending June 30th, 1844, to 1S51 ; together with the 

average Custom House prices or valuations per barrel and per 

bushel of the same ; and the average prices of flour in New 

York City during the same years. 







Flour Exported. 


| Wheat Exported. 


Years. 


Prices of 

flour in New 

York. 


Quantity in 
bbls. 


Prices. 


Quantity in 
bushels. 


Prices. 


1828 


§5 02 


860,809 


84 90 


8,906 


§ 75 


1829 


6 96 


837,385 


6 92 


4,007 


1 50 


1830 


5 40 


1,227,434 


4 96 


45,289 


1 02 


1831 


5 71 


1.806,529 


5 50 


408,910 


1 28 


1832 


5 80 


864,919 


5 ob 


88,304 


1 06 


1833 


5 78 


955,768 


5 87 


32,221 


90 


1834 


5 19 


835,352 


5 40 


36,948 


1 06 


1835 


5 621 


779,396 


5 60 


47,762 


1 07 


1836 


7 00 


505,400 


7 13 


2,062 


1 00 


1837 


9 871 


318,719 


9 37 


17,303 


1 56 


1838 


7 92 


448,161 


8 04 


6,291 


1 30 


1839 


7 92 


923,151 


7 50 


96,325 


1 48 


1840 


5 61 


1,897,501 


5 34 


1,720,860 


96 


1841 


5 13 


1,515,817 


5 15 


868,585 


94 


1842 


5 83 


1,283,602 


5 68 


817,958 


1 12 


1843 


4 73 


841,474 


4 46 


311,685 


87 


1844 


4 91 


1,438,574 


4 70 


558,917 


89 


1845 


4 75 


1,195,230 


4 45 


389,716 


86 


1846 


5 34 


2,289,476 


5 95 


1,613,795 


1 04 


1847 


6 08 


4,382,496 


5 97 


4,399,951 


1 371 


1848 




2,119,393 


6 22 


2,034,704 


1 31 


1849 




2,108,013 


5 35 


1,527,534 


1 15 


1850 




1,385,448 


5 12 


608,661 


1 06 


1851 




2,202,335 


4 77 


1,026,735 


1 00 



The wholesale prices of superfine flour in the city of New 
York, from the first of June to the last of October of the year 
1851, varied from $3 50 to about $4 25; averaging less than 



356 ON PRICES. 

$4 per barrel. The flour and breadstuff's exported to Europe 
were trifling in amount, and the European market for them of 
very little value to the American farmer. 

The quantities of Indian corn exported from the United States 
annually, and the average export prices have been as follows : 

Average per year. Bushels. Prices. 

1831 to 1840, 365,391 $0,761 

1S41 to 1846, 838,710 .55J 

1847, 13,326,050 .88 

1848 to 1850, average 8,556,678 annually, .61 

1851, 3,426,811 .51J 

II. Statement showing the average value of Genesee flour per 
barrel in the city of New York during each month of the under- 
mentioned periods : 





1823 to 


1831 to 


1841 to 


September 1846 




1830. 


1840. 


1847. 


to August 1847. 


September, 


$5 36 


$6 46 


$5 01 


$4 1Sf 


October, 


5 59 


6 45 


5 27 


5 62J 


November, 


5 79 


6 71 


5 52 


6 00 


December, 


5 79 


6 88 


5 56 


5 3l£ 


January, 


5 90 


6 96 


5 28 


5 75 


February, 


5 97 


1 10 


5 41 


6 871 


March, 


5 88 


6 98 


5 57 


7 121 


April, 


5 86 


6 88 


5 65 


7 68| 


May, 


5 53 


6 36 


5 41 


7 25 


June, 


5 52 


6 38 


5 50 


8 87J 


July, 


5 38 


6 35 


5 16 


6 50 


August, 


5 27 


6 33 


5 02 


5 62 


General average 


$5 65 


$6 65 


$5 36 


$6 40 



Though wheat is harvested in most countries in the month of 
July, it does not usually begin to come to market until September, 
so that the grain and flour year for each crop commences in 
September and ends the following August. With the exception 
of the year 1847, flour fell constantly nearly every year from 
February or March until the end of August — showing clearly 
that the supply was greater than the wants of the country, and 
the demand for exportation. In 1847, prices were raised by the 
speculative demand in Great Britain, and kept advancing until 
July, when they fell suddenly, having fallen early in June in 
Great Britain. That the demand in Great Britain was mostly 
speculative, and the imports greatly in excess and beyond the 
wants of that country, is shown by its sudden fall in June, and 
the disastrous results as shown in Sec. 17. 



ON PRICES. 



357 



III. Statement of imports into the United States of wheat flour, 
wheat, potatoes, and butter, over and above what was re-exported 
during the years ending Sept, 30, 1836, 1837, and 1838 ; and 
the quantities of domestic produce exported the same years, to 
the whole of the Old World and the British North American 
Colonies included ; and, also, the amount exported to the remain- 
ing part of the New World. 





Flour, 


Wheat, 


Potatoes, 


Butter, 




bbls. 


bush. 


bush. 


lbs. 


Imported in 1836, 










From the Old World, 


5,000 


323,571 


58,514 


70,270 


From Brit. N. Anier'n 










Colonies. 


11,500 


260,327 


21,720 


91,984 


Exported to Old World, 


50,634 


2,062 


835 


11,793 


Exported to New World, 


454,766 




90,746 


349,602 


Imported in 1837, 










From the Old World, 


7,289 


3,577,289 


34,212 


72,936 


From Brit. N. Amer'n 










Colonies, 


10,184 


317,170 


12,455 


3,491 


Exported to Old World, 


24,366 


17,303 


3,531 


23,538 


Exported to New World, 


294,353 




97,172 


258,401 


Imported in 1838. 










From the Old World, 


10,568 


866,000 


50,017 


10,71S 


From Brit. N. Amer'n 










Colonies, 


10,878 


14,163 


4,201 


2,682 


Exported to Old World, 


32,256 


6,241 


1,562 


21,831 


Exported to New World, 


415,905 


48 


117,065 


473,277 



There was more th'au twice as much cheese as butter imported 
from Europe, during those years. 

The average import prices, according to the Custom House 
Reports, were as follows. 

1836. 
Wheat, per bushel, $0,85 

Potatoes, per bushel, 
Butter, per pound, 
Cheese, per pound, 

These Tables, (I, II and III,) should be examined together and 
carefully compared, in order to understand the causes of the 
fluctuations in the price of flour; which, being exported in larger 
quantities than wheat, affords a much more certain test of its 
market value. The small quantity of wheat exported in 1836, 



391 

121 
1*1 



1837. 

$1,06 

44 

15 



2 
11? 



1838. 
$1,02 
371 
121 

HI 



358 ON PRICES. 

appears quite too low to correspond with the price of flour. The 
reader will see from Table I, that the prices of flour during the 
four successive years, 1836 to 1839 inclusive, ranged very high. 
By looking at Table III, he will observe the extraordinary fact, 
that during each of the three years in succession, 1836 to 1838 
inclusive, the United States not only imported considerable 
quantities of wheat and flour from Canada and the other British 
Colonies north of the United States, but they actually imported 
more from Europe than they exported to the whole of the Old 
World and those Colonies together ; and by examining the reports 
of the Secretary of the Treasury he will see, that wheat was 
imported into the United States during those years from Great 
Britain, France, Holland, the Hanse Towns, Italy, Austria, and 
from almost all the maritime countries of Europe. 

Table I, also shows, that in 13 years out of 18, the average 
price of flour through the year was greater in the city of New 
York, our principal exporting city, than the average export price. 
It must be obvious to every one, that it cannot be exported when 
the domestic demand is such as to raise the price above what 
buyers can afford to pay for it, to export. We can export only 
when we can sell as low as our neighbors. Though flour was ex- 
ported during each of these 13 years, when the average price in 
New York was above the average export price, yet it was export- 
ed from New York only during intervals when the price was 
below the average price. The reader can see how little effect 
the foreign market has had on the prices of wheat and flour in 
this country ; that our prices have been so high the principal part 
of the time, as to prevent exportation ; that our market is mostly 
a domestic one ; that in nine years in ten, the European market 
is utterly valueless to us, almost all our exports being to the West 
Indies and the continent of America ; and that high prices tend 
to lessen, and when they get to a certain point, actually preclude 
exportation, and invite importation, and thus tend to depress 
and destroy the industry of the country. 

The consumers of produce must always pay much higher for 
it, than the producers can sell it for ; they must pay the expenses 
of transportation, and the profits of the intermediate dealers or 
merchants. When we were the consumers of European wheat, 
we had to pay the cost of its transportation across the Atlantic, 
which raised the price of flour made of both foreign and domestic 
wheat, to from $7 to about $11 per barrel some portion of the 
time. This was a memorable era of free trade and paper 
money ! of speculation in Bank and Railroad stocks, wild lavds 
and paper cities ! when men were getting rich beyond the dreams 
of avarice, by their toils instead of industry ; by importing their 



ox prices. 359 

clothing and a portion of their food, instead of producing them by 
their own labor ; and busying themselves in contracting debts, 
making state and corporate stocks, paper money, paper cities, and 
paper railroads also, to a very great extent. 

The gross circulation of bank notes in the United States, 
according to reports made the nearest to January 1, 1830, was 
$61,323,SeS ; the nearest to January 1, 1834, $94,839,570 ; the 
nearest to January 1, 1837, was $149,185,890; the nearest to 
January 1, 1840, was 8116,572,790 ; and to January 1, 1843, 
it had sunk to $58, 563, 688. Since that tirno it has increased as 
is shown in Chapter X. The States contracted debts and issued 
bonds, in three years, from 1836 to 1838 inclusive, amounting to 
about $100,000,000 — the most of which were sold in Europe, 
and the proceeds applied to pay for goods. When our people 
were afflicted with such delusive dreams of wealth, they were un- 
fitted for the sober pursuits of industry ; and as the bloated paper 
money raised the prices of labor, as well as of produce and 
property, our markets furnished a rich and tempting reward to 
the industry of other countries, and we vainly thought we could 
supply our wants, by importing the products of foreign industry, 
cheaper than by our own labor. Paper money, therefore, by 
raising prices in this country much higher than they were in 
Europe, tended to diminish exportations, as well as to encourage 
and increase importations, and thereby to undermine and depress 
the industry of the country, and involve us in foreign debts. 
The evils of free trade were thus aggravated and increased, by an 
excessive amount of paper money. 

The exports and prices of Indian corn, show also the effect, to 
some extent, of paper money on both prices and exports. Prices 
were generally high, when our paper money was excessive in 
amount ; when prices ranged above seventy cents per bushel, our 
exports were but a mere trifle ; and they have always been trifling 
in amount, compared to our enormous crops, of over three 
hundred million bushels annually. It may also be remarked, 
that nearly all our exports of corn, up to 1846, were to the West 
Indies and the Continent of America ; and that the European 
market for our corn was entirely worthless. The effective Euro- 
pean demand for it commenced in 1846 — prior to that time, with 
the exception of the years of excessive paper currency, from 
1835 to 1S40, the average prices of corn in New England and 
the city of New York, were above the export prices stated in the 
table. The reader will, therefore, see that the prices of com 
generally depend entirely on the domestic market, and are 
scarcely affected at all by the foreign markets. Is it, or is it 
not, of consequence to the farmer, to divert a large portion of 



360 ON PRICES. 

our population from agriculture to manufactures, that they may 
become consumers, and not producers, in order to increase the 
American market for corn, pork, lard, &c, and to lessen the sup- 
ply of those articles r In Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode 
Island, the average price of corn is from 60 to 75 cents per bush- 
el, while it is only from 12 to 20 cents in many of the western 
and south-western states, as shown in Section 33. • 

Though it is advantageous to a nation to sell their products at 
as high prices as practicable, yet they cannot sell, unless they 
sell them as low or lower than their neighbors ; and it is impos- 
sible to export them to any extent, unless the prices of their 
products at home are considerably less than they will sell for 
abroad. The tendency of goods and of products of all kinds is 
towards the best markets, where prices are highest ; the exporta- 
tion of products must always be from districts and countries where 
they are comparatively cheap, to other countries or districts 
where they are enough higher to pay the cost of transportation, and 
reasonable profits. No country can export products to another, 
unless the former can produce them cheaper than the latter, and as 
cheap as they can be procured from any other nation. The laws of 
trade when undisturbed by restrictions and tariffs, are in accord- 
ance with, and governed by the physical laws of nature ; and the 
tendency of products to seek the highest prices, is as regular, 
certain, constant, and strong, as the tendency of water is, to run 
down hill, and to seek the lowest level. High prices, therefore, 
tend to stimulate industry, if they are raised and kept up by a 
foreign demand, which stimulates exportation and domestic 
industry ; but the moment prices are raised by the home demand, 
paper money, and high wages, or other causes, above the prices 
of other countries, they preclude exportation and invite importa- 
tion, and thereby tend to supplant, discourage, depress, and 
diminish domestic industry. 

Great Britain, by means of her inexhaustible beds of coal for 
fuel, her productive mines of iron and other metals, her extensive 
internal improvements and water power, her insular situation, 
fine harbors, bays, and rivers, her bracing and healthy climate, 
her immense amount of machinery, great numbers of skilful 
artisans and workmen, great power and capital, and extensive 
commerce, is capable of producing almost every thing manu- 
factured, cheaper than any other nation. These advantages 
give the English a sort of monopoly that may properly be 
termed the underselling monopoly ; which enables them to 
reduce prices just low enough to undersell, and eventually to sup- 
plant their rivals, and, at the same time, to keep them up to the 
highest point consistent with the full enjoyment of the markets of 
other nations. 



ON PRICES. 361 

Sec. 35. Prices of Wheat in France from, 1829 to 1850. 
Summary statement of the average prices of wheat in France 
during the undermentioned years and periods according to the 
report of the Minister on Agriculture — stated in English sterling 
money, per quarter of eight bushels — also the price per bushel. 

Years. s- d. Prices per bush. 

1829 52 5 $1 57 

1830 51 11 1 55 

1831 to 1840, average 39 1 17 
1839, highest 51 4 1 54 
1834, lowest 35 4 1 06 
1841 to 1849, average 47 3 1 42 
1847, highest 67 4 2 02 
1849, lowest 36 6 1 10 
1848 38 7 1 16 
First 6 months of 1850 33 99 

Prices were raised by the high prices in Great Britain during 
the year 1847, and the demand to export to that country ; with 
the exception of that year, the average prices in France were but 
a trifle higher from 1841 to 1850 than they were from 1829 to 
1840. 

The Government of France published an account of the crop 
of agricultural produce of that kingdom, for the year 1841, with 
an estimate of the gross value of each article, from which I have 
deduced the average price or value per bushel, in our currency, 
as follows : Wheat $1,05, rye 66 cents, barley 55 cents, oats 
40 cents, Indian corn 62 cents, buck-wheat 48 cents, mixed and 
other grains 80 cents, and potatoes 14 cents per bushel. These 
prices are below the average prices of grain in our manufacturing 
States on the seaboard ; and show that we cannot export either 
grain or flour to France, when their products are so abundant as 
to keep prices so low ; which is the case during about four years 
in every five. The reader should bear in mind, also, that these 
are official accounts, collected by the government, and not mere 
individual estimates, founded on speculation and conjecture, with- 
out data. 

Sec. 36. Prices of Freights and cost of Transportation. 
The freight on flour per barrel from New York to Liverpool, 
in November 1841, and April 1842, was only Is- 6d. sterling, or 
36 cents ; in January 1844, January 1845, and January 1846, it 
was 3 shillings, or 72 cents ; in August 1845, and August 1846, 
only 2s., and in January 1847, it rose to 5s. or $1.20. Freights 
16 



3t>2 ON PRICES. 

were the lowest they have ever been in the years 1841 and 1842, 
but were generally higher in 1840 and previous, than they were in 
1845 and 1846, until the great rise in the fall of 1846. The 
freight from New York to Liverpool, from 1840 to 1847, on cot- 
ton, varied from Jd. to §d. sterling, per lb. ; on goods, per ton, 
from 20s., or $5, to 85s., or $20.40 ; on grain per- bushel in 
August, 1846, but 8d., and in January 1847, 18d. to 19d., and 
some vessels to Ireland obtained 20 to 21d. On beef per bbl. in 
August 1845, 2s., and in January, 1847, as high as 6 shillings. 

Freights from New York to Havre, (France,) were the lowest 
in 1841-2, and highest in 1847 — on ashes per ton, varying from 
$6 to $12, generally from $8 to 10 ; on measurement goods, 
from $8 to $12, generally $10. The freights on flour per barrel, 
from Detroit, Sandusky, and other ports near the west end of 
lake Erie, to Buffalo, varied during the seven years, (1841 to 
1847,) from 10 to 50 cents, per barrel, the ordinary price being 
from 15 to 20 cents ; but such was the anxiety to get flour to 
market before the close of navigation in the fall of 1846, that 
some parcels were sent down in November at 53 to 55 cents 
per barrel, and the rise of canal freights was almost equally 
great. 

The reader will see how the prices of freights, like the prices 
of products, are affected and governed by the principles of sup- 
ply and demand ; that the freight market is quite as sensitive as 
the market for perishable products ; and that an increased amount 
of freight and demand for vessels, causes a rapid increase in the 
rate of freights. 

Statement of the proceeds and expenses of sending 13,489 
barrels of flour from St. Joseph County, (Michigan,) down the 
St. Joseph river to Lake Michigan in boats, shipping it from 
there to Buffalo, during the season of navigation of 1846, and 
from there to Boston, part of it being transported from Buffalo to 
Albany and thence to Boston by railroad, and part of it all the 
way to Boston by canals and vessels. 

Gross proceeds of the 13,489 bbls. . . $69,657.21 

Equal per barrel to . . . . .5.16 

Freights, charges, commissions for 
selling, insurance and other ex- 
penses per barrel, , 2.30 

Net proceeds per barrel, , $2.86 

realised in the # summer and fall of 1846, and winter of 1847, 
for a crop of wheat raised in 1845. 

The tariff of freight established by the Michigan Central Rail- 



ON PRICES. 363 

road Company in' August 1848, on flour, wheat, and merchandize, 
was as follows, between 

Detroit and Dexter Kalamazoo 

49 miles. 146 miles. 

On 10 bbls of flour (nearly a ton,) $2.30 $ 6.00 

On 1 ton of wheat, (2,240 lbs.) 2.24 6.04 

On 1 ton of merchandize, 5.37 11.64 

Though these prices seem high, yet they were much higher, 
during the previous years. The ordinary freights on 10 barrels 
of flour on the Erie Canal from Buffalo to Albany (363 miles,) 
have been from June to October from $5 to $6.25 ; and in 
April, May, and November, from $6 to $11. The cost and 
charges for transporting dry goods, and most kinds of merchan- 
dize on canals and railroads,, as well as on our lakes, are usually 
about twice as much per ton, as for transporting flour and other 
heavy agricultural products and iron, varying between New York 
and Cleveland or Detroit, from $12 to $30 per ton on merchan- 
dize, and from $8 to §15 per ton on flour, pork, potash, &c. 

The average freights across the Atlantic during the last ten 
years, may be estimated as follows : 

On dry goods, &c, between New York and Liverpool, $10 

On flour, iron, &c, " " 6 

On dry goods, &c, Ci Havre, 11 

On ashes & other heavy g'ds, " " 7 

McCullocb states the prices of waggoning goods in England? 
at from 6d. to 12d. sterling per ton per mile, averaging 9d., or 
IS cents, and about half as much on the Liverpool and Man- 
chester Railroad, or 82.79 per ton for 32 miles. The average 
price for transporting by teams in this country a bushel of wheat 
or corn, or 50 pounds of merchandize, 50 miles, has been about 
20 cents, and 40 cents for 100 miles, equal to about 15 cents per 
ton per mile for grain, or $15 per 100 miles, and IS cents per 
mile, or $1S per 100 miles, for the transporting of a ton of mer- 
chandize. 

Canals and railroads have reduced the cost of transporting 
heavy goods, and coarse agricultural products, on an average 
nearly three fourths, and merchandize about one half. Steam 
navigation has cheapened transportation on rivers above tide 
water about as much. The Erie Canal, (of New York,) has re- 
duced prices much more than this estimate. And yet the cost 
of transportation on Railroads is generally nearly as much for 150 
miles, as it is across the Atlantic, between New York and Liver- 
pool, or Havre ; that is, it is nearly twenty times .as much in pro- 
portion to the distance on Railroads, as on the ocean. 



364 ON PRICES. 

The cost of transporting produce on the Mississippi and its 
tributaries is stated in Hunt's Magazine, for June 1847, by a very 
intelligent writer, as follows : Indian corn to New Orleans, from 
the vicinity of St. Louis, in arks and steamboats in a good stage 
of water, 12| cents per bushel ; corn from the Wabash, Illinois, 
and other small rivers of the Western States which float only 
boats and arks of light draft, nearly twice as much, or from 20 
to 25 cents per bushel ; and it sells in New Orleans at from 30 to 
50 cents per bushel, averaging not far from 35 or 40 cents. He 
says, " The New Orleans corn is put into sacks, which cost from 
five to six cents per bushel ; the warehouse charges, commissions, 
&c, are very heavy; it shrinks about 4 per cent, in shipping to 
an Eastern port, and the risk of its injuring is equal to about 10 
per cent, more." He says Boston imported during the year 
1841, 2,045,000 bushels of Indian corn; 36,700 of which were 
from New Orleans, and the balance from the Chesapeake and 
Delaware ; and that " large quantities of corn were sold in Bos- 
ton, during the summer of 1846, from the valley of the Missis- 
sippi, which did not pay freight and expenses ; and the shipper 
fell in deot to the consignee." 

These examples show the importance of canals, railroads, navi- 
gable waters, and steam vessels, in facilitating transportation, 
cheapening freights, and raising the price of wheat and flour in 
the Western country ; but they have comparatively little effect 
upon the price of corn, rye, and other coarse grains, the value of 
which is so small that they will bear transportation but a short 
distance, before the cost is equal to the value of the whole pro- 
duct transported. A very trifling amount of Indian corn, rye, 
and other coarse grains ever reaches Albany and New Orleans ; 
and of the small amount arriving at Albany, not one tenth part 
is from the Western States. 

Though canals, railroads, and steamboats, have improved very 
greatly the markets of the Western States, yet the increase of 
minino- and manufacturing industry, would create a demand at 
home for their products, and particularly for such things as will 
not bear transportation very far, and would improve their markets 
much more. 

Sec. 37. Average prices of Wheat, Indian Corn, Oats, and 
Potatoes, in each of the United States, from 1840 to 1846 
inclusive. 

When the reader takes into consideration the great cost of 
transporting produce, and the incidental expenses of storage, for- 
warding, insurance, wharfage and commissions on selling, risk of 
spoiling, &c.,he need not wonder at the great difference in the 



ON PRICES. 365 

prices of produce in different parts of the United States, as shown 
in Section 33. It was estimated by a distinguished British writer, 
that a deficiency in the wheat crop of Great Britain of one-tenth, 
would raise the price of the whole crop three tenths, and a sur- 
plus of one tenth would depress the price of the whole crop three 
tenths, and so on in like proportion ; so that a deficient crop 
would actually sell for considerably more money than an abundant 
one, yielding: a large surplus. This is most clearly illustrated in 
Chapter VIII. in the case of cotton exported from the United 
States ; 663,630,000 pounds of the crop of 1S43 was sold in 
1844 for nearly $5,000,000 more than 792,300,000 pounds 
brought the previous year ; and over two million dollars more 
than 863,500,000 pounds brought the year following. 

In estimating the causes of the great disparity in the prices of 
products in different countries, we must look first to the fact 
whether the country produces a surplus, or produces less than the 
inhabitants need; if the former, to what market it can be sent, 
at what expense, and at what prices it can be sold ; and if the 
latter, from whence it can derive supplies, and at what cost of 
transportation. For instance, Vermont, though an agricultural 
State, produces for each of its inhabitants, according to the re-, 
turns with the census of 1840, less than two bushels of wheat, 
less than one of rye, and less than three of corn, and must, 
therefore, import flour or grain ; while Ohio produced for its in- 
habitants that year over ten bushels of wheat, over half a bushel 
of rye, and about twenty-two bushels of Indian corn, and had 
therefore a large surplus to export. Ohio sent her products mostly 
to the New York market, via the Erie Canal and Albany ; and 
the producer got the New York prices, say $5 per barrel for 
flour, less about $2 2b for the cost and expenses and profits of 
sending it to market and selling it ; while the people of Vermont 
were obliged to send to Albany for a portion of their flour, pay 
about $5 per barrel for it, beside about 75 cents for the cost and 
expenses of getting it, and the profits of the produce merchant ; 
and this raised the price of all the flour made in the State to the 
same standard ; so that the Vermont farmer got more than twice 
as much for his wheat, and three times as much for his corn, as 
the Ohio farmer. All these facts are taken into consideration in 
estimating the average prices of products in the several States. 
They serve to show the effect on the prices of produce, and the 
advantages to the farmer, of a mining, manufacturing, or com- 
mercial population in his vicinity, to create an increased demand 
for his products. 

The average prices of grain in the several townships of Massa- 
chusetts, according to the returns of the town assessors in April, 
1845, for the crop of 1S44, were as follows : wheat $1.14, per 



366 



OX PRICES. 



bushel, barley 60 cents, rye 74 cents, corn 68 cento', buckwheat 
47 cents, oats 32 cents, potatoes 27| cents, and other vegetables 
32 cents. In forming the following table of prices, I have ex- 
amined carefully the estimates of Prof. Tucker, compared them 
with the information I have collected from prices current and 
other sources, and with the quantities raised in each state, and in 
a majority of cases, have adopted his estimates as correct, but in 
many cases differ widely from him. 

An estimate of the average market prices of wheat, Indian 
corn, oats, and potatoes per bushel, from 1S40 to 1846 inclusive, 
in each of the United States, at the nearest market towns to the 
places of production, to which the same may be taken without any 
expense to the producer, except his own labor and the use of his 
teams 

"Wheat. Corn. 



Maine, 

New Hampshire, 

Vermont, 






$1,121 $0.66§ $ 
1.121 621 
1.12J 621 


0.331 | 
331 
30 


50:20 
20 
20 


Massachusetts, 






1.121 


66} 


33J 


25 


Rhode Island, 






1.121 


621 


331 


25 


Connecticut, 






1.12J 


62J 


331 


25 


XT -xr- t ) South. District, 
New York, j Northem „ 


1.12J 

871 


621 
45 


331 
30 


25 
20 


New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, i 


East. District, 
Western " 


1.121 
1.12J 

871 


621 
621 
40 


331 

331 
25 


25 
25 

20 


Ohio, 






60 


20 


15 


15 


Indiana, 






50 


15 


15 


15 


Illinois, 






50 


15 


15 


15 


Michigan, 






60 


25 


20 


15 


Wisconsin, 






50 


20 


15 


15 


Iowa, 






50 


15 


15 


15 


Delaware, 






1.00 


60 


331 


25 


Maryland, 

vr . . > Eastern District, 
Virginia, J Westem 


1.00 

1.00 

50 


50 
50 
20 


331 
331 
15 


25 
25 

20 


North Carolina, 






1.00 


40 


30 


20 


Tennessee, 






50 


15 


15 


20 


Kentucky, 
Missouri, 






50 
50 


15 

15 


15 
15 


20 
20 


South Carolina, 






1.00 


40 


30 


20 


Georgia, 






1.00 


331 


30 


25 


Alabama, 






1.00 


30 


30 


25 


Mississippi, 






1.121 


30 


30 


25 


Louisiana, 






1.12J 


40 


33* 


40 


Arkansas, 






1.00 


25 


30 


25 


Florida, 






1.12J 


30 


30 


30 



CHAPTER XIII. 

On Commerce. 

Sec. 1. The nature, object, and legitimate sphere of foreign and 
domestic Commerce. 

If the pursuits and products of all mankind were the same, 
there would be no occasion for commerce. Commerce depends 
upon a diversity of products ; first, upon the difference in the 
character of natural products, arising in a great measure from the 
difference in the climate, soil, and physical condition of a country ; 
and secondly, upon the mechanical labor bestowed upon natural 
products to fit them for different uses and purposes — and this 
depends mostly on the division of employments, and the progress 
made in the mechanic arts, and the natural sciences. 

The earth is so constituted, that there are different soils, and 
different climates, which are capable of producing different kinds 
of vegetables, fruits, grains, timber, and animals, and contaia 
beneath their surface, metals and minerals of various kinds. If 
the world had been so constituted as to give each country the 
same length of day and night, the same degree of heat and cold, 
the same kind of soil, the same degree of moisture, and the same 
minerals ; and all countries were fitted for the same vegetable and 
animal productions, there would have been no occasion for inter- 
national or foreign commerce. In such case, each country would 
possess in itself, every kind of raw commodity and material that 
the world could produce. No country could receive any natural 
product which it did not previously enjoy — nor could it give in 
exchange any such product, not already in the possession of every 
other nation. The only commerce which could be necessary or 
useful under such circumstances, would be internal or domestic 
commerce between citizens of the same nation, pursuing different 
employments.* 

If the people of all nations were equally advanced in the natural 
sciences, in mining, the mechanic arts, and skill in manufacturing, 

* See Section 6 of Chapter III, and Sections 6-12-13-14 of Chapter \ i : 
which treat on Commerce. 



368 ON COMMERCE. 

there would be no occasion or "utility in international commerce, 
except in natural products, or what are called raw materials for 
use, or to be manufactured. So far as j international commerce 
consists of the mutual interchange between nations, of natural 
products, or raw materials, it depends on the nature and constitu- 
tion of things, is in accordance with the laws of nature, and is 
necessary to the highest degree of civilization, comfort, and enjoy- 
ment, of the people ; but so far as it seeks to import into any 
country manufactured fabrics of any kind, which might be pro- 
duced at home, in case the people would learn to do so, it is 
entirely artificial, not required by the constitution of things or the 
laws of nature ; and when tolerated except under heavy duties, 
the necessary effect is to undermine and lessen the domestic in- 
dustry of every new country, and of every nation not as far 
advanced in mechanical and manufacturing industry, as its neigh- 
bors. The natural, legitimate and useful sphere of international 
commerce, is therefore much narrower than that of internal or 
domestic commerce ; for while the former is confined to natural 
products or raw materials — the latter extends to and includes 
both natural and manufactured products of all kinds fit for the 
use, or. of being fitted for the use of man. 

Sec. 2. The result of all proper commercial transactions, is to 
effect an exchange of commodities. 
Commerce in its primitive character consists in an exchange 
of commodities. In an advanced state of society, domestic com- 
merce very generally consists in an exchange or sale of commodi- 
ties, for money — which is at the same time a measure to deter- 
mine their value, and a means of payment — the money being used 
by the seller, as a means of paying for other commodities which 
he may wish to purchase. The final result of all commerce, 
which is in accordance with the constitution of things and the 
laws of nature, and equally advantageous to both parties, is but 
an exchange of commodities, the production of which cost an 
equal amount of labor, skill, and capital. When one party con- 
tinues to pay out more money or value in commodities than he 
receives, he becomes exhausted and impoverished, and often 
ruined — and if he lives beyond his means and buys on credit for 
consumption, he soon exhausts his credit, and ruin is the necessary 
consequence.* It may therefore be laid down as a general rule, 
(which is subject to very few exceptions) that all purchases for 
consumption, beyond the income of the purchaser, and all pur- 
chases for consumption made on credit and beyond the means of 
immediate payment, are disadvantageous to the purchaser ; and if 
so, they are not within the proper and natural sphere of commerce. 

* See Section 12, of this chapter. 



ON COMMERCE. 30 9 

What is true of individuals, is true when applied to communities 
and nations. International commerce should be an exchange of 
products of equal commercial value, the production of which cost 
in the aggregate, an equal amount of labor and skill. It should 
not be accompanied by the payment on either side of any money, 
or the accumulation of debt to be paid in future, and in the mean 
time to depress and weigh down the debtor community, like the 
chains of despotism. It should exhibit an exact equilibrium in 
its operations and in its effects, and produce no balance to be paid 
either in money, obligations, or stocks ; or accumulated in the 
shape of a mercantile debt. 

Some portion of this rule does not apply in all its force to 
countries like Mexico, and many of the South American States, 
which produce large quantities of the precious metals more than 
they need, and as a commodity for exportation. 

Sec. 3. On what is termed balance of trade — and the principal 
causes which produce it 

When commerce between nations is equally poised and con- 
fined to its natural sphere (as shown in the last section), it con- 
sists of a mere exchange of commodities of equal commercial 
value, costing an equal amount of labor and skill, leaving no 
balance to be paid in specie by either party, and no debt to be 
settled in future. When commerce, either between nations, 
states, provinces, or communities, is not thus balanced — when one 
party purchases from another, a greater aggregate value of pro- 
ducts than it exports in payment, it must either pay the balance 
in specie, or accumulate in some form a debt, to be paid with 
interest, in future. This balance, whether paid down in specie or 
accumulated in the form of a debt, is termed the balance of trade. 

The invention and application of machinery to many branches 
of mechanism, and to almost every department of manufacturing 
industry, as well as to mining, smelting, and working in metals, 
have increased the power and productiveness of the industry of 
man, from two to thirty fold. It must therefore be evident to 
every reflecting mind, that the industry of nations and communi- 
ties must be effective in proportion to the amount of machinery 
they employ ; hence manufacturing nations which employ a large 
amount of machinery, have the advantage in many particulars 
over agricultural nations, living in high latitudes. 

First, because the latter must do their labor mostly by hand, 
and animal power, with few and very simple tools. 

Secondly, the products of the latter are mostly of a perisha- 
ble character, and must be disposed of soon after they are raised, 
whether they are wanted or not, and let prices be as low as they 



370 ON COMMERCE. 

may — while the products of the former can be kept for years, and 
until there is a demand for them. 

Thirdly, the products of the latter are mostly so bulky in pro- 
portion to their value, that they must be consumed in the vicinity 
where they are produced, and will not bear transportation to dis- 
tant markets ; while the greater part of the products of the former 
will bear transportation to any part of the world, where there 
may be a demand for them — and, 

Lastly, the laborers employed in mechanical, manufacturing, 
and mineral industry, necessarily consume mostly the breadstuff's, 
provisions, etc., of the farmers in the vicinity, and thus create a 
market for them ; while the farmers of agricultural nations and 
communities have no market whatever for the greater part of 
their products, except what is furnished by the few mechanics, 
merchants, and professional men among them ; and the prices of 
their products are therefore very low. 

The effect of these causes is, that the value of the productive 
industry of manufacturing nations is more than twice as much as 
that of agricultural nations, in proportion to the number of inhab- 
itants — and while the average value produced by the former, 
amounts to from §60 to §100 annually, that of the latter amounts 
only from $20 to $50. If they were to exchange the products of 
an equal amount of labor, those of the former would amount in 
value to more than twice as much as those of the latter. And 
hence we find, that the balance of trade is generally greatly in 
favor of manufacturing nations and communities, and against 
those which are mostly devoted to agriculture ; and that the 
latter are usually involved in debt to the former, constantly em- 
barrassed and drained of their specie, to pay the balance of trade 
against them. 

Sec. 4. Domestic commerce, depends on a division of employments. 
Commerce depends on production, and the wants of the people, 
and yet production depends on commerce, to dispose of its pro- 
ducts, and furnish an inducement to industry. Commerce when 
unregulated, is governed by the physical laws of nature, together 
with the whims, passions and artificial appetites of the people. 
Domestic commerce arises from division of employments — and 
the amount of it depends on the variety of employments pur- 
sued in a country, the extent of its industry, and the facilities 
for internal transportation. It is the greatest in amount, when 
the greatest amount of machinery and skill is employed, and the 
division of employments is in accordance with the wants of the 
nation — so that there may be products of every variety sufficient 



ON COMMERCE. * oil 

to satisfy all the natural and rational wants of the people, and no 
surplus of articles not needed for exportation. 

Every class of producers want more or less of the products of 
every othe'r class ; and so far as regards articles of fancy, taste, 
and all intellectual wants, the disposition as well as the capacity 
to enjoy, is generally limited only by the ability to pay for — that 
is, by the income of the individual — his income is limited not 
only by his power to produce, but by the demand for, and the 
value of the products of his industry. On the contrary, if the 
division of employments and industry of the people were more 
perfectly adapted to their wants, and all persons not needed to 
supply their natural wants, were employed in producing intellec- 
tual and immaterial values, and articles of taste and luxury suit- 
ed to their condition — there might be employment for all, and the 
ability of each to purchase and enjoy the products of others, 
would be limited only by his power to produce. 

As all the people of a country of every class and pursuit, con- 
sume more or less of the products of almost every other class, 
and thus create a demand, and furnish a market for their pro- 
ducts — all are dependent on each other, and have iu some 
measure a community of interest — whatever increases the aggre- 
gate industry of the whole, tends also to promote the individual 
interest of each member of the community. The advocates of 
free trade admit this principle, and say it extends to, and includes 
the whole civilised world, as one community, bound together by 
the ties of commerce. This is untrue, in the extended sense in 
whicn they apply the principle. It is true, there may be some 
commerce between the people of each and every nation of the 
earth, and those of every other nation — but there js no necessity 
and no occasion for much commerce, between distant communi- 
ties enjoying substantially the same climate, and possessing sim- 
ilar natural resources — their commerce must, from the nature of 
things, be very limited. The greatest part of the products of 
the northern farmer, will bear transportation to market but a 
comparatively short distance. Hence his market for the sale of 
the most of his products, is confined to the mechanics, manufac- 
turers, merchants, miners and other classes, not employed in 
agriculture, within a few hundred miles of him ; and for many 
things, his market is confined to those residing within a few 
miles. Though he may send his flour, pork and beef to Great 
Britain for a market perhaps one year in five, he can very seldom 
send to advantage, to so distant a market, coarse grains, vegeta- 
bles, fresh butter, meats and fruits, hay and many other products 
of his farm. On the other hand, the British miners and man ; 
facturers, and all their laborers, and their families, con: 



372 ON COMMERCE. 

almost exclusively,, the agricultural products of the Eritirh far- 
mers in their vicinity, and those agricultural products of the 
British Isles, may be said to be converted into the iron, hardware, 
cotton, woollen, linen and silk goods, made by the consumers of 
them, and to comprise a part of the value of such manufactured 
products. Hence there is an intimate community of interests, 
and a strong bond of union, between the British farmers and the 
British miners and manufacturers ; and a like community of 
interest between the farmers of every part of the United States, 
and the mechanics, manufacturers and miners of our own country, 
who consume their products. But there is scarcely any com- 
munity of interest, between the British manufacturers and miners, 
and any portion of the agricultural population of the United 
States, except the cotton planters. 

Every man is more or less dependent on his fellow citizens for 
protection of person and property ; for a market for the products 
of his industry ; for aid in distress, and in case of helpless old 
age ; for social enjoyments ; and even for his education, the 
development of his intellect, and the formation of his opinions. 
This dependence, and the community of interest existing between 
all the citizens of a country, arise from the constitution of 
things, from the constitution and condition of man ; and from the 
moral laws of nature. It is the duty of man to act in obedience 
to the moral laws of nature, which were established by the Deity 
and adapted to 'his welfare. Those laws impose on him a moral 
obligation to reciprocate the aid he derives from his fellow citizens, 
arising from the operation of those laws, and from his condition 
as a citizen, and as a producer, laborer, man of business, or capi- 
talist. Charity begins at home. We may therefore regard it, 
as not only the interest, but also the moral duty, of every man to 
aid his fellow citizens, and to consume the products of their 
industry, in preference to the products of foreigners. 

This reasoning, and this view of the subject, is entitled to the 
careful examination and deliberate consideration of the reader 
and of the public. If it is correct, whoever consumes British 
iron or wears British or French cloths, not only contributes to 
furnish a market" for, aid and patronage to, the foreign manufac- 
turer, but to the British and French farmers also ; to the injury 
of the farmers and manufacturers of his own country- — of his own 
fellow citizens and neighbors. The farmers of our country who 
consume foreign, in preference to domestic products, are guilty 
of a suicidal policy ; which is injurious to themselves, and unjust 
to their fellow citizens. 



ON" COMMERCE. 



373 



Sec. 5. The natural tendency of commerce is to conform to the 
physical laics of nature. 

The natural tendency of foreign as well as domestic commerce, 
is to conform to the physical laws of nature ; but as these laws 
are numerous, and depend on various causes, their operations 
depend on the relative condition and circumstances of the 
different nations between which it is carried on. The character 
and amount of both the exports and imports of every country, are 
influenced, and in some measure controlled, by ^he relative 
natural resources, industry, condition, and wants of itself, andof 
those nations with which it has commercial intercourse. Foreign 
commerce is, however, very much influenced by duties, bounties, 
drawbacks, and legal regulations ; which should be established in 
accordance with the moral laws of nature, with a view of pro- 
moting the industry, and general welfare of the people. 

The wants of the people are constant and regular — and 
domestic industry, and internal commerce, and the prices of pro- 
ducts are generally very uniform and regular, when not disturbed 
by foreign influences. But foreign commerce, when unrestricted 
or badly regulated, is so extremely variable as to baffle all fore- 
sight and rational calculation. It makes prices excessively 
changeable, and business (to a very great extent) a mere game 
of chance, and often spreads terror and ruin among the merchants, 
as well as among the manufacturers and laborers of our country. 

Sec 6. On -protective duties, and their effects. 
When foreign commerce was free, and governed > only by the 
natural tendency of things (as it formerly was), the greatest part 
of the commerce of the world was monopolized by one or two 
nations or states, by means of their superiority in productive 
industry, navigation, and maritime power. Thus Tyre, the cities 
of Greece, Carthage, Venice, Genoa, Holland, and the Hanse- 
Towns, successively engrossed the greatest part of the commerce 
of the world, until the policy of protection to domestic industry 
was introduced by Great Britain, about the middle of the seven- 
teenth century. This policy was soon adopted by other nations, 
and has wrought a complete change in the industry, as well as the 
commerce of the world. The war of tariffs and navigation laws 
gave the first powerful stimulus to industry in Europe. By secur- 
ing the home markets to the domestic producer, it encouraged new 
branches of industry, varied employments, increased the markets, 
the productive industry, and the consumption and comforts — 
secured the industrial independence, and promoted the social 
well-being of the people of nearly all the nations of Europe. 



374 ON COMMERCE. 

During more than a century, the practice has been very general 
among the nations of Europe of imposing duties on articles im- 
ported from other countries which come in competition with 
domestic products, for the double purpose, of -raising revenue, 
and securing the domestic market for the benefit of the domestic 
laborer and producer. Whenever heavier duties have been im- 
posed on one class of imports than on another for the latter 
purpose, they have been denominated protecting or discriminating 
duties. Sinje Great Britain has acquired an ascendency over all 
the nations of the earth in mining and manufacturing industry, 
by reason of her superior natural resources, a greater amount of 
machinery, cheap labor, and a greater number of skilful laborers 
and artisans — she can produce cheaper than any other nation — 
the cheapness of her products secures her own markets from the 
intrusion of foreigners — and enables her to supply other nations 
at prices nominally lower than their own manufacturers can. 
The manufacturers of Great Britain have found, that so far as 
free trade can be established, they can monopolize the markets of 
all such nations as establish it ; and hence, nearly all the poli- 
ticians and public writers of Great Britain have been endeavoring 
to spread the doctrines of free trade for half a century past, and 
the practice of the government on that subject, has recently 
undergone an entire change 

The immediate effect of imposing duties on articles which 
come in competition either with those of the same kind, or with 
those so similar in their purpose, that one may be substituted for 
the other, is /to raise their cost to the consumer and lessen their 
consumption. The consumption of foreign products and the 
demand for them being lessened, if the production continues the 
same, the price will necessarily fall. Hence the duty at first 
operates as a tax, partly on the consumer, and partly on the pro- 
ducer ; but as in the succession of events, every effect produced 
gives effect to a cause, in such a manner as to seem to operate as 
a cause in and of itself, so the duty seems to produce a suc- 
cession of effects in regular order. The first effect is, to lessen 
the importation of the articles charged with duty ; that of itself 
will increase the market and the demand for domestic products 
to supply their place and raise their price a little, so as to make 
them equal to the imported article, with the duty paid ; the 
increased price and demand for domestic products, stimulate and 
increase production in countries and among a people adapted to 
it 5 and this increased production and supply react upon the 
market, and reduce the prices of both the domestic and the im- 
ported article ; so that, in the end, the price of the domestic 
article is often reduced below the price of the imported one before 



OX COMMERCE. 375 

the duty was imposed. The foreign producer must either 
abandon the market, or submit, at each step in the process to such 
a reduction of prices, as to sell, after the duties are paid, as low- 
as the domestic producer ; and thus the whole amount of the 
dutits is eventually thrown as a tax on the foreign producer and 
the importer.* 

The ultimate effect of all duties imposed on articles im- 
ported, which come in competition with domestic products, is to 
aid in securing the domestic markets for the benefit of the 
domestic laborer and producer ; to encourage and build up new 
branches of industry, and to diversify employments. They tend 
to secure to the citizens and laborers of every country, a field of 
employment which properly belongs to them.j" By multiplying 
employments, increasing the mechanical, manufacturing, and 
mining industry of the country — they create a demand for labor 
— increase the number of persons employed in such pursuits, 
create markets for agricultural products in the immediate vicinity 
of the farmer, raise the price of those products, and thus increase 
the industry, and the aggregate amount as well as value of every 
department of industry. 

Sec. 7. On Free Trade and its effects. 

Many of the politicians, statesmen, and writers of this country, 
and on the continent of Europe as well as in Great Britain, 
having adopted the doctrines of free trade — it becomes important 
to examine those doctrines, and the principles involved in them. 
Their advocates are divided into two classes, or sects. The most 
strict sect insist that no duties should be levied on either exports 
or imports — that no taxes should be levied on consumption or 
industry, or even on the industry of foreign nations — that every 
government should be supported by direct taxation of the pro- 
perty of its own citizens — that international as well as domestic 
commerce should be entirely unrestrained, custom-houses abolished 
— and the people of all nations allowed to trade with each other 
freely, as if they were a band of brothers, and citizens of the same 
community. They claim that every man has a natural and inhe- 
rent right, to sell or exchange his own property, with whomsoever 
and for such other property as suits his pleasure ; and to import, 
use, and sell the same, without tax or restriction. 

Another class or sect, a little less radical and perhaps the most 
numerous of the two, are advocates of a modified system of free 
trade. They admit the right and expediency of taxing imports 

* See on this subject of prices, Sections 26 to 30 of Chap. xii. 
f See ante Sec. 10, of Chap. VI. 



316 ON COMMERCE. 

for the purpose of raising revenues to support the government — 
but insist, that duties should be imposed on imports with 
reference to revenue only — and that the true rule is, to levy 
duties in such a manner, as to encourage as large importations as 
are practicable, under a rate of duties so high, as to raise the 
greatest amount of revenue. Like the stricter sect, they insist 
that every man has an inherent right to buy where he pleases — 
that it is for his interest to buy where he can buy cheapest — that 
he is under no obligation to patronize his fellow citizens, and to 
consume their products, in preference to those of foreigners — 
that duties levied on imports, not only raise their price to the 
full amount of the duty, but raise in a corresponding manner, the 
price of all domestic products with which they come in competi- 
tion — that while the duty thus operates as a tax on the consumer 
for the support of government, the enhanced price of the 
domestic products amounts to a tax on the consumer, without 
any equivalent, and for the sole benefit of the producer ; whereby 
one class is unjustly taxed for the benefit of another. They 
therefore deny the propriety of discriminating between such 
imports as compete with the domestic industry of the country, 
and such as do not, for the purpose of lessening that class of 
imports, and promoting domestic industry. They insist, that it 
is the duty of the government to avoid raising the prices of 
domestic manufactures, and to encourage foreign competition, 
and the importation of foreign manufactures in their finished 
state, rather than raw materials to be manufactured, for the 
double purpose, of reducing the cost to the consumer of domestic 
goods, and increasing the aggregate value of the imports — and 
the amoVmt of duties, when levied on the ad valorem principle. 
In order to effect these objects, higher duties were in many 
instances imposed by the tariff of 1846 on raw materials to be 
manufactured, and on products which do not come in competition 
with domestic industry, than on manufactured products, which 
do come in competition with domestic products. 

This system of policy is directly opposed to the protective 
system, and instead of discriminating in favor of the industry of 
the country, it actually discriminates in favor of the industry of 
foreign nations — and against our own citizens. 

If free trade in its strict sense were adopted by all the nations 
of the earth, the natural tendency and necessary effect would be 
this — in the universal competition among nations, that nation 
which, by means of greater natural advantages, cheaper labor, 
greater skill, industry and capital, can manufacture an article 
cheaper than any other nation, can undersell all others— com- 
mand the markets of the world for that article, and supplant all 



ON COMMERCE. 3*77 

their competitors. These are the necessary effects produced 
under such circumstances, by the physical laws of nature — and 
hence it is important, that every nation should regulate its 
foreign commerce in accordance with the moral laws of nature, 
so as to secure its own markets and a proper field of employment, 
for its own people, and avoid such evils.* No general rule of 
policy for regulating foreign commerce, can be adapted to the 
condition of all nations. Every country should adapt its 
commercial policy to its own peculiar circumstances, natural 
resources, condition and industry, in such a manner as to 
promote the industry and welfare of its citizens. 

It has been shown that Great Britain has the natural resources 
and capacity to expand her manufactures of iron, hardware, cot- 
ton, and woollen goods, so as to supply the whole civilized world 
with manufactures of that kind. All that is wanted, is free trade 
to enable the British manufacturers to accomplish that object, so 
far as concerns manufacturing by machinery. Such manufactures 
in the United States as well as in nearly every country on the 
continent of Europe, would be ruined, the industry of the country 
depressed, laborers thrown out of employment, the prices of labor 
reduced, the people involved in debt, and kept in debt as much 
as the British manufacturers would dare to trust them, and the 
people impoverished, until they were compelled to resort to the 
old system of manufacturing in families, by spinning on the one 
thread wheel, and weaving with the hand loom. 

The manufactures of iron in the United StateS^have been al- 
most entirely prostrated already, by the operations of the tariff 
act of 1S46, and many of the cotton and woollen factories have 
stopped running. It is said, that more than half of the blast 
furnaces for making pig iron, and nearly half of the rolling mills 
for making bar iron in Pennsylvania are now (1851) doing 
nothing ; and that a very large proportion of them have been 
sold by the sheriff under execution. 

Such have been the effects already in the short space of about 
five years, under the tariff of 1846 ; which imposes a nominal 
duty of thirty per cent, on iron and manufactures of cotton, 
which are partially evaded by under valuations. The effects were 
about the same (from 1816 to 1824) under our tariff act of 1816, 
which imposed duties on those articles amounting to from 20 to 
30 per cent. They were also about equally depressing to the 
industry and destructive to the interests of our country during 
the operation of the compromise act, from 1834 to 1S42. Though 
the duties under those acts were imposed mostly for purposes of 

* See Sections 2, 3, and 4 of Chapter I. and Section 10 of Chapter VI. 



3,8 OX COMMERCE. 

revenue only, yet they afforded very great incidental aid and pro- 
tection to American industry*. How much more our own indus- 
try would be supplanted and depressed under a system of strict 
free trade, the reader can well imagine. Our imports of foreign 
manufactures would be increased immensely for a few years. 
American industry would be supplanted, our country drained of 
specie, loaded down with debt, incumbered with thousands of 
British mortgages, the most of the bonds issued by our states, 
cities, and incorporated companies, together with the stocks of 
our banking institutions, railroad companies, and much of the 
most valuable real estate in the nation, would pass into the hands 
of British capitalists, and we should be reduced to a condition 
. of dependence, very similar to that of Ireland, Canada, and other 
provinces of Great Britain. Labor, agricultural products, and 
real estate, would be reduced to less than half their present prices, 
and after nearly all our manufacturers had been ruined and driven 
out of the business, and the British and French had got the com- 
plete control of our markets ; the prices of manufactures would 
be likely to be raised, and alternately raised and lowered as their 
interests might dictate, so as to destroy competition, command 
our markets, and keep us in a state of dependence. To be an 
agent for British capitalists, or an attorney for British creditors, 
would then be (in this country) as it has long been in Canada 
and other British provinces, the most profitable business that could 
be pursued. ^ 

This is no iancy picture. We have evidence enough of its 
truth, in the effect of a partial system of free trade at different 
periods ; and we have before us the example of Ireland and the 
British provinces, which have long enjoyed the advantages (if any) 
of free trade with Great Britain. We have also our own colonial 
experience on the same subject. 

Sec. 8. The exports of a country depend on the character , variety, 
amount, and prices of the products of its industry. 

The extent and value of the exports of a people, depend on 
the amount and character of their productive industry ; on the 
adaptation of their products to the wants of the people of other 
nations ; and the facilities for exporting them. The greatest pro- 
portion of agricultural products of countries lying in cold and 
temperate climates, are so bulky and cheap, that they will not 
bear transportation to distant markets ; and hence agricultural 
countries of high latitudes, have but a small amount of exports. 

The quantity and value of the exports of all great commercial 
nations depend, first, on the extent, variety, and skill of their 
mechanical, manufacturing, and mining industry, and the adapta- 



OX COMMERCE. 379 

tion of their industry and their products to the wants and tastes 
of the people of other nations. Secondly, on the effective de- 
mand of foreign nations and colonies for their products. And, 
lastly, on their capacity to sell as cheap, or cheaper, than their 
rivals, and to compete successfully with them in foreign markets. 
These causes and conditions depend on others, as antecedents ; 
on the natural resources, climate, and condition of a country ; on 
the advancement made by the people in the sciences and useful 
arts ; on their skill, habits of industry, genius, and enterprise ; on 
their imports, and the adaptation of their laws to develope their 
natural resources and promote their industry : and on the capital 
accumulated, and the machinery employed by them. Secondly, 
on the numbers, wants, tastes, customs, industry, resources, and 
condition of their customers in foreign countries and colonies ; 
and lastly, on the geographical position of a country, in reference 
to other countries ; upon its navigable rivers, harbors, bays, ca- 
nals, and other facilities for internal and external communications ; 
on the commercial genius and spirit of the people, and the adapt- 
ation of their laws and institutions to the purposes and pursuits of 
commerce. 

Sec. 9. On what the imports of a country depend. 

The imports of a country depend, 

1st. On the wants, tastes, habits, customs, and spirit of the 
people. 

2d. On the resources of the country, the industry and condi- 
tion of the people, and their capacity to supply a greater or less 
number of their own wants. 

3d. On the productive industry of other nations with which 
they have commerce, and the prices at which those nations re- 
spectively sell their products. 

4th. The quantity imported of any particular article which 
comes in competition with domestic products, depends much on 
the amount of duties levied on it, and the encouragement there- 
by given to domestic industry, to produce a similar article to sup- 
ply the market. 

5th. The aggregate amount and commercial value of the im- 
ports of a country, may be lessened for a few years, by high 
duties levied on articles which come in competition with the pro- 
ducts of its own people ; but such aggregate value cannot be 
lessened during a period of ten years or more. The amount 
must finally depend on the value of its exports, and its ability to 
pay for a greater or less amount of imported articles. Exports, 
imports, and domestic production, are all, in some measure, 
mutually dependent on each other. Production, and the wants 



330 ON COMMERCE. 

of other nations determine the amount of exports ; and the com- 
mercial value of the exports of a country, taking long periods 
into consideration, determines the aggregate amount and com- 
mercial value of its imports. Though duties lessen the importa- 
tion of some articles, yet their indirect effect is, to increase the 
importation of others, or of specie. 

6. Duties on imports, which tend to lessen the importation of 
snch articles as come in competition with domestic products ; to 
secure the domestic market to our citizens ; and to diversify as 
well as to increase the industry of the nation ; tend also to prevent, 
the accumulation of a foreign debt, to increase the wealth of the 
people, to increase the products of the country for exportation, 
to increase its exports, to increase its ability to pay for imports, 
and finally, to increase the aggregate amount and value of its 
imports. The duties effect some change in the character of its 
imports, and for a few years lessen their amount, but they finally 
(taking a long series of years into consideration,) increase their 
aggregate amount and value. These truths are illustrated by 
the commerce of Great Britain, France, and Belgium, in Sec- 
tions 14, 15, and 16. The commerce and the productive indus- 
try of all those countries, have grown up under the protecting 
system. 

Sec. 10. Influence of paper money \ and the credit system, on 
exports and imports, and on domestic commerce. 

Commerce both foreign and domestic, is very much influenced 
by paper money, and the credit system. The notes issued by 
banks, are loaned to individuals, who use them to buy property, 
pay laborers, debts, &c. They are put in circulation as money, 
and increase the circulating medium of the country, and so far as 
they exceed the coin deposited in the vaults of the banks to re- 
deem with, they are based on credit. The banks depend on 
loaning their notes as a means of profit ; and half the business 
men of this country depend more or less on bank loans, as a 
means of carrying on their business. Paper money, and the 
credit system, thus mutually depend upon, and act and react upon 
each other. 

Paper money, by increasing the circulating medium of a coun- 
try, and the facilities for obtaining loans, tends to increase the 
prices of goods, and all kinds of property — to increase the num- 
ber of merchants, business men, and speculators of all classes — 
to increase competition in all mercantile and speculative opera- 
tions — and to increase the anxiety of the dealers to sell, and to 
sell on credit, in order to make large sales, hoping and expecting 
to realize a large income. Large sales on credit increase the con 



CTN COMMERCE. 381 

sumption of goods, and tend to increase the demand for them, and 
to enhance prices still more. 

An increase of the prices of goods and products, when they get 
above the prices in other countries, tends to encourage and in- 
crease the importation of the products of foreign countries — to 
diminish the exports of domestic products — to produce a balance 
of trade against the country — to involve it in debt — to raise 
foreign exchanges — to cause an exportation of the precious metals 
— and to drain the banks of their specie — until they are com- 
pelled to redeem their notes and lessen their circulation. The 
evils produced by an excessive issue of paper money, do eventu- 
ally tend to check themselves, but they do not restore to the 
country the losses they have occasioned. Their mischievous 
effects upon a new country like ours, are very similar in their 
character, though much less in amount, than those of free trade ; 
and hence many of the party politicians of our country, have 
attributed all its commercial embarrassments to an excess of paper 
money, while others have charged them all to free trade. 

The tendency of an excessive amount of paper money, is to 
increase loans and credits of every kind, retail as well as whole- 
sale — to increase credits for luxuries and goods to be consumed, 
as well as for goods to sell again, and for capital to do business 
with. Many are inclined to take advantage of the ease with 
which credits can be obtained, to buy luxuries which they would 
not otherwise have thought of, and to engage in more hazardous 
enterprises on other men's capital, than they would on their own 
— thinking that they have nothing to lose — that if they are un- 
fortunate, the loss falls on their creditors, and not on themselves 
— and that, if they venture nothing, they cannot hope to make 
much gains. Credit being stimulated to the utmost, business is 
overdone ; and goods are urged upon every class of persons who 
are supposed to be able to pay. In such a state of things, the 
laborer often consumes his earnings, before he does the work — 
and laborers, and mechanics, as well as farmers, merchants, and 
professional men, all anticipate their income by means of credits, 
consume it before it comes in, and eventually involve themselves 
in debt. Habits of living are contracted above their means, their 
expenditures continue to be quite equal to or greater than their 
incomes, and interest accumulates on their debts, until they 
become so large, as to embarrass them through their whole lives, 
and sometimes involve them in hopeless bankruptcy. The con- 
sumer becomes indebted to the retail trader — the retailer to the 
jobbing or wholesale merchant, the wholesaler to the importer, 
the importer to the foreign manufacturer ; and the importers, 
wholesale and retail merchants, are all involved in debt to the 



382 ON COMMERCE. 

banks, and the banks to the bill holders. There is a perfect net- 
work of credits, all more or less dependent on each other — and all 
more or less affected by an exportation of specie to pay the foreign 
debt and the balance of trade against the country — and often 
shocked and almost paralyzed for a time, by the panic caused by 
the exportation of specie, and sometimes by an anticipation only, 
or fear of such exportation. 

Sec. 11. Depressing effects of debts , upon individuals and com- 
munities. Different effects of foreign and domestic debts. 

Debt operates upon individuals and communities like a heavy 
burthen, which bears them down, and impedes their progress. 
Persons deeply involved in debt are more or less slaves to their 
creditors, the degree of servitude depending on the severity of 
the laws. Imprisonment for debt was abolished in Athens by 
Solon, to relieve the poor from the oppressions of the rich. The 
debts contracted by the plebeians to the Patricians of ancient 
Rome, eventually reduced thousands of them to slavery. Those 
who had been condemned for default of payment, had a delay of 
thirty days to liberate themselves by making payment ; at the end 
of that time, the creditor could put them in irons and confine 
them for two months, and if the debt was not then paid he could 
expose them to sale as slaves. Even distinguished citizens were 
not exempt from this deplorable lot.* The peon slavery of 
Mexico originates in debt, is only a means of securing the creditor, 
and is very similar in its character, to the debtor slavery among 
the Romans. The condition of debtors among the Israelites was 
very similar, and the institution of the Jubilee was established 
as a remedy, as recorded in the 25th chapter of Leviticus. 

The people of Ireland exhibit the most striking example on 
record, of the deplorable condition of a nation of debtors and 
tenants. Free trade with Great Britain, and the ignorance of 
the people, have prevented the growth of manufactures, and 
together with absentee Landlordism, so drained the country of 
its products to pay creditors, landlords and manufacturers in 
England, that the mass of the people are reduced to the most 
abject poverty, and the whole nation is impoverished. It has been 
impossible for the greatest portion of the tenants to pay their rents, 
much of the time, during the last thirty years ; and much more 
difficult than formerly, since the depression of the prices of agri- 
cultural products, consequent upon the establishment of the 
principle of free trade in grain, in 1846. Many of the tenants in 
default, have been driven from their possessions ; others have been 

*See Statistique des peuples de Pantiquite, par Moreau de Jonnes, vol. 2. p 
407, and authorities there cited. 



ON COMMERCE. 383 

selling oat their leases for more than twenty years past, and emi- 
grating to America. The Irish landlords having lost a large 
proportion of their rents, have become impoverished and involved 
in debt ; their estates are generally mortgaged, and British credi- 
tors are rapidly buying up their estates, and also the leases of 
the tenants, and letting the lands to English and Scotch farmers; 
and the time is not far distant, when very little of the real estate 
of Ireland, will be either owned or occupied by the descendants 
of the Celtic population of the 16th century. 

The influence of debt was severely felt in almost all the States 
of the Union from IS 37 to 1S43 ; and particularly in the new 
States. In many counties of from twenty to forty thousand in- 
habitants, there were from five hundred to fifteen hundred suits 
commenced annually in courts of record, for several years ; besides 
great numbers of suits in Justices' courts, which in most of the 
western Statss, have jurisdiction for all debts not exceeding $100, 
in amount. The business of lawyers, sheriffs, marshals and 
clerks, was the most prosperous and profitable of any, and the 
energies of the country seemed to be paralyzed. Though the 
bankrupt act passed by Congress in 1S41 was in force less than 
two years, yet the number of applicants for the benefit of it, was 
no less than 33,739, and the aggregate amount of debts and liabil- 
ities stated by them in their schedules, exceeded $440,000,000 ; 
the amount of property turned over by them, amounted to less 
than $44,000,000. It would be a moderate estimate to put clown 
the number of individuals who compromised their debts during 
that eventful period, at 50,000, and the amount of their debts at 
two hundred and fifty millions of dollars. 

The foreign debt of the country was then about two hundred 
millions of dollars, making a perfect chain of debt, from the 
consumer to the country and village merchant, from him to the 
wholesale merchants, who were involved in debts to the banks 
and the importers, and the importers to the banks and the foreign 
manufacturer. I have seen fifteen columns of a country news- 
paper in Ohio filled with notices of sheriffs' sales. The appraise- 
ment laws prevented an immense amount of real estate from 
being sacrificed in many of the new States. If buildings, timber 
and all personal chattels in the United States could be removed 
without expense, and made available, immense quantities of them 
would have been purchased by importers and British creditors. 
If such had been the case, and the soil of the lands could be 
removed in like manner, the credit of the country would have 
been sustained until the people (like the Celts of Ireland) had 
worn out and consumed, the value of the greatest part of the 
property in the nation, and the same had been transferred to 



384 ON COMMERCE. 

British creditors and capitalists. Nothing but the laws of God, 
established in the nature of things, prevented the utter ruin of 
the country. Foreign creditors do not buy farms, dwelling- 
houses, stores, mills, and other immoveable and bulky property in 
the United States, because such property would be nearly worth- 
less to them ; and rather than make such purchases, they prefer 
to suspend farther credits. But Ireland is so near, and under 
the same government, that the lands are desirable, and British 
creditors and capitalists are rapidly buying them up, and will 
soon own nearly the whole island; and the poor Celt is obliged to 
emigrate in search of employment, and the means of living. 

The large debts contracted by many of the States for Canals 
and Railroads have rendered it necessary to levy high taxes to 
pay the interest, which has made the burthens of taxation in some 
instances excessively onerous. Though the direct taxes levied on 
property by the several states, countries, cities, towns and 
villages — are much less in amount than the indirect taxes levied 
by the federal government on foreign products imported, yet the 
former are felt with ten times as much severity, and particularly 
in the new states, as the latter. The duties on imports are 
mostly levied on articles which come into competition with 
domestic industry, and are so levied that they not only encourage 
and promote domestic industry, but the domestic competition 
throws about three quarters, and in some instances, the whole 
duty as a tax on the foreign producer.*' 

Loans made and debts contracted, to procure materials and 
capital to promote industry or do business with, are often 
advantageous to the debtor ; but when contracted for goods and 
products of any kind for consumption, they are generally the 
inceptive steps to his ruin. Debt operates upon individuals and 
communities like an incubus, which bears heavily upon them, and 
when they have little or nothing but the products of their indus- 
try to pay with, it holds them in a sort of semi-servitude. When a 
manufacturer or mechanic buys materials to work up for sale, or 
a merchant buys goods to sell again at a profit, the credit he 
procures adds to his capital, and enables him to increase his 
industry or his business. Wholesale credits and credits of that 
character, when discreetly contracted, are advantageous ; but retail 
credits made to the consumer, are generally destructive to the 
best interests of the country, and should be discouraged. The 
bankrupt laws of England make a broad distinction between 
merchants and traders, to whom wholesale credits are necessary, 
and the mass of the people, who are only consumers and buy at 

* See on this point Sec. 6 of this Chapter. 



ON COMMERCE. 38a 

retail ; and in order* to encourage wholesale credits, and those only, 
they give more summary and efficient remedies against the former, 
than they do against the latter. This important distinction has 
been overlooked in this country, and the consequences have been 
very injurious. If goods were sold at retail for ready pay only, 
wholesale credits would be much less hazardous. This is a mat- 
ter which can be remedied by state legislation. 

A domestic debt is much less burthensome to a community 
than a foreign debt. The interest on the former being expended 
in the vicinity of the debtor, serves to create a market for him, 
and to encourage his industry ; while the interest which is paid to 
foreign creditors is sent abroad, and serves to drain the country 
of its money, and what is most desirable abroad, without any 
corresponding advantages to the debtor. It operates on the 
debtor, and on the country, as absentee landlordism operates on 
Ireland. A railroad or any public improvement, or investment, 
is much more advantageous co the country or state where it is 
made, when made with the capital of its own citizens, than it can 
be, when made with capital from abroad. In the former case the 
profits or dividends will be expended or invested at home, to en- 
courage the industry of the country ; in the latter they must bo 
sent abroad. 

Our imports have exceeded our exports during the last four 
years (1848 to 1S51J under the free trade tariff of 1846. Our 
foreign mercantile debt has increased rapidly, and a prodigious 
amount of the stocks and bonds of the United States, of the sev- 
eral states, and of our own commercial cities and incorporated com- 
panies, have been sent abroad and the proceeds used for the pay- 
ment of foreign goods ; a substitute for which we might, and 
ought to have produced at home. All these facts and tendencies 
should be taken into consideration, in order to regulate properly, 
our foreign commerce. 

Sec. 12. How, and for what purposes and ends, commerce should 

be regulated. 

The heat of tropical countries, and of those bordering on the 

torrid zone, enervates the human system, conduces to lassitude 

and indolence, and renders human life so short that the population 

seldom increases much, except by means of foreign immigration. 

Hence the increase of the free population in tropical countries 

has been slow, during the last two centuries, compared with what 

it has been in the cold and temperate countries of Europe, and 

of the northern parts of North America. Notwithstanding the 

activity of the slave trade, the products of tropical countries 

have increased very little faster than the demand for them, so 

17 



3S6 OX COMMERCE. 

that the decline in prices has been comparatively slow. Coffee, 
sugar, spices, and most other products of hot and warm countries 
as well as cotton, are not perishable, can be kept until there is a 
demand for them, and are so valuable that they will bear trans- 
portation to any part of the world, and will generally command a 
market at fair prices. It is not generally for the interest of the 
people of such countries, to attempt to manufacture much for 
themselves, their time can be more profitably employed in agricul- 
ture ; and they can supply themselves with manufactured goods 
to better advantage, by attending to agriculture and exchanging 
their products with manufacturing nations. This is not the case 
with agricultural nations in cold and temperate climates. Their 
products are mostly perishable, heavy, and bulky, in proportion 
to their value ; they have but little to export which is wanted and 
which will bear exportation, their wants are numerous and their 
means of payment small. Tropical products they must import 
or go without, and it is impossible for them to pay for such arti- 
cles, and to pay also for many foreign manufactures, and hence 
they must from necessity manufacture for themselves, or remain 
destitute of man} 7 of the necessaries, and ordinary comforts of 
life. 

One of the primary objects of regulating commerce, is to tax, 
or impose du ies on the subject matter of it, for the purposes of 
revenue ; another object is, to give such direction to it, and to 
the industry of the people, as to increase the value of their 
industry, and promote their general welfare. Taxing imports 
which come in competition with domestic industry, or induce 
luxury or immorality, serve the double purpose of raising reve- 
nue and promoting the welfare of the people, by increasing their 
industry, checking luxury, or immorality. As taxes on imports 
may, in most eases, be so levied as to promote two objects at the 
same time, this mode of taxation and raising revenue is the least 
burthensome, and the most advantageous to the people, of any 
which has ever been devised. 

The commerce of every country should be so regulated as to 
aid in securing and supplying markets for its citizens, and a de- 
mand for their labor and products, or in other words, to aid in 
furnishing a field of employment for them, adapted to the climate, 
natural resources, and condition of the country. # No system of 
commercial regulations, or general rules for imposing duties on 
the subject matter of commerce and navigation, can be devised 
adapted to the condition of all nations. The policy of every 
nation, in regulating its foreign commerce, and encouraging par^ 

* See on this subject Sections 10, 11, 12, and If) of Chapter VI. 



ON COMMERCE. 387 

ticular branches of industry, should be adapted to its natural re- 
sources, wants, climate, condition, aud the competition its citizens 
must meet in its own markets, as well as in the markets of the 
commercial world. 

The natural field of foreign commerce is between countries of 
different natural resources, climates, and natural products. The 
greater part of the* commerce between Great Britain and the 
nations of Europe, is unnatural and disadvantageous to the latter. 
The principal part of the imports from Great Britain into our 
northern, middle, and western states, are of the same character, 
and destructive to the interests of our country. On the contrary, 
our commerce with the West India Islands, Mexico, and the 
South American States, has been advantageous to us as a 
nation. With the exception of Holland and Belgium, there is 
no country, either on the continent of Europe or in North Ame- 
rica, in which there is not a sufficient number of persons con- 
stantly out of employment, to supply the country with manufac- 
tures, if they only possessed a sufficient amount of skill, expe- 
rience, and intellectual capacity, to do so, the foreign commerce 
of the country had been properly regulated, and manufacturing 
industry properly encouraged. 

No branch of mining or manufacturing industry not well estab- 
lished in this country, and very few under any circumstances, can 
compete successfully with the machinery, skill, cheap labor, low 
rate of interest, and large capital in Great Britain, without legis- 
lative protection. In fact, experience shows that these causes 
are so great in favor of British, and in some instances of French 
manufacturers, as to enable them to supply our markets for all the 
finer and more expensive qualities of goods, and to displace and 
supplant the product of American manufacture, which would oth- 
erwise supply the market. By this means the manufacturing and 
mining industry of our country is depressed and lessened in 
amount, and a larger portion of our capital and labor forced into 
agriculture. Ever since the general peace of 1815, our agricul- 
tural products, (except for the article of wheat and a few others 
in unfavorable seasons,) have been greatly beyond the wants of 
the country. They have been so super-abundant, and the foreign 
demand for them generally so small, that no increase of quantity 
could increase their aggregate value, or benefit the country in the 
least. In fact, for at least four years in five since 1815, an 
increase in quantity, has actually diminished their aggregate 
value. 

When foreign imports lessen the products of any particular 
branch of domestic industry, by partially displacing them and 
supplying the market, it rarely happens that they increase the 



883 ON COMMERCE. 

aggregate value of any other branch of industry. The wealth of 
the nation is therefore diminished to the full value of whatever 
is paid for those that might be produced at home, unless some- 
thing is exchanged for them which we do not need, and could not 
otherwise sell. 

Many nations are well adapted by nature for a particular 
branch of industry, but do not produce all the necessary raw ma- 
terials. When such a nation imports the manufactured article, 
instead of importing the raw material and employing its citizens 
in manufacturing it, the loss to the nation is generally equal to 
the difference between the cost of the former, and that of the 
latter. 

In as much as the use of intoxicating drinks as a beverage, 
tends to injure the consumer, and to promote immorality, indo- 
lence, vice, and crime, their value for such purposes, is wholly 
factitious (as heretofore shown.)* Whatever is given in exchange 
for them, for such uses, and for some other articles, is a total loss 
to the community. 

The value of- luxuries is also more or less factitious (as hereto- 
fore shown). "\ Whenever luxuries are imported into a country 
for consumption, the national wealth is diminished to the full 
extent of the difference between the value of the money or com- 
modities given in exchange for them, and their utility to the con- 
sumer ; and it may be diminished to the full extent of their cost, 
when the importation tends to supplant and diminish domestic 
industry. 

Foreign commerce should be regulated by means of duties with 
a view to the following objects : 

First, The promotion and increase of domestic industry. 
Secondly, The collection of revenue, for the support of the 
government — and, 

Lastly, to check luxury, the use of intoxicating drinks, and 
other things, which may contribute to vice, immorality, indolence, 
and extravagance ; and to make those who will indulge in such 
things, pay a tax to the government, as a partial compensation 
for the injury they do the country. 

For the purpose of promoting domestic industry, it is the true 
policy of a country like the United States : First, to encourage 
new branches of industry ; to increase and diversify the employ- 
ments of the people, as much as is consistent with their condition 
and the natural resources of the country ; and to adapt the division 
of employments to the wants of the nation, that the people of each 
employment may create a market for those of every other em- 
ployment. 

* Vide ante, Sec. 4, of Chapter VI. f Vide Sec. 2 of Chapter VI. 



OX COMMERCE. 



S9 



Secondly, to cultivate commercial intercourse with the inhabi- 
tants of warmer climates, who may want their products, and can 
furnish such products as they need, and cannot produce for them- 
selves. 

Thirdly, to encourage the importation of articles to be used as 
capital, and raw materials to be manufactured, in preference to 
manufactured products for consumption — and 

Lastly, to prevent a balance of trade against the country, the 
exportation of coin, and the accumulation of a foreign debt. 

Sec. 13. On the foreign Commerce of the United States, the 
balance of trade against the country, and the foreign debt, at 
different periods. 

Statement in millions of dollars, of the exports from the United 
States, of the value of cotton, leaf tobacco, and rice, respectively 
— of all other domestic products, and of the aggregate amount of 
all domestic products except coin, during the undermentioned 
fiscal years. 



Years. 


Cotton. 


Tobacco. 


Rice. 


Other 
Products. 


Total of domes- 
tic products. 


1790 


.04 


4.35 


1.75 


13.52 


19.66 


1800 


5. 








31.84 


1805 


9.44 


6.34 


1.7 


24.9 


42.38 


1810 


15.1 


5. 


2.6 


19.96 


42.36 


1S20 


22.3 


7.96 


1.7 


19.72 


51.68 


1830 


29.67 


5.58 


1.98 


20.97 


58.52 


1840 


63.87 


9.88 


1.94 


35.97 


111.66 


1842 


47.59 


9.54 


1.9 


32.80 


91.8 


1845 


51.74 


7.47 


2.16 


37.1S 


98.45 


1847 


53.41 


7.24 


3.6 


86.32 


150.57 


1849 


66.39 


5.8 


2.57 


56.94 


131.7 


1850 


71.98 


9.95 


2.63 


50.34 


134.9 



This table shows the very limited foreign demand for our agri- 
cultural products, and how slowly it increases. Our agricultural 
resources are developed to a very small extent, and yet we have 
not a foreign market (more than one year in five) for one-fourth 
part of the surplus of many of our products. During the wars 
of Napoleon, Europe furnished an extensive market for the bread 
stuffs and provisions of the United States ; but since 1815, with 
the exception of the year 1S47, a very trifling amount of such 
products have been exported from the United States to Europe — 



390 ON COMMERCE. 

the greater part of our exports of that character, having been 
made to the West Indies and South America. During the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 1850, the whole value of flour exported 
from the United States to the Old World and its islands 
amounted to only $1,923,931 — while the amount exported to all 
the countries, provinces, and islands, of the New World, amount- 
ed to $5,174,639. The failure of the potato crops in 1846 and 
1847 in Great Britain and Ireland, and the repeal of the corn 
laws, were the cause of the introduction of Indian corn and meal 
into those countries for the use of the poorer classes, and the 
demand for corn and corn meal in Ireland, bids fair to be per- 
manent — but for flour, wheat, and other agricultural products of 
the free states, there is no prospect that the European market 
will be any better during the next ten or twenty years, than it has 
been during the last ten.* As to tobacco, the value exported is 
very little greater than it was thirty years since. 

Statement in millions of dollars, of the value of the produce of 
the Southern slave States (those below the 35th degree of lati- 
tude) and the value of the produce of the free States and of the 
Northern slave States, exported annually on an average from the 
United States, during the undermentioned years, f and the amount 
to each person. 





Southern SI 


ave States. 


Free States & N 


. Slave States. 


1S00 to 1807 


$9 millions. 


$16 to each. 


$30 millions. 


$6 to each. 


1820 to 1824 


23£ " 


19 


u 


23* " 


2f " 


1830 to 1833 


33 " 


17 


u 


30* " 


2f " 


1835 to 1840 


66 " 


26 


u 


36 " 


n rf 


1841 to 1842 


53 " 


19 


tt 


45 « 


3 " 


1844 to 1846 


51* " 


17 


a 


48* " 


3 " 


1849 to 1850 


71f " 


18 


a 


61* " 


3i " 



What a flattering prospect for the future, the foregoing tables 
present to the producers of flour, wheat, Indian corn, tobacco, 
lumber, pork, beef, butter, cheese, and other provisions, in case 
they depend upon foreign markets for the sale of their products, 
to enable them to pay for, and clothe themselves with, British 
and French goods. It should be borne in mind also, that more 
than half of the exports of the free States, are to the West 
Indies, Brazil and other parts of South America, to pay for sugar, 
coffee, spices, tropical fruits and hides. The West Indies and 
Brazil, furnish a constant and regular demand and steady markets 
for the products of the free and northern slave states, while the 

* See on this subject, Sec. 34, of Chap. XII- 

t All the cotton and rice are estimated as coming from the Southern Slave 
States, and all the other products, from the other States ; which is very 
nearly correct. 



ON COMMERCE. 301 

markets of Europe are very uncertain, and not to be depended 
upon. The whole commerce of the United States with the West 
India Islands, and with the American continent and all its 
islands^is advantageous, the balance of trade being slightly in 
favor of our country, which is paid in coin, amounting on an aver- 
age to four or five millions a year, the greater part of which is 
exported to the old world, to pay the balance of trade against us. 

The products of the free and northern Slave State's exported to 
the West Indies, and to the American Continent and its islands, 
amounted in 1844 to over twenty-three millions of dollars, and 
in 1850 to about twenty-eight millions of dollars ; in payment for 
which we received some coin, and many articles of prime neces- 
sity, some of which cannot be produced in the United States, and 
others cannot be produced in sufficient quantities, for the con- 
sumption of the country. 

The imports into the United States from the old world, which 
were retained for consumption (consisting mostly of manufactured 
products) cost in 1844, about seventy millions of dollars, and in 
1850 about one hundred and thirty millions, about five sixths of 
which were consumed in the free and the northern slave states, 
while the domestic products of those states, taken by the old 
world in payment, amounted to only about twenty-eight millions 
of dollars in 1844, and thirty millions in 1850. It is easy to 
see that such a commerce is very disadvantageous to the northern 
states, as it makes them not only dependent upon, and tributary 
to the manufacturing nations of Europe, and involves them in 
debt, but it also makes them dependent upon, and tributary to 
the cotton planting states of the south, for cotton as an article 
of export, to pay their debts to foreign manufacturers. 

A very large proportion of the commerce of the United States 
with the old world, is advantageous only to the cotton planting 
states, and injurious to all the other states, and it may be said 
with truth, that the prevalent delusions of the theories of free 
trade, have induced an unnecessary sacrifice of the markets of 
the free and northern slave states to the manufacturers of Europe, 
to obtain markets for cotton. I say the sacrifice has been un- 
necessary, for if the American markets had been properly secured 
to the domestic laborer and producer, the domestic market for 
cotton would have been much more extensive ; and the manufac- 
turers of Great Britain and the continent of Europe, would have 
been compelled to buy our cotton in nearly the same quantities, 
to avoid being supplanted in foreign markets, by their American 
competitors. 

The improvements in agriculture have been so great in nearly 
all the countries of Europe since the peace of 1815, that the 



392 ON COMMERCE. 

quantity of breadstuff's seems to have increased more rapidly than 
their population ; and it is still continuing to increase, so that we 
cannot depend upon a European market for provisions, perhaps 
for half a century to come. Great Britain and France both pro- 
duce more wheat in proportion to their population than the United 
States ; and as we produce in the free states, very little that they 
want in payment for their cloths, silks, satins, wines, iron, hard- 
ware, &c, &c, our means of payment for such articles are very 
limited, and must continue to be so ; and the result will be, we 
shall be compelled to manufacture for ourselves, for our credit 
was very nearly exhausted during the three years of free trade 
from 1840 to 1842, as it has been from 1848 to the present time ; 
(1851.) 

Some of the writers and advocates of free trade ex- 
pressed much sympathy for the British in 1845 and 1846, on 
account of the operation of the tariff of 1842. It was said that 
they could not afford to consume the breadstuff's and provisions 
raised in the free states, because we encouraged manufactures at 
home, and refused to clothe ourselves with the products of their 
factories ; and it was pretended that the necessary tendency of 
our tariff was to lessen the consumption of our agricultural pro- 
ducts in Great Britain, and to diminish the amount of our domes- 
tic exports. The foregoing tables show the fallacy of such a 
pretence. The nations of Europe purchase our breadstuff's and 
provisions when they need them, and because they need them ; 
and not because we purchase more or less of their products. 
They do not purchase our products to accommodate us, but them- 
selves ; they buy what they want and no more. Those tender- 
hearted advocates of free trade may better reserve their sympa- 
thies for our own laborers. 

It must be evident to any one who will take the trouble to 
reflect on the subject, that whenever the cost of our imports as a 
nation, exceeds our exports, the freight earned by American ves- 
sels, and the profits of that part of our exports made by Ameri- 
can merchants, the excess or balance must exist as a debt 
against us ; that whenever the balance of trade is against us, 
our foreign debt is accumulating to the precise amount of such 
balance, and the interest on our former debt added to it ; that 
our exports, freights, profits, and foreign debt, must be pre- 
cisely equal to our imports, and the interest on our foreign debt, 
and that the two must balance each other, like a banker's 
account. 

Let us now compare our exports and imports, in order to learn 
the amount of our foreign debt, the balance of trade, and situation 



ON COMMERCE. 393 

of the country at different periods ; and to ascertain the effect 
of our several tariff acts, upon the prosperity of the country. 

Owing to the embargo which was passed by Congress, Decem- 
ber 22d, 1807, the various non-importation and non-intercourse 
acts which followed in quick succession, and the war from June, 
1812, to January, 1815, our imports were not very large, and the 
foreign debt of our merchants could not have been very heavy at 
the close of the war. Though our national debt at the close of 
the war was over an hundred and twenty millions of dollars, yet 
it was mostly owing to our own citizens and to our banking insti- 
tutions ; and the whole amount of debt due from our citizens and our 
government to Europeans, did not perhaps exceed thirty millions of 
dollars. But our duties on imports were so low, that immediately 
after the war, and during the years 1S15, 1816, and 1817, our coun- 
try was literally flooded with British, French, and other foreign man- 
ufactures, including cotton and woollen cloths, silks, linens, hats, 
boots, shoes, iron, and hardware, &c, &c, amounting in all during 
those three years, (as estimated in the Commercial Dictionary,) 
to the sum of $359,394,274 ; while our exports during the same 
period amounted to only $222,149,774. If we add 25 per cent, 
to our exports for freight and profits of American merchants and 
ship owners, they would amount to about $278,000,000, and 
leave a balance of trade against us during those three years, 
amounting to the enormous sum of $81,000,000. Our exports 
in 1818, 1819, and 1820, amounted to $232,115,323 ; our im- 
ports during that period are estimated at $283,325,000 ; and if 
we add 20 per cent, to our exports for freight and profits, and 
call our foreign debt at the close of the war $30,000,000, calcu- 
lating interest upon it, our aggregate foreign debt, including 
American stocks held by Europeans, would amount on the 30th 
day of September, 1820, to about $126,000,000 ; perhaps six- 
teen millions of it was lost by the failure and bankruptcy of Ame- 
rican merchants and importers ; leaving $110,000,000, which has 
been paid. 

All the money and products sent abroad to pay the interest on 
our foreign debt, and the dividends on our stocks held abroad, 
appear as part of our exports ; and the proceeds of all loans, 
and moneys and effects sent here to be invested in our stocks, 
appear in and as a part of our imports. Foreign debt, including 
the amount of our stocks held by Europeans on the first day of 
October, 1820, exclusive of sixteen million dollars due from 
bankrupts, estimated at $110,000,000. 

Statement in millions of dollars, of the value of imports into 
the United States during the undermentioned fiscal years of coin 
17* 



394 



ON COMMERCE. 



and bullion, other free goods, dutiable goods, and the amount of 
duties collected during each period. 





Coin and bullion. 


Free Goods. 


Dutiable 


Total 


Duties collected. 


Tears. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Goods. 


imported. 


Millions. 


1821 to 1824, 


$24.9 


13 


$265 


$303.9 


$ 90.4 


1825 to 1828, 


28.7 


19.1 


301.5 


349.3 


115 


1829 to 1832, 


23.7 


23.5 


297.4 


34y.6 


124 


1833 to 1834, 


25 


75.8 


133.8 


234.6 


43.1 


1835 to 1837, 


37 


202.3 


241.6 


480.9 


74.8 


1838, 


17.7 


43.1 


52.9 


113.7 


19.7 


1839, 


5.6 


70.8 


85.6 


162 


25.5 


1840 to 1842, 


17.9 


135.9 


JS1.4 


335.2 


51.6 


1843 to 1846, 


36 


71.2 


304.8 


412 


97.1 


1847, 


24.1 


17.6 


105.5 


147.2 


23.7 


1848 to 1850, 


17.6 


50.2 


413.2 


481 


99.8 



The tariff act of 1 832 exempted from duty all teas imported 
in American vessels from China and other places beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope, coffee, spices, fruits, nuts, gums, dyewoods, 
and nearly all other raw products of the torrid zone, except 



sugar. 



and reduced the duties on manufactures of silk, to a rate 



of from five to ten per cent. 

The compromise act of 1833 provided for a prospective peri- 
odical reduction of duties until they should be reduced after the 
30th of June, 1842, to 20 per cent., added greatly to the free list, 
and exempted from duty nearly all the manufactures of silk, 
worsted, silk and worsted, linen, and laces imported from Europe 
after the year 1833. 

Under these acts the value of the goods imported free of duty, 
increased immensely, as shown by the foregoing table. The 
manufactures of silk worsted, silk and worsted, linen, laces, and 
sheeting, imported free of duty in 1839, were valued at over 
thirty-six million dollars. These heavy imports of articles of 
luxury contributed to increase the balance of trade against the 
country, and to involve it in debt. 

The imports into the United States in 1841 exclusive of specie 
were valued at $122,957,544; in 1842 they amounted to only 
$96,075,071. Perhaps nothing but embarrassments, inabil- 
ity to pay promptly our foreign debts, and the interest upon 
them, and the low state of American credit abroad, prevented 
the imports in 1842 from amounting to as much as they 
did in 1839 and 1841. About two thirds in value of the im- 
ports then consisted, and now consist, of manufactured pro- 
ducts and metals, the greatest part of which might and ought 



OX COMMERCE. 395 

to be produced in the United States. The effect of the tariff of 
1S42 was to lessen, by means of increased duties, the importa- 
tion of articles of luxury, such as silks, satins, laces, wines, and 
distilled spirits, as well as iron, hardware, and manufactures of 
cotton, wool, worsted, and linen. It contributed to promote the 
interest of the country in several modes. 1st. By increasing do- 
mestic industry. 2d. By turning the balance of trade in favor of 
the country and contributing to relieve it from foreign debts and 
embarrassments. 3d. By increasing the revenue, and 4th by 
checking luxury. The compromise act of 1833 produced oppo- 
site effects in the long run, in all these particulars, and contri- 
buted to paralyze the industry of the country, and to impoverish 
it. Such are the effects also of the tariff of 1846, and the 
longer it is continued in force the more plainly they will be de- 
veloped. 

Millions. 

Estimated amount of foreign debt, Oct. 1st, 1S20 $110 

Some of which being a recent mercantile debt bore no 
interest, but the most of it drew interest at 5 and 6 
per cent., averaging perhaps on the whole debt, 5 
per cent, for 4 years, to Oct. 1st, 1S24, 22 

Imports duringthe4 years including §24,912,467 coin 

and bullion, 304 

Debt contracted for purchase of Florida, 5 

Total imports and debt, $441 



Exports during the same 4 years, including $34,675,778 

coin and bullion, 287.8 

Freights earned by American vessels, and profits of 
American merchants, equal to 15 per cent, on ex- 
ports, 43.2 

Total exports, freights, and profits, §331 



Amount of debt against the country Oct. 1st, 1824, im- 
mediately after the tariff act of 1824 took effect, 110 
though the exports of specie during the four years 
had exceeded the imports, over nine and a half 
million dollars, 
Interest four years to Oct. 1st, 182S, 22 
Import including §2S, 672,610 specie, 349.3 

Total imports and debt, §481.3 



396 ON COMMERCE. 

Millions. 

Exports, including $29,759,944 specie, 331.7 

Freights and profits at 15 per cent., 49.8 

Total exports, freights, and profits, $381.5 

Amount of debt against the country Oct. 1st, 1828, 

immediately after the tariff of 1828 took effect, 99.8 

the debt having been reduced about ten millions 
during the previous four years, though the exports 
of specie had exceeded the imports only a little over 
one million dollars. 
Interest 6 years to Oct. 1st, 1834, 30 

Imports, including $53,755,025 specie, 584.2 

Total imports and debt, $714 

Exports, including $26,462,523 specie, 509.2 

Freights and profits at, 15 per cent., 76.4 

Total exports, freights, and profits, $585.6 

Amount of debt against the country, Oct. 1st, 1834, 
after the first reduction of debt under the compromise 
act of 1S33, $128.4 

the imports of specie having exceeded the exports 
during the previous 6 years, (under the tariff of 1828 
and 1832,) over twenty-seven million dollars ; show- 
ing that the balance of trade was in favor of our 
country, to an amount about equal to the interest on 
the foreign debt. 
Interest 3 years to Oct. 1st, 1837, 19.2 

Imports, including $37,000,000 specie, 481 

Total imports and foreign debts, $628.6 

Received from France, under treaty for spoliations, 5 

Exports, including $16.8 millions specie, 367.8 

Freights and profits at 15 per cent., 55.2 

Total exports, &c, $428.0 



ON COMMERCE. 



397 



Millions. 

Amount of foreign debt, Oct. 1st, 1837, $200.6 

Interest 1 year to Oct. 1st, 1S3S, 10 

Imports, including Si 7 J millions specie, 113.7 

Total imports and foreign debt, $324.3 

Exports, including $3J millions specie, IDS. 5 

Freights and profits at 15 per cent., 16.2 

Total exports, &c , 124.7 

Amount of foreign debt, Oct. 1st, 1S3S, 1 199.6 
immediately after the general resumption of specie 
payments. 

Interest 1 year, to Oct 1st, 1S39, 9.4 

Imports, including §5.6 millions specie, 162.0 

Total imports and debt 371 

Exports, including $8| millions specie, 121 

Freights and profits at 15 per cent., 18 

Total exports, freights, <S>*c., 139 

Amount of foreign debt, $232 
on the 1st day of October, 1S39, 8 days before the 
second suspension of specie by nearly all the banks 
south and west of the State of Xew York. 

Interest 3 years to Oct. 1st, 1S42. 34.8 

Imports, including nearly §18 millions specie, 335.2 

Total imports and debt, §602 

Exports, including $23 J millions specie, 35S.6 
Freights and profits had fallen very much, and are es- 
timated_at \2\ per cent, on the exports other than 

specie, 41.3 

Total exports, freights, &c, 400.4 

Amount of foreign debt, Oct. 1st, 1S42, $201.6 
being about the same as it was, Oct. 1st, 1838, 
though the exports of specie had exceeded the im- 
ports, nearly 88^ million dollars, showing that it re- 
quired about three years to pay the increased amount 



!98 ON COMMERCE. 



Millions. 



of debt accumulated by the heavy importations of 
the year 1839. 
Estimated losses of European creditors and bond- 
holders by the failure of American merchants, bank- 
ers, corporations, and some of the States to make 
payment during the revulsion from 1837 to 1842, 
and during the previous sixteen years, 21.6 

Leaving, Oct 1st, 1842, a foreign debt of $180 

to be provided for and paid, including bonds and 
stocks of all kinds held abroad, when the tariff of 
1842 took effect. 
Interest 3 j years to June 30th, 1S46, 33.7 

Imports, including $36 millions specie, 412 






Total imports, and foreign debt, $625.7 

sports, including $19| millions specie, 423.6 
reight and profits on exports other than specie, at 10 

per cent., 40.1 



Total exports, freight, &c, $463.7 

Amount of foreign debt, $162 

on the 30th of June, 1846, five months before the 
tariff of 1846 took effect. The foreign debt was 
reduced during 3| years, under the operation of the 
tariff of 1842, about eighteen millions of dollars, 
and during the same period, the imports of specie 
exceeded the exports about sixteen and a half mil- 
lions of dollars. 
Interest 1 year to June 30th, 1847, 8 

Imports, including $24§ millions specie,, 147 



Total imports and foreign debt, $317 



Exports, including nearly $2 millions specie, 150.5 

Freights were high, and together with profits, amounted 
to 12 or 15 per cent. ; but the imports were under- 
valued, and much of the grain and flour shipped on 
American account, fell before it was sold ; to bal- 
ance these drawbacks and undervaluations, call the 
freights, &c, 10 per cent., 15 



Total exports, freights, &c, $165.5 



OX COMMERCE. 390 

Millions. 

Amount of foreign debt, June 30th, 1847, $151.5 

Interest 4 years to June 30th, 1851, 30.3 

Imports, including $22.6 millions specie, 696.7 
Undervaluations of $560,000,000 of dutiable imports 
from 5 to SO per cent., including profits made by 
foreigners on goods sent here for sale, estimated on 

an average at 15 per cent., 84 



Total imports and foreign debt, $962.5 

Exports, including $58,000,000 specie, 669 

less fall on cotton shipped by American merchants 
before it was sold by them, estimated in 1851 at 15 



Freights have been falling many years, estimated on 654 

exports other than specie, at 8 per cent., 48 



Am't realized from exports and freights &c estimated at $702 



Showing a foreign debt of about $260 

against our country on the 30th of June, 1851. 
It is not pretended that these estimates and calculations are 
entirely accurate ; though they are deduced from such a mass of 
evidence, and the results at the end of each period correspond so 
well with each other, and with collateral evidence, that I think 
they cannot be very far from the truth. They are sufficiently 
accurate to illustrate fairly the relative effects of the several 
tariff acts, from 1816 to 1846, upon the commerce of the coun- 
try, upon the amount of its foreign debts, and upon the exports 
and imports of specie.* 

The national debt of the United States on the first day of Jan- 
uary of each of the undermentioned years was as follows : 

In 1791, $ 75,169,974. In 1821, $89,987,427. 

1801, 82,000,167. 1825, 83,788,432. 

1812, 45,035,123. 1830, 48,565,405. 

1816, 123,016,375. 

The debt was increased $15,000,000 by the purchase of Louis- 
iana in 1803, and $5,000,000 by the purchase of Florida in 1822, 
and was all paid off prior to January 1st, 1834. The new 
debt of the United States created since the suspension of specie 
payments in 1S37, amounted on the first of December 1843, to 
$26,742,949. 

* For estimates of the amount of coin brought into the United States by 
immigrants, see Section 7 of Chapter X. 



400 ON COMMERCE. ** 

The Erio Canal of New York was commenced in LSI 7, and 
completed in 1825. The work proved so valuable and apparently 
advantageous to the State, that a large proportion of the people 
of the United States were suddenly seized with a mania for inter- 
nal improvements ; and after the destruction of the tariff and 
national bank, about the year 1834, they were taken with a mo- 
nomania for paper money, and paper cities, accompanied by a 
high fever for railroads. Almost every man that had sufficient 
facilities, credit and financiering talent to get into debt enough to 
ruin him eventually, thought he was on the high road to fortune ; 
and many of the State Legislatures seemed to be governed by 
very little more wisdom. Some of the states commenced con- 
tracting debts for canals, railroads, and other improvements as 
early as 1820, but from 1834 to 1838 inclusive, the most vision- 
ary schemes were devised, and the largest debts contracted, in- 
cluding loans for the establishment of banks, to the amount of 
over 850,000,000. 

Because the Erie Canal, and several canals in Great Britain 
and Holland, and also many railroads had proved eminently suc- 
cessful, many persons seemed to suppose that canals and rail- 
roads would almost instantly make business, and be as useful in a 
wilderness, as in a densely populated country. 

The several States contracted loans, and issued bonds, or stocks, 
for making internal improvements, and establishing banks, from 
the years 1820 to 1S30, to an amount exceeding twenty-six 
million of dollars ; from 1831 to 1835 to an amount ex- 
ceeding forty millions of dollars ; and from 1836 to 1838, both 
inclusive, to an amount exceeding one hundred millions of 
dollars. The debts of the several states, from December 1842, 
to the present time (1851) have constantly exceeded two hundred 
millions of dollars. The debt of the United States on the 30th 
of November, 1850, amounted to $64,228,238. The debt of the 
City of New York exceeds ten millions of dollars ; the debts of 
other cities of the Union, amount to about twenty millions of 
dollars — and large amounts of loans have been contracted by 
Railroad and Canal Companies — so that our National, State, 
City, and Corporation debts, consisting mostly of bonds, greatly 
exceed three hundred millions of dollars. 

About half of these debts over and above the foreign debts 
of American merchants, are supposed by well informed dealers in 
stocks, to be owned abroad. American bonds and stocks 
were very much depressed in price in 1841 and 1842; and 
as soon as the country began to revive, under the operation of the 
tariff of 1S42, they began to return to the United States, and 
were purchased by American capitalists. They continued to rise 



OX COMMERCE. 401 

in pvice here, and to return to this country in large amounts, up 
to December, 1846 ; but during the years 1849 and 1850, and up 
to the present time, it is very well known that large amounts 
Lave been sold in Europe, and the proceeds applied to pay for 
railroad iron, and other foreign goods. These facts serve to 
confirm the general accuracy of my estimates, and the correctness 
of the results. 

Though our National, State, Corporate, City and foreign debts, 
are not one-sixth part as large in proportion to our population as 
the national debt of Great Britain, yet theirs is almosf all owing 
to their own citizens, and nothing is taken out of the country to 
pay the interest ; whereas, about half of ours is due to citizens of 
Great Britain, France and Holland ; nations which generally take 
but few of our products, except cotton and tobacco ; nations 
which generally have as large a balance of trade against us for 
goods and luxuries, as the credit of our merchants and people 
will permit, and they drain us of our specie to pay such balances, 
and the interest on the debts we owe them. The debt of Great 
Britain being due to her own citizens, does not lessen the aggre- 
gate wealth of the nation in the least ; and if it could be struck 
out of existence at once, the people in the aggregate would not be 
any wealthier than they are now. The debt is equivalent to a 
mortgage on The part of the creditors of the government, upon the 
productive industry and the earnings of the people, and thus it tends 
to oppress one class, for the benefit of another ; but the nation as a 
whole is none the poorer on account of it. The effect is the same 
upon the nation, as debts due from one citizen to another. Our 
case is different. Our debts being due to citizens of Great 
Britain, in order to estimate our wealth as a people, we should 
deduct from our aggregate means the whole amount of our foreign 
debt individually and collectively, including the amount of our 
stocks held by Europeans. 

The calculations show that the balance of trade was against 
the United States from the close of the war, in 1815 to 1824, 
also under the compromise act from 1835 to 1839 inclusive — and 
under the tariff of 1846, from July 1st, 1847, to June 30th, 1851 
— and that the balance of trade was in favor of the United 
States, under the tariff acts of 1S24, 1S2S and 1832 — from 1825 
to 1S34 inclusive — also during the last three years of the com- 
promise act, from 1840 to 1842, inclusive, after the credit of 
the country had received such a shock as to diminish greatly our 
imports — also during the operation of the tariff of 1842, from 
October 1842, to Nov. 30th 1846, and during the first seven 
months of the tariff of 1846, up to June 30th, 1847, when there 



402 ON COMMERCE. 

was an extensive demand for our flour and grain in Great 
Britain and Ireland. 

A low tariff has always invited large importations of foreign 
goods, produced a balance of trade against the country — increased 
the foreign debt — undermined and supplanted to a greater or less 
extent, the domestic producer and manufacturer — and tended to 
paralyze the business, to diminish the industry of the nation — and 
to depress the value of nearly all the property in the United 
States. And the lower the tariff, and the more it has approxi- 
mated to free trade, the greater have been it sparalyzing and de- 
pressing effects upon industry. Industry and property were both 
excessively depressed from 1784 to 1790; again from 1818 to 
1824, under the low tariff then in operation — also from 1837 to 
the end of the year 1842, under the free-trade compromise act of 
1833 — and the manufacture of iron, cotton and wool, and some 
other branches of industry, have been much depressed during the 
last three years (1849, 1850 and 1851), under the free-trade 
tariff of 1S46. This has had a depressing influence upon almost 
every pursuit in the nation. On the contrary, the industry and 
energies of the country revived, as if by magic, from 1825 to 1834, 
under the tariff acts of 1824 and 1828 — and also from 1843 to 
the end of the year 1846, under the tariff of 1842. 

It strikes me that the imposition of a duty of 10 or 15 per 
cent, on the exportation of silver from the United States, and five 
per cent, on the exportation of gold, would have a most salutary 
influence on the prosperity of the country. It would tend to 
increase the value of cotton and the exportation of domestic pro- 
ducts to pay foreign debts ; to check the importation of more 
foreign goods than we can pay for in domestic products ; to lessen 
the exportation of specie, and thereby prevent runs upon the 
banks, panics, commercial embarrassments, derangements of the 
business of the country, and a general depression of the value of 
property. 

i\ ations like Mexico and the countries of South America, which 
produce gold and silver as commodities for exportation, have no 
occasion to pursue the same policy which is necessary for nations, 
which produce none, or very little. It is not for their interest to 
check the exportation of the precious metals, and to encourage 
their importation, which has long been the policy of the most 
commercial nations of Europe and of China, and ought to be the 
policy of the United States. 



OX COMMERCE. 403 

The tonnage of the United States increased as follows : 
Registered, enrolled and licensed tonnage of vessels in 

1815, 1,368,127 tons. 

1820, 1,280,166 " 

1S30, 1,191,776 " 

1840, 2,180,764 " 

1850, 3,535,454 " 

Sec. 14. On the Commerce and Commercial Policy of Great 

Britain. 

The foreign trade of England was very trifling in amount, 
prior to the time of Cromwell. The total value of exports from 
England and Wales in the year 1354 were valued at £212,338 5s. 
(See ante, Chap. XII. Sec. 21.) 

The exports from England and "Wales for the year ending 
Michaelmas, 1663, amounted to <£2,022,S12, and for the year 
ending Michaelmas, 1669, to £2,063,294. 

Statement of the official value, (as fixed in 1696) of all the 
exports of Great Britain, of foreign and colonial as well as of 
domestic products, to all parts of the World, including Ireland, 
and her own colonies, during the undermentioned periods.* 

1698 to 1701 average annually £6,449,594 

1749 to 1755 do. do. 12,220,974 

1784 to 1792 do. do. 18,621,942 

in 1S02 do. do. 46,411,966 

1816 to 1822 do. do. 53,126,195 

Statement of the official and declared or real value of British 
and Irish products and manufactures exported from the United 
Kingdom during the undermentioned years. 

Declared Value. 
£36,929,007 
45,102,230 
47,000,926 
35,569,077 
37,691,302 
51,406,430 
60,111,081 
63,596,025 
71,367,885 
Real value in 1850, equal to $342,560,000. 

* See the Commercial Dictionary — title Imports. The coin and bullion 
exported and imported, aie not included. 



Years. 


Official Value. 


1800 


£22,831,936 


1802 


25,193,389 


1810 


33,299,408 


1820 


37,S20,293 


1S30 


60,492,637 


1840 


102,705,372 


1845 


134,599,116 


1849 


164,539,504 


1850 


175,416,000 



404 



ON COMMERCE. 



The foregoing tables show the great, and almost incredible in- 
crease of the domestic exports of Grreat Britain within a period 
of one hundred and fifty years, consequent upon the invention of 
the steam-engine, of machinery for spinning and weaving, rolling 
iron, &c, and caused by the wonderful increase in the mining 
and manufacturing industry of that island. 

The official values exhibit the relative quantities of goods ex- 
ported during each period, (as the standard of official values has 
not been changed since 1696.) Less than one per cent, of these 
exports since the year 1800 was from Ireland. The value of the 
domestic exports, of Grreat Britain alone, was, in 1845, nearly 
three times as great as those of the United States. 



NUMBER AND TONNAGE OF VESSELS, AND THE NUMBER 
EMPLOYED AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 

Vessels. Tonnage. 



OF SAILORS 
No. of Men. 



1702 in England and Wales, 


3,281 


261,222 


27,196 


1760 " u 


6,105 


433,922 






" Scotland, 


976 


52,S18 






1800, England and Wales, 


12,198 


1,466,632 


105,037 


u Scotland, 


2,155 


161,511 


13,883 


" Ireland, 


1,030 


54,262 


5,057 


1835, England and Wales, 


14,825 


1,853,112 


105,945 


" Scotland, 


3,287 


335,820 


23,924 


" Ireland, 


1,627 


131,735 


9,282 


a Islands and Colonies, 


5,774 


463,094 


31,869 


1835, total British Empire, 


25,513 


2,783,761 


171,030 


1843, " " 


30,983 


3,588,387 


213,977 


11 steamers, 


942 


121,455 







The cost of building and fitting out new vessels, McCulloch 
estimated at from <£10 to <£12 per ton. 

Almost all the foreign commerce and navigation of Grreat 
Britain has grown up since the revolution of 1688 ; and mostly 
since the rapid increase of their mining and manufacturing indus- 
try after the year 1770. Mining and manufacturing industry 
supply almost all the materials of the immense commerce of that 
great empire. Ireland has no foreign commerce of any account, 
because she has very little mining and manufacturing industry, 
and nothing to export but breadstuffs, provisions, and linen 
goods. 



ON COMMERCE. 



405 



Statement in pounds sterling of the declared or market value 
of the exports, of the growth, produce, and manufacture of the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, during the under- 
mentioned years. 

1830. 1840. 1849. 



Brass and Cop'r man'res, 


£ 867,344 


£ 1,450,464 


£ 1,S63,287 


Coals and Culm, 


1S4,464 


576,519 


1,088,148 


Cotton Manufactures, 


15,294,923 


17,567,310 


20,188,874 


Cotton Yarn and Twist, 


4,133,741 


7,101,308 


6,701,920 


Earthenware, 


442,193 


573,184 


807,466 


Glass and Glassware. 


401,543 


417,178 


254,175 


Hardware and Cutlery, 


1,412,107 


1,349,137 


2,198,597 


Iron and Steel, 


1,078,523 


2,524,859 


4,967,643 


Lead and Shot, 


106,789 


237,312 


287,339 


Leather & Man 'res of do., 


335,451 


417,074 


498,567 


Linen Manufactures, 


2,066,424 


3,306,088 


3,365,813 


Linen Yarn, 




822,876 


737,650 


Machinery and millwork, 


208,767 


593,064 


709,071 


Salt, 


183,604 


213,479 


254,126 


Silk Manufactures, 


521,010 


792,648 


1,000,357 


Soap and Candles, 


246,592 


450,640 


240,713 


Tin and tinware, 


249,657 


499,603 


853,226 


Woollen Manufactures, 


4,851,097 


5,327,853 


7,330,475 


Woollen Yarn, 




452,957 


1,087,867 




Value of above articles, 


£32,584,229 


£44,673,553 


£54,437,314 


Value art'les not enum'd, 


5,687,368 


6,732,877 


9,15S,711 


Total domestic exports, 


£38,271,597 


£51,406,430 


£63,596,025 



The navigation laws passed in the time of Cromwell (1651), 
were substantially the beginning of the protecting system in 
Great Britain, which continued from that time until the year 
1846. During all that period it was the constant study of the 
British government to discriminate between their own industry, 
and that of foreign nations, by duties, taxes, drawbacks, and 
bounties, to encourage the importation of raw materials to be 
manufactured, by low duties or no duties at all ; while they im- 
posed heavy duties on all products for consumption, to secure 
their domestic and colonial markets to their own citizens, by im- 
posing duties on foreign manufactures (amounting in many cases 
to prohibition) and to extend their foreign markets as much as 
possible. All this was done with a view to encourage and increase 
the productive industry of Great Britain, and to undermine and 
supplant the manufacturing industry of all other nations. Parlia- 



400 ON COMMERCE. 

merit, the Administration, the foreign ministers, the hoard of 
trade, and the public press, as well as the merchants and manu- 
facturers, were constantly on the alert, to effect those objects, by 
any means in their power. During the last fifty years of that 
period, their authors, editors, chambers of commerce, merchants 
and manufacturers, were striving to inculcate and spread among 
the people of other nations, the doctrines of free trade, and 
great efforts were made by them, to subsidize the public press in 
the commercial cities of the United States, and to manufacture 
free trade opinions for the American people, while the British 
government and people were studying and practising upon the 
most effective system of protection. 

The duties on iron imported into Great Britain and Ireland were 
changed about a dozen times, between the years 1780 and 1819, 
when they were finally raised at the latter period to £6 J (or 
about $31) per ton, when imported in British vessels — and 
£7 18js. when imported in foreign vessels. The duties were 
specific, and always raised at each change, and never reduced, 
until the year 1832. They never reduced their duties on any 
thing until it became their interest to do so — until their mining 
and manufacturing industry was so far advanced, that duties were 
unnecessary to protect the home market, and it became important 
to set an example of free trade, to gull their less cunning neigh- 
bors. On many things, their duties are now (1851) as high as 
ever. 

Having been so fortunate as to originate in Great Britain 
nearly all the important inventions to promote mining and manu- 
facturing industry of the eighteenth century, they borrowed, and 
adhered to, (until 1846) the policy adopted by the Venetians 
many centuries since, and prohibited under severe penalties, the 
exportation of all tools, instruments, and machines, used in the 
manufacture of cotton, woollen, linen, and silk goods ; or used in 
making iron, cutlery, glass, and various other manufactures. 
They enjoyed to a considerable extent, the advantages of a 
monopoly of the manufacture of the greater part of these com- 
modities for over half a century, supplied half of the commercial 
world with them at high prices, and thereby engrossed an 
immense commerce, accumulated great wealth, involved half of 
the civilized world in debt to them to pay for their manufactures, 
and were determined to retain this monopoly as long as possible, 
by withholding from other nations the means of acquiring the 
necessary tools, instruments, and machinery, and of learning to 
manufacture for themselves. 

Until the year 1819, Great Britain had statutes in force to 
prevent the exportation of gold and silver ; since that time, her 



ON COMMERCE. 40*7 

manufacturing industry has been so immensely great.; and the 
exportation of her manufactured fabrics so heavy, that there is a 
balance of trade in favor of the British, and against almost every 
state, nation, and people, with whom they have any commercial 
intercourse ; and there is a flow of the precious metals almost 
constantly into Great Britain to pay these balances of trade. 
Under such circumstances, they get an abundant supply of these 
metals by the ordinary operation of the laws of trade, and have 
no occasion for the restrictive policy which they previously, and 
during the whole of the eighteenth and part of the nineteenth 
century, found expedient ; and they now seek to set an example 
of liberality, to the other nations of the earth. 

The aggregate importation of silver, gold, and gold dust, into 
Southampton (England) for the year 1849, amounted to 
£6,788,655 sterling (or over $32,500,000) and in 1850 to 
£5,703,216 (or over $27,000,000) while the whole exports of 
the precious metals from Great Britain in 1850 were only 
£1,565,000 sterling. 

Such has been the British policy for two centuries ; and its 
results are exhibited in the foregoing tables. 

The repeal of the com laws took effect in the spring of the 
year 1847, and that was the first year of free importation of grain 
into Great Britain. 

The potatoe crop of Great Britain and Ireland failed in 1845, 
and again in 1846 — the grain crops were short also, during the 
latter year — and the trade in grain being free, the speculators 
imagining the deficiency much greater than it really was, offered 
high prices for grain and flour, and raised wheat the last of Slay 
1847 to 102 shillings sterling, per quarter — from which time it 
fell constantly, until the latter part of September, when it was 
but little over 50s. per quarter — and only 60s. at the end of 
August. Twice as much was imported as was necessary — the 
balance of trade was turned against Great Britain — large amounts 
of coin were exported to pay it — the produce dealers were nearly 
all ruined by the fall of prices — the adverse balance of trade, the 
exportation of specie, the extensive speculations in railroad 
stocks, and the numerous failures of the produce dealers, pro- 
duced a severe pressure, a general prostration of credit — and one 
of the greatest panics ever known — and the result was, the great- 
est number of failures, and the most extensive bankruptcies, 
which ever occurred in that country. The liabilities of the firms 
which failed in the summer and fall of 1847 in the city of 
London, were stated at £10,000,000 sterling — in Liverpool at 
£3,000,000 ; in Manchester £2,250,000 ; in Glasgow, £3,000,000; 
and in Leeds, Newcastle, Bristol, Dublin, and other cities in the 



408 ON COMMERCE. 

United Kingdom at £5,000,000 ; making in all, over twenty- 
three millions sterling. This was the first bitter fruits of exces- 
sive imports — of an adverse balance of trade — and large exports 
of specie. The British people then drank to the dregs, from the 
same bitter cup, which they had so long commended to their 
own colonists, to the Americans, and to the people of other 
nations. 

Statement of the public income of Great Britain and Ireland, 
specifying the most of its sources, during the years 1S3S and 
1840. 

Customs and Excise. 1838. 1840. 

C Foreign, £1,389,371 £1,290,581 

Spirits, (Bum, 1,411,067 1,155,613 

(British, 5,467,201 5,201,664 

Malt and Hops, 5,234,986 5,325,042 

Wine, 1,846,057 1,791,646 

Sugar and Molasses, 4,893,684 4,650,017 

Tea, 3,362,035 3,472,S64 

Coffee, 684,979 921,552 

Tobacco and Snuff, 3,561,812 3,588,192 

Butter, Cheese, Currants, and Kaisins, 666,400 715,136 

Grain and Flour, 1S6,760 1,156,640 

Cotton, and Sheep's Wool, imported, 725,445 785,491 

Paper, Soap, Candles, and Tallow, 1,536,260 1,578,466 

Glass, Bricks, Tiles, and Slate, 1,107,192 1,261,933 

Timber, 1,572,618 1,730,551 

Excise Licenses, 1,023,202 t 1,054,115 

On all other articles, 2,446,792 2,447,905 



Total Customs, and Excise, £37,115,861 £38,127,408 

Stamp Duties, 7,212,487 7,287,823 

Land Taxes, 1,184,830 1,181,283 

Windows, 1,262,561 1,404,642 

Servants, Horses, Carriages, and Dogs,l, 177,452 1,285,443 

Other assessed taxes, 278,242 280,919 

Post Office receipts, 2,346,272 1,342,604 

Crown Lands, 388,642 482,429 

Other ordinary revenues and resources, 312,575 300,966 



Total income, £51,278,928 £51,693,510 

Total income for the year 1839, £52,058,349 
Bevenue from Customs in 1840 in 

Great Britain, £21,209,082 

• Ireland, 2,132,731 

Total, £23,341,S13 



ON COMMERCE. 



409 



Statement of the net public income (after deducting the ex- 
penses of collection) of Great Britain and Ireland during the year 
1849. 





Great Britain. 


Ireland. 


Customs, 


£18,695,799 


£1,941,122 


Excise, 


12,753,S16 


1,231,548 


Stamps, 


6,365,475 


502,073 


Property tax, 


5,40S,160 


none. 


Post Office, 


806,000 


26,000 


Taxes, (Land and Assessed) 


4,3.03,849 > 


631,717 


Miscellaneous, 


286,190 3 


Total, 


£48,619,289 


£4,332,460 
48,619,289 


Total of Great Britain and Ireland, 


£52,951,749 


Net receipts from Customs, 




20,636,921 


Cost of collecting the Customs, 




1,557,679 



The duties have been taken off from grain, flour, and cotton, 
since 1840 — and reduced on a few other articles, but on many 
things they are now (1851) nearly as high as they were in 1S40, 
amounting on an average to about fifty per cent, on all imports 
except cotton and bread stuffs. The duties, taxes, exports, and 
imports of Great Britain, show the protecting policy of the gov- 
ernment and its effects, as well as the condition of the people. 
They show first, that by reason of high duties, so laid as to 
encourage home industry, as well as to collect revenue, nothing 
of any account is imported which can be produced in sufficient 
quantities at home ; secondly, that the duties are so heavy as to 
amount to prohibition on nearly all manufactured articles, and 
that nearly all the imports consist of raw materials to be manu- 
factured, and of provisions ; thirdly, that their exports consist 
almost entirely of manufactures, the principal value of which 
arises from the labor and skill bestowed on the raw materials ; and 
lastly, that their exports are increasing, as rapidly as foreign 
markets, and the demand for their products will permit. The 
recent census, and the condition of Ireland, and of many of the. 
agricultural districts in Great Britain, show the depressing effects 
of a free importation of bread stuffs upon the agriculture, and the 
agricultural population of the kingdom. 



18 



410 



ON COMMERCE. 



Sec. 15. On the commerce and commercial policy of France. 

I. Statement of the average annual value of the imports and 
exports of France at the undermentioned periods, in millions of 
francs and millions of dollars.* 





IMPORTS. 


EXPORTS. 




Millions of 


Millions of 


Millions of 


Millions of 


Years. 


Francs. 


Dollars. 


Francs. 


Dollars. 


1716 to 1720, 


65 


12 


106. 


20 


1721 to 1732, 


80.2 


15 


116.7 


22 


1740 to 1748, 


102.8 


19 


192.3 


36 


1 787 to 1789, 


281.9 


53 


452.4 


84 


1819 to 1821, 


428 


80 


487.9 


91 


1827, 


556 


104 


602.2 


1121 


1827 to 1831, 


58S.2 


110 


602.2 


1121 


1837 to 1841, 


973 


182 


958.8 


1791 


1843 to 1847, 


1,243 8 


233 


1,155.4 


2161 


1847, 


1,342.8 


2511 


1.270.7 


238 



The gold and silver coin and bullion exported and imported, 
are not included in the above amounts of exports and imports. 
The balance of trade was greatly in favor of France, and the 
excess of imports over the exports of coin and bullion generally 
very large. 

II. Statement of the average annual official value* of the ex- 
ports, the growth, produce, and manufacture of France, during 
the undermentioned periods and years, in millions of francs. 





1827. 


1827 to 1831. 


lS43tol847. 


1847. 


Natural products, 
Manufactured products, 


348.2 
185.6 


143.3 

342.8 


190.9 
622.9 


191.7 

699.4 


Total domestic products, 


506.8 


486.1 


813.8 


899.1 



* The values since 1826 are according to the standard of official values 
adopted that year — but prior to 1826 they are according to the market values 
ot their respective periods. 



ON COMMERCE. 



411 



III. Statement of the average annual official value* of the 
imports into France for home consumption and manufacture, 
during the undermentioned periods and years, in millions of 
francs. 





1S27. 


1S27 to 1881. 


1843 to 1847. 


184T. 


Materials to be manuf'tured, 
Raw materials for cons'ption, 
Manufactured products, 


276.3 
99.6 
38.2 


279.2 
130 
33.6 


590.5 

24S.1 

54.4 


547.5 

379.1 

49.3 


Total, 


414.1 


442.8 


893 


975.9 



IV. Statement in millions of francs, of the official value of the 
principal articles of export, of the growth, produce, and manu- 
facture of France during the years 1827 and 1S47, the average 
of ten years from 1827 to 1836, and the average of five years 
from 1843 to 1847 inclusive. 





1S27. 


1527 to 1S36. 


1S43 to 1347. 


1847. 




Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions- 


Manuf 'ures of Silk, 


115.3 


121.4 


145.3 


165.5 


" Cotton, 


46 


54.3 


122.6 


154.9 


" Wool, 


26.9 


33.9 


99.5 


100.5 


" Flax & Hemp, 


44 


32.7 


25.5 


26.1 


Leather, 


12.8 


15.4 


25.5 


28 


Paper and books, &c, 


9.9 


10.8 


21.2 


22.3 


Pottery and glass ware, 


10.8 


12.7 


20.5 


21.9 


Linen and Linen clothing, 


6.4 


7.5 


16.4 


17.7 


Watch and clock work, 


4.2 


5.8 


2.5 


2.9 


Manufactures of metals, 


3.5 


3.4 


11 


12.1 


Modes,t 


2.2 


3.1 


3.7 


5 


Articles of Parisian industry, 


5.6 


6.7 


4.8 


3.6 


Wines, 


47.3 


46.8 


50.9 


55.4 


Brandy, 


22.3 


19.3 


12.3 


16.7 


Flour and grain of all kinds, 


8.6 


5.4 


7.3 


4.5 


Salted meats, 


1.4 


1.4 


2.3 


1.9 


Madder, 


7.4 


8.6 


12 


10.7 


Fruits of table, 


4.2 


3.4 


5.2 


5 


Butter, 


2.0 


1.6 


3.2 


3.3 


Raw Silk, 






7.1 


5.9 


Articles not enumerated, 


126.0 


127.3 


215.0 


227.2 


Total domestic exports, 


! 506.8 


, 521.5 


S13.8 


891.1 



* The official value of both exports and imports, is in accordance with 
the standard of value adopted in 1826, which was then their supposed average 
market value. The amounts, therefore, show the relative quantity of ex- 
- -.-+C- qn( j imports at different periods, but not their market value. Coin and 



412 



ON COMMERCE. 



V. Statement in millions of francs, of the official value of the 



imports into France, for manufacture and consumption. 






1827. 


1827 to 1836. 
average in 


1843 to 1847. 
average in 


1847. 




Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Cotton, 


51.9 


58.9 


103 


80.7 


Silk, (raw) 


32.3 


40 


67.9 


76.5 


Wool, 


11.1 


16.2 


40.8 


30.4 


Indigo, 


14 8 


18 


20.7 


20.6 


Hemp, 


4.2 


3.6 


4.2 


3.5 


Raw Hides, 


8.6 


14 


28.3 


25.7 


Iron, 


4.7 


4.7 


4.4 


4.1 


Copper and brass, 


9.5 


11.4 


26.9 


31 


Lead, 


6.2 


6.8 


9.4 


9.1 


Sugar, 


37.5 


45.4 


58.9 


60.1 


Coffee, 


10.9 


10.1 


14.5 


15 


Tea, 


1. 


.7 


.9 


.8 


Grain and flour, 


.9 


23 


83.5 


209 


Cheese. 


3.1 


2.9 


3.8 


3.3 


Butter, 


1.7 


1.5 


2.2 


2.2 


Linen and Hemp Cloths, 


18.1 


16.1 


17.1 


13.8 


Liuen and hemp yarn, 


7.9 


8.9 


23.1 


7.8 


Leaf Tobacco, 


7.6 


5.9 


27.5 


22.4 


Olive, and other oils, 


32.7 


39.4 


52.4 


56 


Wood and lumber, 


20.4 


23.2 


43.9 


43.1 


Flax, 






9.9 


13.9 


Articles not enumerated, 


129 


129.6 


249.7 


246.9 


Total, 


414.1 


480.3 


893 


975.9 



The official value of domestic exports in 1848 amounted to 
833,700,000 francs ; their real or market value amounted to 
690,000,000 francs. The official value of imports for consump- 
tion in 1848 amounted to 556,600,000 francs, their real value 
amounted to but 474,300,000. This shows that the average 
prices of their exports had declined about l7| per cent, and the 
average prices of their imports nearly 15 per cent. ; 1848 being 
a year of revolution, their imports fell off more than forty per 
cent. 

The foreign commerce of France, like that of Great Britain, 
was very small indeed prior to the beginning of the 18th century, 
and in fact up to the year 1750, compared with what it is now. 
It expanded very rapidly from 1750 to the breaking out of the 
Revolution in 1789, but increased very little from that time, un- 
til the close of the wars of Napoleon in 1815. Since 1820 it has 
increased more rapidly than that of the United States, and now 



ON COMMERCE. 413 

greatly exceeds it. Being; dependent on domestic production, it 
was small prior to 1750, because the manufacturing industry of 
the country was small ; but it has expanded with the mechanical 
and manufacturing industry of the nation, with wonderful rapid- 
ity, during the last thirty years (1820 to 1851) until it has be- 
come immensely great. 

Tables II. and IV. of this section show that nearly all the in- 
crease of exports from France consists of manufactured pro- 
ducts ; Tables III. and V. show that nearly all the increase of 
imports consists of raw materials to be manufactured, and raw 
materials for consumption, which are the products of warm 
countries, and do not come in competition with the industry of 
France. The whole of their foreign commerce, both imports and 
exports, comes in aid of, and fosters domestic industry ; the home 
manufacturer commands the home market; and whatever imports 
come in competition with his industry, are taxed with heavy 
duties. Under this protecting policy of the government, France 
has made more progress in productive industry, wealth, and com- 
merce, and nearly as much in population, during the last twenty- 
five years, as she ever made before in a century. Her progress 
has not been confined to manufactures and commerce, but her 
manufacturing industry has been the means of improving her 
agriculture also. 

During the period of twenty-two years from 1827 to 1848, 
there have been seven years (including the years 1827, 1833, 
1834, 1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, and 1841,) when the exports of 
grain and flour exceeded the imports. The territory of France 
is but a little more than two thirds as large as the Slave States 
above the 35th degree of latitude, and yet it has nearly supplied 
with grain, vegetables, and provisions of all kinds, a population 
of about 35,000,000. No instance can be found on record, of 
the growth of manufactures in a country, without a correspond- 
ing improvement in agriculture, and increase of wealth, popula- 
tion and commerce. 

Since the peace of 1815, France has been pursuing the same 
policy in relation to manufactures, which Great Britain has pur- 
sued for about two centuries ; and similar results have followed. 
British writers and free trade economists have been long harping 
upon the advantages of France as a wine-growing country ; and 
trying to convince the French people that it was their true policy 
to produce wines as their chief business, admit British goods free 
of duty, and pay for them in wine.* Let the reader examine 
Table IV., and he will see how utterly insignificant the value of 
wine exported, when compared with silk and cotton goods, and 
the aggregate of other manufactured products exported, While 
* See on this point Sec. 18 of Chapter IX. 



414 ON COMMERCE. 

the exports of wine increased only seventeen per cent, in twenty 
years, and the exports of brandy decreased, the other domestic 
exports of France increased over eighty per cent. What would 
have been the condition of France at this day, if the government 
had pursued the very wise and disinterested advice of their pecu- 
liar friends, the free trade writers and political economists of Great 
Britain ? 

Sec. 16. On the commerce and commercial policy of Holland 
and Belgium. 

It is not in my power to give a reliable statement of the ex- 
ports and imports of Holland ; but quote the following remarks 
from the works of Sir. Wm. Temple, as expressive of the com- 
mercial policy of that country. " The vulgar mistake that im- 
portation of foreign wares, if purchased with native commodities 
and not with money, does not make a nation poorer, is what 
every man that gives himself leisure to think, must immediately 
rectify, by finding out that upon the end of an account between a 
nation and all they deal with abroad, whatever the exportation 
wants in value to balance that of the importation, must of neces- 
sity be made up with ready money. 

" By this we find out the foundation of the riches of Holland 
and of their trade by the circumstances already stated ; for never 
any country traded so much and consumed so little ; they buy 
infinitely, but it is to sell again, either upon an improvement of 
the commodity or at a better market. They are the great mas- 
ters of the Indian spices and of the Persian silks ; but wear 
plain woollen, and feed upon their own fish and roots. Yea, they 
sell the finest of their own cloth to France, and buy coarse out 
of England for their own wear. They send abroad the best of 
their own butter into all parts, and buy the cheapest out of Ireland 
and the north of England for their own use. In fine, they fur- 
nish infinite luxury which they never practise, and traffic in plea- 
sures they never taste." 

The above extract discloses the policy of the Hollanders and 
the principal cause of their great wealth and power during the 
17th and 18th centuries. The secret of their wealth was pro- 
ductive industry and economy. No matter how many luxuries a 
people buy, if they buy them to sell again and make a profit on 
them ; but if they buy them to consume in large quantities, 
unless their wealth. and productive industry are very great, they 
will soon squander their substance, and involve themselves in 
debt. 



ON COMMERCE. 



415 



Statement in millions of francs, of the average annual value of 
the exports of the growth, produce, and manufacture of Belgium, 
during the undermentioned periods and years.* 





1S35. 
Mil. of frs. 


1835 to 1S3 ( J. 
Mil. offices. 


1843 to 1847. 
Mil. of fra's. 


1847. 
Mil.offrs. 


Raw materials to be used ) 
or manufactured, ) 
Provisions,")* 
Manufactured products. 


43.4 

22.4 

72.2 


45.3 

24.3 

71.8 


82.2 

19.3 
79.5 


99.5 

23.7 
82.5 


Total, 

Total in millions of dollars, 


138 

$26 


141.4 

$26J 


181 

$34 


205.7 
$38| 



1835. 


1S35 to 1839. 


1843 to 1847. 


1847. 


63.3 

62.4 
46.9 


67.5 

67.3 
53.2 


82 

98.5 
37.5 


84.7 

113.6 
34 


172.6 
$32| 


188 
$35J 


218 

$41 


232.3 

$43J 



Statement in millions of francs, of the average annual value of 
imports into Belgium for home consumption and manufacture 
during the undermentioned periods and years.* 



Raw materials to be used 

or manufactured, 
Provisions, 
Manufactured products, 



Total, 

Total in millions of dollars. 

Belgium has but a few miles of sea-coast, no seaport town of 
much consequence, very little shipping, more than one third of 
her imports, and over two thirds of her exports, are by land and 
by internal navigation, and more than two thirds of her exports 
and imports by sea, are made in foreign vessels. 

Though the Belgians have but a mere trifle of shipping* and 
navigation, yet their foreign commerce has increased with great 
rapidity. Their domestic exports now amount to nearly nine 
dollars to each person ; while those of the United States amount 
to only about six dollars to each person. Their commerce aids 
their industry ; while they have greatly increased their imports of 
provisions and raw materials to be manufactured, their imports of 
manufactures (which could come in competition with domestic 
industry) have decreased. These facts show that a nation may 

* The values of both exports and imports are stated in accordance with 
the standard of official valuations adopted in 1833, and do not include gold 
and silver coin and bullion. 

f Sugar, tea, coffee, spice, fruits, and all products to eat and drink, except 
distilled liquors are classed with provisions. 



416 



ON COMMERCE. 



have an extensive foreign commerce, without much shipping or 
navigation, and verify the general principle heretofore stated, that 
commerce, both foreign and domestic, depends on productive 
industry, on the production of things that are wanted by the 
commercial world. 

Sec 17. On the commerce of Austria, Russia, and Cuba. 

McGregor states the exports in 1S40 of the Austrian Empire, 
including Hungary, Lombardy, and Venice, at but £10,383,800 
sterling, and their imports at £10,576,600. 

The population was then about thirty-six millions and the ex- 
ports $49,843,000, or about If dollars to each person. 

Statement extracted from McGregor's statistics of the value 
of the imports and exports of the Russian Empire, and the value 
of the cxj)orts to each person at different periods. 

Tears. 

1742, 
1750, 
1760, 
1770, 
1780, 
1790, 
1797, 
1830, 
1836, 
1841, 

The examples given illustrate fairly the commerce of Europe. 
The foreign commerce of Spain, Portugal, and the states of 
Italy, is less in proportion to the population than that of Austria ; 
and the commerce of Turkey is much less in proportion to the 
population, than that of Russia. 

The domestic exports of the Island of Cuba, exclusive of gold 
and silver coin, and bullion, have been as follows : 

In 1840. In 1842. 

$21,537,181, $23,447,610. 

The population of Cuba was about one million. 



Imports in Millions of 


Exports in Millions of 


Amount to 


Eoubles. 


Dollars. 


Eoubles. 


Dollars. 


each person. 


3.5 


2.6 


4.6 


3.4 


$ .16 


6 


4.5 


7.1 


5.3 


.21 


7.3 


5.4 


9.8 


7.3 


.30 


11.4 


8.5 


15 


11.2 


.40 


15.4 


11.5 


19.6 


14.7 


.50 


31.1 


23.3 


32.7 


24.5 


.75 


34.9 


26 


56.7 


42.5 


1.25* 


56.3 


42.2 


76.8 


57.6 


.95 


67.8 


50.8 


81 


60.7 


1.05 


79.4 


59.5 


86.4 


64.8 


1.10 



* The principal reason of the exports amounting to more to each person 
in 1797 than in 1830 was the high prices. 



ON COMMERCE. 41 7 

Sec 18. Value of the exports of the United States, compared 
with those of Great Britain, France, and other countries. 
Estimate of the average value of domestic products exported 
annually for some years prior to 1850, and the value to each 
Derson from the following countries. 



United States, 

Free states, and northern slave states, 

Southern Slave States, 

Great Britain, 

Ireland, 

France, 

Belgium, 

Austrian Empire, 

Russian Empire, 

Cuba, 

* If the exports of Ireland to Great Britain were included with the 
exports to foreign countries, they would amount to about eight dollars to 
each person. 



Millions of 


Amount to each 


dollars. 


person. 


130 


$ 6.00 


60 


3.25 


70 


18 


310 


15 


2 


* 25 


180 


5 


36 


8 


50 


1.37 


65 


1.10 


22 


22.00 



CHAPTER XIV. 

On the condition, productive industry, and value of 
property of Great Britain, France, and other 
countries of western europe, at different periods ; 
of Mexico and the South American States the first 
part of the nineteenth century ; and of the united 
States, and the several States in 1840 and 1850. 

Sec. 1. Tables showing the income, value of the real and personal 
estate, agricultural products, and coin in England, in 
1688. 

The means of collecting information in relation to the 
wealth and productive industry of any country prior to the 
nineteenth century, are very limited ; the estimates made 
are necessarily more or less uncertain ; and yet estimates made 
by intelligent officers of the government, and by careful practical 
men, often approximate very nearly to the truth, and may be very 
useful in aiding us to estimate the progress of nations in produc- 
tive industry and wealth. The essays of Mr. Davenant published 
between the years 1688 and 1712, and those of Gregory King, 
published about the same period, furnish the most reliable 
evidence that can be obtained of the resources and condition of 
England and Wales during the 17th and early part of the 18th 
century. Mr. Davenant stated the rent or income value of all the 
property of England and Wales in 1688 as valued by the govern- 
ment in assessing the income tax of 4s. on the pound, and gave 
his own estimate of the same as follows : 

Table A. 

Income as rated Mr. Davenant's esti- 

In 1688 from by the government. mates of same. 

Lands, £6,500,000 £10,000,000 

Houses and other buildings, 1,500,000 2,000,000 

Mines and other real estate, 500,000 1,000,000 



Total real estate, £8,500,000 £13,000,000 

Personal estate, 500,000 1,000,000 



Total for the Kingdom, £9,000,000 £14,000,000 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 419 

Mr. Davenant says, there are undeniable reasons which may 
be given, that the general rental or income from property of the 
whole Kingdom in the year 1600, did not exceed £6,000,000 ; 
but through the help of that wealth which flowed into the King- 
dom from foreign trade, it advanced from six to eight, from eight 
to ten, and from ten to fourteen millions sterling per annum. His 
estimate for the year 1600 includes personal as well as real estate, 
and leaves not over £5,400,000 as the annual rent or income from 
real estate of all kinds. 

He supposed that wealth decreased during the war from 1688 
to 1697, and was about the same in 1705, as it was in 1688. 

Table B. 

Annual agricultural Products of England and Wales 
at the average of years and prices, about the year 1688, as esti- 
mated by Gregory King, after deducting the quantity used for 
seed. 

Wheat, 

Rye, 

Barley, 

Oats, 

Peas, 

Beans, 

Vetches, 



Seed, about 
Total, 

The seed in some cases was estimated one-fifth, and in 
others one-eighth the whole produce, and was reckoned at 
11,000,000 bushels in all, as above stated. Call the seed of wheat 
on an average equal to two-thirteenths of the crop, it would amount 
to about 2,500,000 bushels, and make the whole wheat crop 
16,500,000 bushels. 

Mr. King estimated the rent of the grain land at £2,200,000 
over and above the tithes, amounting to about . 700,000 

leaving for products of labor and profits, £6,175,000 

Mr. Davenant estimated the rent in 1688, of pasture 

and meadow lands, 12,000,000 acres at 8s. 8d., £5,200,000 
Arable lands, 9,000,000 acres at 5s. 6d., 2,480,000 



Bushels. 






Value. 


14,000,000 

10,000,000 

27,000,000 

16,000,000 

7,000,000 

4,000,000 

1,000,000 


3s. 

2 

2 

1 

2 

2 

2 


6d. 

6 

6 
6 
6 



£2,450,000 

1,250,000 

2,700,000 

1,200,000 

875,000 

500,000 

100,000 


79,000,000 
11,000,000 


2 


H 


£9,075,000 
1,263,000 


90,000,000 


£10,338,000 



420 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

Other lands, heaths, moors, gardens, woodlands, and 

parks, 2,320,000 

Dwelling houses, yards, and buildings, 2,000,000 

Total of the above, £12,000,000 

He estimated the number and value of the live stock of 
England and Wales in 1688, as follows : 

Table C. 

Number. Value of each. Total Value • 

Neat cattle, including calves, 4,500,000 £2 0s. Od £9,000,000 

Sheep and lambs, 12,000,000 7 4 4,440,000 

Swine and pigs, 2,000,000 16 1,600,000 

Deer and fawns, 100,000 20 200,000 

Goats and kids, 50,000 10 25,000 

Hares and leverets, 24,000 1 6 1,800 

Habits and conies, 1,000,000 5 20,833 

Horses, 1,200,000 2 10 3,000^000 

Fowls, geese, turkeys, &c, 472,000 



Total £18,759,633 

Mr. Davenant estimated the annual value about the year 
1688, of animal products, including the products of the forest 
and all agricultural products, except grain, as follows : 

Table D. 

Butter, cheese, and milk, £2,500,000 

Wool yearly shorn, 2,000,000 

Horses yearly bred, 250,000 

Flesh annually used as food, 3,350,000 

Tallow and hides, 600,000 

Hay consumed by horses, 1,300,000 

Hay consumed by cattle and sheep, 1,000,000 

Add for fowls, geese, turkeys, and their eggs, 500,000 



£11,500,000 
Deduct hay for farm horses, cattle and sheep, 2,000,000 



£9,500,000 
Add value of grain over seed, as estimated by Mr. King, 9,075,000 



Total net products of agriculture, £18,575,000 

Timber cut for building, &c, 500,000 

Wood for fuel, &c, 500,000 



£19,575,000 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 421 

Sec. 2. Comparative incomes and population of England, France 
and Holland, in 1697. 
Mr. Davenant estimated the annual income from capital 
and labor (over and above the use of dwelling houses,) upon 
which the people lived, and out of which all taxes, assessments 
and tithes were paid, immediately after the war ending in 1696, 
as follows : 





Table A. 




England and "Wales, at 
France, at 
Holland, at 




£43,000,000 
81,000,000 
18,250,000 



No details are given of the incomes of the people of France ; 
none of the people of England except those of agriculture and the 
forest, heretofore stated. He estimated the annual rental or in- 
come from lands, houses, and other real estate in Holland, 
at £ 4,000,000 

Income from commerce, navigation, and business, 13,750,000 
This estimate includes nothing for the income from 
agricultural labor and stock, which may be esti- 
mated at 



Total, £21,000,000 

Table B. 
The population of England and Wales in the year 1700, was 
about 5,500,000; of France, about 19,669,000; and of Hol- 
land, about 2,000,000. 

Population. Annual Income- Amt. to each Person. 

El Wak d s aDd \ 5 > 500 > 000 £43,000,000 £ 1 16s., or S3 1 50 
Holland, 2,000,000 21,000,000 10 10|s. or 50 00 
France, 19,669,000 81,000,000 4 2js. or 19 82 

Mr. Davenant was engaged in the treasury department of the 
government, and was well acquainted with the commerce and re- 
sources of England ; but his information in relation to Holland 
and France must have been much less complete. We have 
reason to believe that the incomes of Holland, considering their 
immense commerce, must have been greater in proportion to the 
population, than those of England ; and if so, the amount I have 
added is not too much. His estimate so far as regards England 
and Wales, was based on their official valuations, and income tax, 
and is entitled to credit ; but so far as regards France, it was a 



422 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

mere conjecture, without much official evidence, and quite too 
low to be probable. We have no reason to believe that the pro- 
ductive industry of France, and the incomes of the people, 
materially increased from the time of the revocation of the edict 
of Nantes in 1685, to the revolution of 1*789. See tables A. and 
D. of Sec. 9. 

Table C. 
Estimate of the net annual income from mining, the mechan- 
ic ARTS, MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE IN ENGLAND AND 

'Wales about the year 1700 ; from the best information I have 

been able to collect of the prices and quantity of products. 
Manufactures of wool, £2,000,000 deducted for 

materials, £4,000,000 

Manufactures of leather, less £500,000 for hides, 3,500,000 
Manufacturing 1,170,000 lbs. of cotton, at 2s. 6d. 

per lb. 146,000 

Manufactures of silk, 500,000 

Manufactures of linen in 1800 estimated at 

£2,000,000, perhaps in 1700 about one-third 

part as much, less the flax, 500,000 

Hats and caps, value, less the materials used, 300,000 

Making about 13,000 tons of castings, bar and pig 

iron, at £20 per ton, 260,000 

Making two-thirds of it into cutlery, hardware, 

chains, and blacksmith work, adding £20 value 

per ton, 170,000 

Mining and smelting 700 tons copper, worth £100 

per ton, • 70,000 

Mining and smelting about 1500 tons of tin, worth 

£75 per ton, 112,000 

Mining and smelting, perhaps, 3000 tons of lead 

and zinc, worth £112, 360,000 

Value added by manufacturing copper, tin, lead, 

and zinc, 542,000 

Manufacturing precious metals and jewelry, value 

added, 100,000 

Manufacturing bricks, lime, and lumber, quarrying 

stone, erecting houses and other buildings, 

perhaps, 2,000,000 

Manufacturing glass and earthen ware, 200,000 

Manufacturing paper, 100,000 

Mining and transporting about 500,000 chaldrons 

of coal, 500,000 

G-rinding grain and making flour, value added, 500,000 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 423 

Making wagons, carriages, furniture, farming 

utensils, and ship building, about 1,000,000 

All other manufactures and mechanism, 2,000,000 



Income from foreign and domestic commerce, 

navigation and transportation, about 6,140,000 
Value of grain and vegetables over and above seed, 

brought forward, ' 9,000,000 

Income from animals, brought forward, 9,500,000 

Income from the forest for timber and fuel, 1,000,000 

Income from the fisheries, about 500,000 



Total amount, as estimated in gross by Davenant, £43,000,000 

Sec. 3. Acres of land, and rental of Great Britain and Ireland 
at different periods, from 1770 to 1843. 

Summary statement of the number of xICres of land, and the 
rental of, or income from, the same in Great Britain in 
1810-11, and in 1814-15, according to the returns of the 
income tax, and an estimate of the same for Ireland in 1832, 
compiled from official documents by a parliamentary com- 
mittee ; excluding from each the rental of houses, mines, fac- 
tories, stores, fisheries, and all real estate in cities and villages. 
The rental of farm houses is included with lands. 

Acres of land. Rent in 1810-11. Rentin 1814-15. 

Gross am't. Per acre. 
England, 32,243,200 £27,S80.0S5 17s. 34d. £32,502,824 

Wales, 4,752.000 1,622,985 6 10 1,827.638 



England and Wales, '30,995,200 £29.503,070 15 ] 1£ £34,330.462 
Scotland, 18,021.760 4.816,577 5 Al 5.075.242 



Great Britain, 55,016,960 £34.319.647 39.405,704 

Ireland in 1832. 19'.944,209 12,715,47S 12 9 

McCulloch says the rental of lands only in England and Wales 
was estimated by Arthur Young in 1771 at £16,000,000 ; by Dr. 
Beeke in 1800 at £20,000,000 ; that the entire rental of Scot- 
land in 1770, was estimated at only from £1,000,000 to £1,200,000, 
and in 1795 at a little over £2,000,000 ; that Brown computed 
the gross rental of Ireland, including houses, quit rents, tithes, 
etc., in 1737, at £2,824,000 ; and that Young estimated it in 
1778 at £6,000,000. In addition to the rents, the tenants paid 
all taxes, and also the tithes, the latter amounting in 1814 for 
England and Wales to £2,732,690. 



424 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

The rental of lands only, (including farming lands, pastures, 
commons, heaths, woodlands, gardens, and farm houses,) ac- 
cording to the returns of the income tax for the year 1843, 
was as follows : 

Great Britain, £45,753,615 

Ireland, 



Great Britain and Ireland, £58,753,615 

Sec 4. Tables shotting the rental and valuation of the different 
kinds of real 'property in Great Britainin 1815 and 1843. 

Table A. 
Summary statement of the rental or annual income of real 

ESTATE OF ALL KINDS IN ENGLAND, WALES AND SCOTLAND, 

according to the returns of the income tax in 1815, as stated 
by McCulloch ; and the rental in 1843, according to the 
returns of the income tax. 

Rental in 1815. Rental in 1843. 

England, £49,744,621 £80,519,084 

Wales, 3,750,747 5,283,600 

Scotland, 6,642,955 9,481,762 



Great Britain, £60,138,323 £95,284,446 

Table B. 
Summary statement of the amount and per cent, of the 

ANNUAL INCOME OF EACH KIND OF REAL ESTATE IN GREAT 

Britain in 1814—15, and 1S43, according to the returns of 
the income tax of those years. Mills, factories, stores, and 
warehouses are included with dwelling houses, in the returns 
of 1814-15, but by the aid of the per centage of each, stated 
in the Westminster Review, I have been able to separate 
them with tolerable accuracy. 





Rental of 1814-15. 


Per ct. 


Rental of 1843. 


Per ct. 


Lands, 


£39,405,704 


65.56 


£45,753,616 


48.0 


Dwelling houses, 


15,035,000 


25.00 


38,475,738 


40.4 


Tithes, 


2,732,899 


4.52 


1,960,330 


2.0 


Mines, > 
Railroads, $ 


678,785 


1.13 


2,081,337 
2,598,943 


2.1 

2.7 


Canals, 


, c \ 1,927,342 
's,&c. ) ' ' 




1,307,093 


1.4 


Mills,fact's,wareh 


3.20 


2,394,646 


2.5 


Manors, fines and 


quarries, 358,593 


0.59 
00.00 


712,742 


.9 


Total, 


£60,138,323 1 


£95,284,445 


100.0 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN". 425 

Table C 
Summary statement of the amount of moneys levied by assess- 
ment for poor rates and county rates in England and 
Wales for the year 1832, as collected and published by the 
Board of Trade. See McCulloch's statistics, II, p. 421. 

Amount levied on. Per cent. 

Farming lands, gardens, woodlands, &c, £5,434,890 63.17 

Dwelling houses, 2,635,257 30.61 

Mills, factories, forges, mines, &c, 352,479 4.09 

Manorial profits, navigation, warehouses, &c, 183,874 2.13 



Total amount levied, £8,606,500 100.00 

The ninth report of the poor law commissioners is referred to 
in the Westminster Review for January, 1848, in corroboration 
of the general correctness of the valuations under the income tax. 
In that report (p. 8,) it is shown that the proportions of the 
several kinds of real property charged to the poor rates in Eng- 
land and Wales, were as follows : 

Lands, 52 per cent. 

Dwelling houses, 37 do. 

All other property, 11 do. 



N 100 

The reviewer remarks, " The one return (the income tax,) 
embracing all Great Britain, the other (for the poor rates, &c.,) 
England and Wales only, and being founded on distinct data, we 
consider the near approximation, speaks strongly for the general 
accuracy of both." 



426 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 



Table D. 
Summary statement of the value in millions of pounds ster- 
ling, OF ALL THE REAL ESTATE IN GREAT BRITAIN IN 1815 

and in 1843, deduced from the foregoing table B, estimating 
the value of dwelling houses, other buildings and railroads as 
equal to twenty-years' rent, and lands, canals, mines, etc., equal 
to twenty-seven years' rent in 1815, and to twenty-eight years 
rent in 1843. 

Years' rent. Value in 1S15. Yrs' rent. Value in 1843, 







Millions. 




Millions. 


Lands, 


27 


£1.064 


28 


£1.281 


Dwelling houses, 


20 


300 


20 


769 


Tithes, 


27 


73 


28 


55 


Mines, 


27) 


18 


28 


58 


Railroads, 


20 \ 


20 


*52 


Canals, 


27 ) 
20 j 


3S| 


28 


*37 


Mills, factories, etc., 


20 


48 


Manors, fines and quarries, 


27 


91 


28 


20 


Total, 


£1.503 


£2.320 



Increase in the value of dwelling houses and palaces, exclusive 
of farm houses in twenty-eight years, from 1815 to 1843, 
£469,000,000. Such an increase is more wonderful than the 
increase of even the cotton manufacture. All the dwelling hou- 
ses in the United States in 1843, were not worth perhaps over 
$ 1,350,000,000, and excluding farm houses not over $830,000,000 ; 
while the magnificent palaces of the nobles and wealthy com- 
moners, and the dwellings of the merchants, manufacturers, 
mechanics, and other inhabitants of cities and villages in Great 
Britain, were worth, as above shown, about $3,685,329,000, or 
nearly three times as much as those of the same classes in our 
country. 

* These railroads cost about £60,000,000, and the canals about £30,000,000. 



INDUSTRY OF CREAT BRITAIN. 427 

Sec. 5. Several estimates of the productive industry of Great 

Britain. 

Table A. 

Estimate made by McCulloch in 1838, of the principal annual 
crops of England and Wales, their price, total value, 
and the number of acres cultivated. 



Acres culti- 


Bushels 


Total produce Price per 


Value in 


vated. 


per acre. 


in bushels. 8 bush. 


millions. 


Wheat, 3,800,000 


26 


98,800,000 50s. 


£30.875 


Barley and Rye, 900,000 


32 


28,800,000 30s. 


5.4 


Oats and Beans, 3,000,000 


36 


108,000,000 


17.5 


Turnips and po- 








tatoes, 1,200,000 




at £5\ per acre, 


6.3 


Gardens & hop- 








yards, 150,000 




at <£15 per acre, 


2.25 




£62.325 


Deduct one-eleventh for seed, 




5.665 



Leaves for net produce of above crops, £56.66 

He estimated the annual value of the various products derived 
from pasture and meadow lands at an average of about £3 10s. 
per acre ; being equivalent on 17,000,000 acres to £59,500,000, 
which he distributed as follows : 

TABLE B. Millions. 

Cattle for beef, 1,100,000, at £13 each, £14.3 

Calves killed, 200,000, at £3 each, .6 

Sheep and lambs killed, 6,800,000, at £1 10s. each, 10.2 

Wool, 338,000 packs of 240 lbs. each, worth £12 

per pack or Is. per lb., 
Hogs and pigs, 555,000, at £l 16s. each, 
Horses, 200,000 full grown, produced annually, worth 

£15 each, 
Poultry, eggs, rabbits, and deer, 
Dairy produce of milk, butter, and cheese, 
Meadow and grass for work and pleasure horses, 

Total, £59.5 

The horses used for farming purposes, are mere in- 
struments for cultivating the ground and raising 
the grain ; the value of those raised for such pur- 
poses, more thau half of the whole, and also the 



4.056 
1. 


3. 

1.344 
12. 

13. 



•128 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

hay and pasture consumed by them, amounting to 
about 8. 

should be deducted, in order to ascertain the net 
products of agriculture, which leaves 51.5 

Add for timber and wood cut annually, according to 

McCulloch, 2. 

Total net produce of agriculture and the forest, £110.16 

His estimate for Scotland was as follows : 
Value of crops cultivated, £13,355,000 

Products of meadow and pasture lands, 5,000,000 
Products of uncultivated and wood-lands 

for timber, 2,000,000 



£20,355,000 
Deduct for seed, one-eleventh of the 

crops, 1,251,000 



Total for Scotland, £19,140,000 £19.14 



£129.3 
McCulloch supposed that one-half of the value of 
farming lands consists of the buildings, fences, 
drains, and other improvements on them. I pre- 
sume such improvements do constitute about forty 
per cent, of their value, or about £500 ; 000,000 ; 
more than half of which, or £250,000,000, has 
been made during the last fifty years ; add, there- 
fore, for agricultural labor invested annually in 
fencing, draining, and improving lands, £5. 



Making the total value produced annually in Great 
Britain about the year 1839, by lands, agricultural 
capital and labor, £134.3 

The under estimates in the prices of produce, and the articles 
omitted, will exceed the wear and tear of tools and agricultural 
implements. 

Compare the foregoing estimate of the agricultural products of 
England and Wales with the estimates by King and Davenant in 
Sep. 1, and the increase will appear truly wonderful, when we 
consider that the country had been settled perhaps more than 
2,000 years at the former period. 



INDUSTRY CF GREAT BRITAIN. 420 

McCulloch says the annual wheat crop of Eng- Million bushels. 

land and Wales was estimated in 1773 at 32 
In 1796, by Lord Hawkesbury, afterwards Lord 

Liverpool, at less than 48 

In 1688, by King, as stated in Sec. 1, at about 16.5 

In 1838, by McCulloch, as above stated, at 98.8 
In 1S42, by Brande in his Encyc. of Science and 

Art, at 120 

McCulloch says the Commissioners of the Poor Inquiry in 
Ireland, estimated the total annual value of its land produce at 
only £36,000,000 ; but he thought the estimate quite too low, 
and he estimated it at £44,500,000 

From which he deducted for seed, and sums neces- 
sary to replace horses, &c, 6,000,000 



Leaving but £38,500,000 

Call the amount of the net product of agriculture 

in Ireland , £40,000,000 

out of which he estimates 3,500,000 

must be sent out of the country to pay rents due 
to absentee proprietors ; leaving but £36,500,000 

to be enjoyed by the people of Ireland. 

These estimates are above those in a very able article in the 
Westminster Review for January, 1848, which are as follows ; 

Value produced annually by lands, capital, and labor, 

employed in agriculture in Great Britain, £126,899,111 

do. " do. in Ireland, 27,683,603 

In the same article the average wages of labor employed in 
agriculture, are estimated as follows: 

Per week. Per week. 

Male adults in Great Britain, 10s. In Ireland, 5s. Od. 

Males under twenty years of age, 5 do. 2 6 

Female adults, 5 do. 2 6 

do under twenty years old, 2 6 do. 13 

McCulloch in 183S estimated the whole value produced annu- 
ally by capital and labor in Great Britain, at £297,000,000 ; 
population at 18,000,000, equal to £16 10s, or $79,22 to each 
person ; while he estimated the value produced to be enjoyed by 
the Irish people, as less than £6 for each person, or about $28.80, 



430 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

Table C. 

The VALUE PRODUCED ANNUALLY IN GREAT BRITAIN BY CAPITAL 

and labor employed in mining, manufactures, the mechanic 

ARTS, TRADE AND COMMERCE, NAVIGATION AND TRANSPORTATION, 

is estimated in the Westminster Review as follows ; 

Wages of 1,857,447 adult males at 17s. 6d. per week, £84,518,388 
do. 571,705 do. do. at 15s. do. 22,296,495 

do. 448,419 do. do. at 10s. do. 11,658,894 

do. 72,395 males under 20 years old at ) i 41 1 701 

7s. 6d. per week, $ ' ' 

do. 498,508 adult females at 6s. per week, 7,776,724 

do. 203,353 females under 20 yrs. old at 4s pr. wk 2,1 14,870 



Total, 3,651,827 £129,777,072 

Deduct for agricultural tools for Ireland, 2,500,000 



£127,277,072 
Rental and profits of mines, quarries, ironworks, 

warehouses, mills, railroads and canals, &c, 20,000,000 

Profits of capital employed in manufactures, and in 
the distribution of the same, including navigation, 
the salaries of assistants in retail business, &c. ; 
25 percent, on £114,777,072, the wages of labor 
above stated, except £15,000,000 worth of 
farming utensils, 28,694,267 

Profits of distributing agricultural produce, 20 per 

cent. 2,879,822 



Total for mining, manufactures and commerce, £203,851,161 
Amount for agriculture brought forward, 126,899,111 



Total annual value produce in Great Britain, £330,750,272 

This sum for 18,800,000 inhabitants amounts to £17 10s., or 
about $S4 to each. 

Estimate of the products of capital and labor in Ireland, over 
and above the amount paid to non-resident proprietors, 
Income from agriculture as above estimated, £36,500,000 

Income from mining, manufactures and mechanic 

arts, 12,500,000 

Income from commerce and navigation, about 12,500,000 



Total annually, about £01,500,000 

Equal to about £7 10s., or $36, to each person. 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 431 

Table D. 
Summary statement of the number and value of live stock in 
Great Britain in 1839, according to the estimate of McCul- 
loch and the authorities cited by him in his statistics : 



England and Wales. 


Scotland. 




Number. 


Price. Jabe in 
Millions. 


Number. Price. 


Value in 

Millions, 


Cattle, 4,120,000 


£10 £41.2 


1,100,000 £10 


£11. 


Sheep, 26,148,000 


1} 32,685 


3,500,000 1J 


4.375. 


Horses, 1,250,000 


14 17.500 


250,000 14 


3.5 


Swine and poultry, 


2.500 




5 


Total 


£93.SS5 




£19.375. 



By referring to table C. of Sec. 1, the reader will see that the 
number of cattle has decreased since the year 16S8, though their 
aggregate value is nearly five times as great now as it was then. 
This great increase of price has taken place during a period when 
the money in circulation in Europe in proportion to the popula- 
tion, has increased only about twenty-five per cent. The price 
of beef is not over two and a half times as high per pound as it 
was in 1688, and we may fairly conclude from this, that the im- 
provements in agriculture have been such, during the last century 
and a half, as to double the average weight of cattle, and thereby 
increase their value five fold. The number of horses has also re- 
mained about the same, though their value has increased nearly 
six fold. As to sheep, their number has more than doubled, and 
yet their average value has increased about thirty-five per cent. 
These are curious facts, illustrating the effect of supply and 
demand on price. "When the population was small in proportion 
to the stock of horses and cattle in 1688, the prices of such 
animals were very low, but since the population has become 
large, the demand large and the supply the same, prices have ad- 
vanced in a most astonishing manner. Cattle in our western and 
southern States are worth nominally less now than they were in 
England in 168S ; in the northern district of New York and 
western district of Pennsylvania, perhaps about the same as iu 
England in 1688 ; but near the large cities, and in or near the 
populous manufacturing districts of New England, prices are much 
higher. 

In 1771, the capital, other than real estate, employed in agri- 
culture in England and Wales, was estimated by Arthur Young 
at about £4 per acre, or about £124,000,000; in 1839 Mc- 
Culloch estimated it at from £6 to £7 per acre, or about 



432 



ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 



£200,000,000 ; and £30,000,000 in Scotland. This includes tne 
live stock as above stated, wagons, harness, ploughs, and other 
farming utensils, the seed and labor invested in the growing crops, 
and the stock of provisions, fuel, &c. on hand, to enable the 
farmer to carry on his business. 

Sec 6. Products of the manufacturing and mining industry of 
Great Britain, and the capital invested ; also the foreign in- 
vestments. 
Summary statement in millions sterling, of the annual value 

OF THE PRODUCTS of GrREAT BRITAIN ; and of the NET VALUE 

produced by capital and labor deducting materials, mostly 
according to the estimates made by McCulloch in 1839 ; to which 
I have added an estimate of the amount of capital employed, 
supposing the capital to bear the same proportion to the value of 
products that it did in the United States, according to the census 
of 1840. I have estimated the aggregate value of houses, 
vessels, furniture, carriages, wagons, agricultural implements and 
all articles produced which are not enumerated, except the pro- 
ducts of flouring, grist, saw and oil mills, at forty per cent, greater 
than it was in the United States in 1840; the income of mills 
the same as in the United States, and the capital in mills only 
half as much as in the United States : 





Gross Products. 


produced. Capital. 




Millions. 


Millions. Millions. 


Manufactures of Cotton, 


£35. 


£26.6 *£34 


do Wool, 


22. 


14. 17 


do Linen, 


8. 


6. 6 


do Silk, 


10. 


7.5 7.5 


Hardware, Cutlery, Castings, 






&c. 


9.5 


6.333 8.92 


Watches, Jewelry, &c, 


3. 


1.5 2.5 


Leather, Shoes, &c, 


13.5 


10.125 5.3 


Glass and Earthenware, 


4.25 


3.188 3.2 


Paper, 


1.5 


.9 1.2 


Hats, 


2.4 


1.44 1.2 



£109.15 £77.586 £86.82 



INDUSTRY OF 


GREAT BRITAIN. 


433 




Gross Products. 


Net Yalue. 


Capital. 


Iron, 1,150,000 tons, 


7.5 


5.0 


*7.0 


Coal, 30,000,000 tons, 


15. 


14.0 


5.0 


Copper, 13,000 tons, ) 
Tin 5,500 tons. V 


1.3 


1.1 


*2.44 


55 


5 




Lead, 46,000 tons, 


95 


8 


8 


Silver, 10,000 lbs. Troy, 


03 


025 


025 


Salt, Alum, and other mineral 








products, 


1.0 


7 


n 



Total of mining, &c 



Houses, ships, and other manu- 
factures, 
Flouring, grist, saw and oil mills 



£26.33 



£22.125 £l5.96i 



29,224 20,364 
4,913 6,860 



£130,009 



Total of Mining, Manufactures 

and Mechanic arts, £133,848 

Add 10 per cent, for undervaluation, of capital, 13,000 



Total 



£143,000 



I have not the means of stating the tonnage of England, Wales 
and Scotland at the time of taking the census in 1841, but from 
the great increase of the tonnage of the British empire from 1835 
to 1843, we may conclude the shipping of Great Britain alone 
amounted in 1841 to about 2,600,000, which at £10 per ton 
would amount to £26,000,000. 

Taking the returns of the United States census of 1840, of the 
amount of capital employed in commerce, and comparing the 
amount of the commerce of Great Britain with that of the United 
States, the capital employed in the former country, including 
about thirty millions sterling of coin, must amount over and above 
the shipping to about £126,000,000, making in ail about 
£150,000,000 employed in commerce, navigation, and transpor- 
tation in Great Britain in 1841, over and above £2,000,000, 
worth of shipping employed in the fisheries. Taking the returns 
of the income tax as a guide, which amounted in 1843, 
to between forty and fifty millions sterling, exclusive of 
the salaries of clerks, and the earnings of carmen, sailors, and 
ail common laborers, we cannot estimate the earnings of com- 
merce, navigation, and transportation, banking and insurances, 
which are branches of commerce, including the tolls of railroads 

* These are the estimates of McCulloch ; and the value of the mines is not 
included in any of ihese es'ima'es, 
1 9 



434 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

and canals in Great Britain in 1841, at less than £60,000,000 
sterling. 

McCulloch estimated the income from the fisheries of Great 
Britain at £3,000,000, and we may estimate the capital employed 
in the fisheries nearly as much as in the United States, or about 
£3,000,000. Perhaps it would not be extravagant to estimate 
the value of furniture, pleasure carriages, plate, jewelry, books, 
pictures, and ornaments at one fifth part as much as the dwelling 
houses, which would amount, as shown in table D, of Section 4, 
to about £153,000,000 over and above what is possessed by farmers 
and farm laborers, amounting in all to not less than £180,000,000 
sterling. 

In 1847 Lord George Bentinck presented to the House of Com- 
mons of England, a petition in behalf of the British holders of 
Spanish bonds, in which they prayed for redress against Spain, 
and for the assistance of that House — stating that the debt of 
Spain to her foreign creditors amounted to £78,000,000, that for 
several years past interest had been paid on only £7,105,000, 
leaving a balance of £70,895,000 on which interest had not been 
paid. He estimated the amount due from the Government of 
Spain to British subjects at about £46,000,000 ; and it was to 
recover that money, that he presented the petition. Lord Pai- 
nt erston remarked, " that the time may come when the British 
Nation may no longer see with the same tranquillity £150,000,000 
due to English subjects, the interest and the principal of which 
are alike unpaid ; and that if more proper efforts to fulfil en- 
gagements adequately are not made, the government of this 
country may be compelled by public opinion, aye, and by the 
votes of Parliament, to deviate from the hitherto established 
practice, and to insist upon the payment of those debts. Sir, 
that we have the means to do so, I do not for one moment dis- 
pute." 

Lord Palmerston must have included in the £150,000,000, on 
which the interest was unpaid, the amount due from some of the 
States of this Union, as well as that due from Spain, Mexico, 
and the South American Republics. And if his estimate is not 
grossly exaggerated, the whole foreign debt, exclusive of what is 
due from the colonies to the inhabitants of Great Britain, includ- 
ing the value of all foreign stocks held by them, must exceed 
£300,000,000. The debts and stocks on which interest and divi- 
dends are paid must exceed the amount on which there is a de- 
fault to pay interest. The amount of state, railroad, canal, and 
bank stocks of the United States, including city bonds, held in 
Great Britain, exceeded $100,000,000, or £20,000,000, and our 
mercantile debt to the British merchants, manufacturers, and 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 436 

miners, was probably about half as much, or £10,000,000. The 
debt of Mexico and the Mexicans to Great Britain, including 
British capital invested in mining in Mexico, has been generally 
estimated at over £20,000,000. 

The estimate of Lord Palmerston appears extravagant, and yet 
I cannot doubt that the whole amount invested by resident citi- 
zens of Great Britain in the stocks and property of other coun- 
tries, including the whole mercantile debt due 

them, exceeded in 1S41, over and above bad 

debts, £200,000,000 

The debts of the East India Company in April, 

1834, amounted to 35,463,483 

and those debts were nearly all due to citizens 

of Great Britain. The stock of the company 

is nearly all held by citizens of Great Britain 

and amounts to 6,000,000 

Amount invested by citizens of Great Britain in 

property and debts, in Canada and the other 

British colonies, perhaps three fourths as 

much as in India, or 30,000,000 

McCulloch estimates the rents in Ireland due to 

absentee proprietors, (citizens of Great Bri- 
tain,) at £3,500,000, which would represent 

a capital of about 100,000,000 



Total amount, £371,000 000 

invested by the resident citizens of Great 
Britain in their colonies and other countries. 
"With the exception of the investment in Ire- 
land, it yields an income of about six per 
cent, per annum, amounting in all, to about £19,000,000 

Sec. 7. Income from, and capital invested in the several depart- 
ments of industry in Great Britain in 1841 ; rental and value 
of property at different periods. 

Table A. 
Summary statement or estimate of the total amount of pri- 
vate property, and the income in 1841, from property, labor, 
and business of all the inhabitants of the Island of Qreat Britain, 
in millions of pounds sterling. 

Property. Income. 

Lands as stated in table D. 

Sec. 4, £1,281 

Other real estate, " 1,039 



436 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

Property. Income. 

Fanning capital over and above 

lands as stated in Section 5, ,£230 £134 

Manufactures and mining (£106,- 
000,000 capital reckoned in, 
with real estate deducted^, 54 133 

Commerce, navigation, and trans- 
portation, 150 60 

Fisheries, 3 3 

Furniture, pleasure carriages, 

plate, books, jewelry, &c, 180 



Total in Great Britain, £2,937 £330 

Inhabitants in 1841, about 

18,500,000, including the army 

and navy ; am't to each, £159 *£17 16s. 

Equal in federal money to each 

person, $763 $85.50 

Am'nt invested in foreign stocks 

and in debts, and property in 

the colonies, and in foreign 

countries, £371 £19 



Grand total in millions, £3,308 £349 

Amounting for each person to 179 *18 17s. 

Equal in federal money to $859 00 



Table B. 
Summary recapitulation of the value of the property of Great 
Britain in the year 1833, extracted from Table XVI., general 
estimate of the public and private property in England and 
. Wales, Scotland and Ireland ; by Pebrer, on the taxation, debt, 
capital, resources, &c, of the whole British Empire ; a work of 
high authority, published in London in 1833. 





Millions. 


Millions. 


England and Wales, 






Productive private property, 
Unproductive, " 


£2,054.6 I 
374.3 5 


£2,428.9 


Scotland, 






Productive private property, 


318.3 > 
51.1 ] 


369.4 


Unproductive, " 


Great Britain total private 


PROPERTY 




in 1833, 




£2,798.3 



* The use or rents of dwelling houses is not included in either of these 
estimates. See Table B. of Section 4. 



£103,800,000 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN, 4o7 

Population in 1833, including army and navy, about 1 7,000,000, 
equal to <£l64 12s. or §790 to each person, being equal to §802 
to each person in England and Wales, and §721 in Scotland. 

Millions. 
In Ireland, 
Productive private property, £622.1? £738500,000 

Unproductive " 116.4) ' ' 

Equal to £92 19s., or about $451 to each person. 
Public property in England and Wales, £42 

" Scotland, 3.9 

" Ireland, 11.9 

" common to Great 

Britain and Ireland, as the navy, 
military and ordnance stores, 46 

These estimates of Pebrer include only the property in Great 
Britain, and not the stocks, property, and debts in the British 
colonies and foreign countries, and in Ireland, belonging to citi- 
zens of Great Britain. The reader will see that the private 
property, according to his estimate, amounted to a little more to 
each individual in 1833, than it did in 1841, according to my 
estimate. As to the amount of private property in Ireland, it 
appears to me that Pebrer has greatly over estimated it. Taking 
the value of the products of Ireland as a guide, I cannot estimate 
the whole amount of private property at more than £550,000,000, 
about £100,000,000 of which belongs to non-resident proprietors, 
citizens of Great Britain. There is very little capital in Ireland 
invested in either mining, manufactures, or foreign commerce, and 
it seems to me impossible that the amount of property should be 
so great as estimated by Pebrer, when the business and products 
are comparatively so small. 

Table C. 
Summary statement of the annual income or rental of real 
estate of all kinds in England and Wales at the under- 
mentioned years, as stated ante sections 1, 3, and 4 ; the real 
value of the same, and the number of years rent of such 
value. The estimated rent of houses in 1770 and 1800, is 
added to the estimated rental of the lands, as stated in sec- 
tion 3 : 



In year. Rental of real estate. 


Value of real estate. 
Millions. 


Years rent. 


1600 £ 5,400,000 


£ 75J 


14 


1688 and 1705, 13,000,000 


208 


16 


1770 20,000,000 


400 


20 


1800 32,000,000 


700 


22 


1815 53,495,368 


1,284 


24 


1843 85,802,684 


2,060 


24 



1600, nearly 


14 


£ 101 


1688 and 1705, 


16} 


35 


1770, 


20 


80 


1800, 


24 


168 


1815, 


28 


360 


1843, 


30 


618 



438 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

Table I). 

Estimated value of the personal estate in England and 
Wales during- the undermentioned years, the proportion or 
per cent, which the personal bears to the real estate, and the 
aggregate value of the personal and real estate. The 
proportion between the personal and real estate in 1815 and 
1843, is nearly the same as stated in Table A, of this section. 

In Year. Per Cent. Personal Estate. Personal & Real Estate. 

Millions. Millions. 

£ 86 
243 
480 
868 
1,644 
2,678 

The above is the supposed nominal value, without taking into 
consideration the amount of money in proportion to the popula- 
tion *at each period. When this is taken into consideration, and 
the comparative value ascertained, by taking the amount of 
money at the present time as the standard, and adding- to the 
nominal valuation at periods when the amount of money was less, 
and deducting from it when the amount of money was greater, 
the difference appears much less. 

Table E. 

Summary statement or estimate of the population of England 
and Wales, at the undermentioned periods ; the comparative 
value, (taking the amount of money in circulation into con- 
sideration,) Of the PRIVATE PROPERTY IN THE KINGDOM ; the per 

cent, which is added to or deducted from the nominal value of 
property to ascertain the comparative value, and the amount 

AND ANNUAL INCOME FROM PROPERTY AND LABOR to each person. 

Also, the amount in 1843, including foreign debts, stocks, and 
property in Ireland, the colonies, and other countries. The 
annual income from property and labor, and also the value of 
property in the years 1200 and 1500, are estimated from the 
amount in the years 1600 and 1700, and the subsequent years, 
and from the comparative condition and commerce of the 
country at those several periods, taking into consideration 
the present condition and productive industry of Mexico and 



$100 


S24 


130 


28 


165 


32 


235 


40 


300 


50 


380 


75 


480 


90 


800 


85 


900 


90 



INDUSTRY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 439 

- the South American States, as stated in Section 10 of this 
chapter. 

Years. Population. Per Cent. Comparative value of Anr t to each person, 
add. deduct. private property. Property. Income. 
Millions. Millions. 

1200, 1.9 £ 40 

1500, 3.1 85 

1600, 4.4 75 150 

1700, 5.5 12 270 

1770, 7.1 6 450 

1800, S.S 19 700 

1815, 11.0 33J 1,096 

1843, 16.0 2,67S 
1843, foreign debts, &c. included, 3,050 

The reader should bear in mind, that these are not vague esti- 
mates of individuals made in gross, without a knowledge of de- 
tails ; but so far as regards the rental of the years 1688, 1811, 
1815 and 1843, they are official valuations made by government 
officers in detail, in the several counties, cities, towns, boroughs, 
and districts of the Kingdom, for the purposes of taxation ; and 
they may be relied upon as approximating very nearly to accu- 
racy ; as near as it was possible to make them. All the calcula- 
tions of the value of property are based upon those official valu- 
ations, reference being had to the increase of population, com- 
merce and productive industry, from one period to another; and 
the estimates of the incomes, or value produced by capital and 
labor at different periods, were mostly made by men of the highest 
intelligence, possessing the most ample means of acquiring infor- 
mation, and are partially founded on the official records of the 
Kingdom. Wherever 1 have differed from them, or made esti- 
mates of my own, it will appear from a careful examination of 
the work. Many of the estimates of personal estate are my 
own, drawn from a comparison between the proportions which 
personal estate bears to real estate in the United States. As a 
country grows older and wealthier, personal property increases 
more rapidly than the enhancement in value of real estate. 

The increase of wealth in G-reat Britain during the present 
century, is without example in the history of the old world. Pre- 
vious to the year 1790, the steam engine, and the machinery of 
England for the manufacture of cotton, wool, silk, and iron, had 
been brought to a high degree of improvement and efficiency, and 
before the year 1800, a very large amount of capital was invested 
in machinery, in mining and manufacturing industry, which was 
equal to the labor of six or eight million persons in enhancing 
the productive industry of the Kingdom. See Section 14 of the 



■i-iO ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

first chapter of these essays. Daring this period also, the de- 
maud for British manufactures was fully equal to the supply, 
and at most extravagant prices. Though recently invented ma- 
chinery had increased the productive powers of the manufacturers 
from ten to twenty fold, yet prices were actually higher than they 
were the latter part of the 17th century, and the fore part of the 
18th, when everything was manufactured by hand. See Chap. 
XII., sections 26 to 32 inclusive. The great increase in the amount 
and value of productive industry, and all the materials and ele- 
ments of wealth, as well as in the population, during this period, 
increased the demand for real estate so rapidly, that we may 
fairly attribute half of the increased value of private property in 
the Kingdom, as estimated in Table E, to the enhanced value of 
lands, city, town, and village lots alone, independent of the 
increased amount and value of the improvements made on them. 
For an illustration of the causes of this rise of real estate, see 
Chap. XII., Sec. 7. The increase of wealth in Great Britain, 
and particularly in Scotland, was very slow prior to the year 
1770 ; and if the reader inquire into the cause of its unparalleled 
increase since that time, he will find that the primary cause was 
neither agriculture nor commerce ; but the increase in manufac- 
turing and mining industry ; which furnished the materials, and 
formed the basis of commerce, and caused its rapid increase, as 
well as the increased demand for, and enhanced prices of, agri- 
cultural products, farming lands, and other real estate. This 
truth will be further illustrated by reference to the increased 
wealth in the manufacturing states of this Union. 

Sec. 8. Productive industry of Holland and Belgium. 

The means of estimating the value of the private property and 
the income of the people of France, Holland, and Belgium at 
different periods, are not so complete as they are in relation to 
Great Britain. All the statistics collected by the government of 
those countries, which have come within my notice, are more 
or less partial and incomplete ; and none of them cover the whole 
ground, like the census of the United States of 1840, and the in- 
come taxes of Great Britain. 

Murray, in his Encyclopaedia of G-eography, which was written 
about the year 1834, says, " Careful inquiries carried on by the 
government of the Netherlands, (including Holland and Bel- 
gium,) are considered as having proved that the agricultural cap- 
ital of the whole country amounted to 10,395,000,000 francs; 
equal to about $1,950,000,000. He says the following estimate 
was made of the lands cultivated and the annual value of 

the AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE COUNTRY j which is Stated 



INDUSTRY OF HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 441 



in hectares and francs 


, and I 


have reduced them to acres and 


federal money. 












Acres cultivated. 


Value, 


Wheat, 




864,000 


§28,875,000 


Rye, 




1,728,000 


31,500,000 


Buckwheat, 




500,000 


6,000,000 


Barley, 




710,000 


15,750,000 


Oats, 




740,000 


15,750,000 


Potatoes, 




323,000 


7,687,500 


Peas and Beans, 




271,000 


9,000,000 


Vegetables, 




227,000 


10,312,500 


Orchards, 




133,000 


562,500 


Hemp and flax, 




520,000 


23,625,000 


Madder, 




74 000 


3,937,500 


Cattle and other anim 


lis, 




2S, 125^000 




6,090,000 


§181,125,000 


Value produced annually by mining; and manu- 




facturing industry, 


estimated from the mate- 




rials collected by 31 


array and others at 


144,000,000 



The income from commerce, navigation, and 
transportation in Great Britain and the United 
States, is estimated as equal to more than one 
fifth part as much as from all other employ- 
ments and business, call it one fifth, 65,000,000 



Total, §390,125,000 

for the whole income from labor, business and capital of the peo- 
ple of Holland and Belgium per year, at that time, equal to sixty 
dollars to each inhabitant. 

There can be no reasonable doubt that from the tenth to the 
middle of the eighteenth century, the Netherlands were greatly 
in advance of both England and France in productive industry, 
commerce, and wealth, in proportion to the population. From 
the time of the crusades to the year 1567, when the Duke of 
Alva was sent by the King of Spain to crush the rising spirit of 
Protestantism in the Low Countries, Flanders (now Belgium, J was 
much in advance of the country, afterwards known as the Seven 
United Provinces, or Holland. Flanders was ravaged by the 
Duke of Alva, with the sword and pillage ; great numbers of the 
people were destroyed, and thousands fled the country, and from 
that period Holland made the most rapid strides in productive 
industry, commerce, and wealth, of any country in Europe, and 
continued the wealthiest kingdom in the world in proportion to 
19* 



442 



ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 



the population, down to the commencement of the French revo- 
lution of 1789. In 1690 Sir Wm. Petty estimated the shipping 
of the Hollanders at 900,000 tons, and that of all the other 
countries of Europe at only 1,100,000 tons; and McCulloch 
expresses the opinion that this estimate was rather within than 
beyond the mark. 

The foreign commerce of Holland was ruined by the wars 
growing out of the French revolution, and by the continental 
system of Napoleon ; and from 1790 to IS 14, that country made 
no advancement; but since the close of the war in 1815, both 
Holland and Belgium, and more particularly the latter, have been 
making rapid advances in productive industry, wealth, and popu- 
lation. McCulloch says that Holland, notwithstanding the de- 
pression of her commerce, was the richest country in Europe at 
the close of the war in 1815. 

The agricultural capital of the United States is estimated as 
equal to about three fifths of all the private property, exclusive 
of slaves. The proportion of personal estate is greater in Hol- 
land and Belgium, than in the United States. 

Millions. 
Agricultural capital of Holland and Belgium in 1833, 

as estimated by the government, $1,950 

All other private property 45 per cent., 1,595 



Total, $3,545 

equal to nearly $550 to each inhabitant. 

Sec. 9. Property and productive industry of France, and the 
amount to each person at different periods, compared with Great 
Britain. 

Table A. 

The income of all the inhabitants of France arising from 

AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, MINING, COMMERCE, and RETAIL 
TRADE, CAPITAL, AND PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF ALL KINDS, at 

different periods, was estimated some years since byM.Dupiu, 
in francs, as stated in the following table ; to which I have added 
the population at the respective periods, and the amount of in- 
come to each person in dollars and cents : 



Years. 


Income in millions 


Population in 


Am't to each 




of francs. 


millions. 




1780, 


4,011 


24.5 


$30 90 


1790, 


4,655 


25.3 


34 50 


1800, 


5,402 


27.2 


37 12 


1810, 


6,270 


29.5 


39 75 


1820, 


7,362 


30.4 


45 37 


1830, 


8,800 


32.5 


48 88 



INDUSTRY OF FRANCE. 443 

The value of the products of agriculture and the entire indus- 
try of France was estimated in u Le Bulletin de la Societe de 
Geographie," Nov. 1829, at only 6,396,019,000 francs ; being 
only about $37 to each person. 

Table B. 
The quantities in hectolitres, and the value of the various agri- 
cultural products of France in 1S41, were ascertained or esti- 
mated by the government, from which, and the estimates of 
various products of France collected by McCulloch in his G-eo- 
graphical Dictionary, and by Murray in his Encyclopaedia of 
Geography, I have compiled the following table of the an- 
nual INCOME OF THE INHABITANTS OF FRANCE. In SOllie Cases 

where the estimates were vague or entirely wanting, I have 
added my own, by comparison with the productive industry of 
the United States in the same branches. 

Millions. 

Grain of all kinds, 190,9S6,636 hectolitres, or about ) 

542,210,000 bushels, valued at $396,910,000 S $357.22 

Deduct for seed, one tenth part, 39,690,000 ) 

Vegetable products of all kinds, including wine, brandy, 

cider, and beer, valued at 155.5 

Wool, 42,000,000 kilo., about 94,000,000 pounds, 24 

Butter, cheese, milk, eggs, and the flesh- of animals 
consumed annually, including their skins, my esti- 
mate, 250 

Fuel and timber cut annually, 2S 

Manufactures of cloths of all kinds, leather, the me- 
tals, &c, Berghaus' estimate (less one third for ma- 
terials), 268.43 

Add for undervaluation and omissions by Mr. Berg- 
haus, 31.57 

Net products of flouring, saw, and oil mills, less four 

fifths for materials, my estimate, 30 

Produced by mining and smelting metals, quarrying 

stone, &c, partly my estimate, 40 

Erecting houses and other buildings, building vessels, 
making cabinet- ware, wagons, carriages, agricultural 
tools, and other minor manufactures, and the pro- 
ducts of mechanical labor, my estimate about the 
same as in Great Britain, ante, section 7, 140 

Products of fisheries, my estimate, 7 

Income from commerce, retail trade, navigation and 
transportation, one fifth part as much as from all 
other employments and business, 266.3 

Total, $1,598.02 



444 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

The population in 1840 was about 34,000,000, and the average 
income to each person by this calculation, about $17. The total 
value of the products of the mines and manufactures of France 
was estimated about the year 1830, by Murray, at 2,000,000,000 
francs — from which deduct the value of the raw materials, and 
the amount will fall greatly below my estimate for 1840. 

There was a very great increase, amounting to about thirty per 
cent, in value, and to over forty per cent, in the aggregate quantity 
of grain and potatoes, produced annually, between the years 1801 
and 1841. This increase is evidence of itself of great improve- 
ments in agriculture. The foreign commerce of France more than 
doubled between 1780 and 1840. The mining industry increased 
eight or ten fold, and the manufacturing industry increased two 
or three fold also. We have, therefore, good reasons to believe 
that the annual income from capital and labor of the people of 
France doubled between the years 1780 and 1840 ; and though 
M. Dupin's estimate of the income in 1830 may be too high, 
and the amount for 1780 too low, yet none of them are probably 
very far from the truth. I see no reason to suppose that there 
was much improvement between the years 1780 and 1790, or 
even between the time of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 
1685, and the revolution in 1789. 

Mr. Murray says, the entire agricultural capital of France, in- 
cluding lands, live stock, farming utensils, &c, was estimated by 
M. Chaptal at 37,500,000,000 franc/, equal to $7,031,350,000. 
No date is given, but this estimate must have been previ- 
ous to the year 1820. By reference to Table A, in section 7, the 
reader will see that the agricultural capital, including lauds j live 
stock, &c, of Great Britain, constitutes at this time about one- 
half of all the property of that wealthy kingdom, and in 1688 the 
agricultural capital as shown in section one, comprised about two- 
thirds of all the property of England. About fifty-seven per 
cent, of all the property in our free States is vested in agricultural 
capital, including lands, live stock, farming implements, &c, and 
but forty-three per cent, in every other species of property, as is 
hereinafter shown. The proportion of mining, manufacturing 
and commercial capital in France, when compared with the whole 
property of the kingdom, is less than it is in our free States, and 
perhaps not much more than it is in the United States, as a 
whole. We may safely estimate the agricultural capital of France, 
including lands, &c, as comprising in 1780 a'bout 65 per cent., 
in 1815 about 62J per cent., and in 1840 about 59 or 60 psr cent. 
of all the property of the kingdom. 



INDUSTRY OF FRANCE. 



445 



^Agricultural capital of France at the close of the war 

in 1851, per Chaptal, 
Other private property equal to three-eighths or 37 J 

per cent, of the whole, 

Total for about 30,000,000 of inhabitants, 
equal to $375 to each person. 

My estimate of agricultural capital in 1840, 
Other private property equal to forty per cent. 



Millions. 
$7,031,35 
4,218,65 



$11,250 

$8,000 
5,333 



Total for about thirty-four million inhabitants in 

1840, . $13,333 

equal to $392 to each person. 

Table C. 
On comparing the condition of the people of France and of the 
Netherlands, and the resources of those countries at different 
periods with those of Great Britain and the United States, I have 
deduced the following estimate of the amount of private pro- 
perty, and the annual income to each person of France 
and the Netherlands at the under mentioned years ; to which 
I have brought forward the amount of property and annual 
incomes of England and Wales, as stated ante Table E, of 
Sec. 7. Also the amount in 1843, including debts, stocks and 
property in the colonies and foreign countries. The amounts 
stated are the comparative values on taking into consideration the 
estimated amount of money at different periods, and comparing it 
with the amount in 1S45, and making additions and deductions, as 
stated in Table E, Sec. 7. 





France. 


Netherlands. 


England and Wales. 


Tears. 


Amt to each person. 


Amt. to each person. 


Amt. to eac 


h person. 
Income. 


Property. | Income. 


Property. | Income. 


Property. 


1200 


$100 


$24 


$120 


$26 


$100 


$24 


1500 


130 


28 


160 


32 


130 


28 


1600 


160 


30 


200 


40 


165 


32 


1700 


225 


34 


300 


50 


235 


40 


1780 


250 


36 


420 


55 


300 


50 


1800 


280 


38 


450 


45 


380 


75 


1815 


300 


40 


450 


55 


480 


90 


1843 


400 


50 


550 


65 


800 


85 


1843 i 


nc. for'n debt. 


, &c50 


600 


68 


900 


90 



Nothing is put down on account of debts due the people of 



446 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

France, stocks and property in the colonies and foreign countries ; 
for the amount so due them is so small as not to be worth notic- 
ing ; while the amount due the people of England is immensely 
great. 

The manufacture of silk was commenced at Lyons in France 
during the reign of Francis I., the fore part of the 16th century ; 
under Henry IV., several other manufactures were introduced, 
and many existing ones improved. France, Germany, Switzer- 
land, the Netherlands, and all the kingdoms of Northern Europe 
except Russia, were agitated with civil wars between the Protes- 
tants and Catholics, and with religious persecutions growing out 
of the Reformation, during the greater part of the sixteenth 
century. Soon after the commencement of the Reformation, 
Henry VIII. of England quarrelled with the Pope, threw off the 
incubus of Popery and Catholicism, and established the 
Episcopal Church. He thereby secured the internal peace and 
tranquillity of England for more than a century ; and postponed 
the civil wars until about the year 1640. During all this period 
England became the asylum of the oppressed and persecuted 
Protestants from various countries of Europe, who brought with 
them and established in England, various mechanic arts and 
manufactures ; which have contributed much to the rapid im- 
provement of that kingdom. 

In 1579, the Protestants of the Netherlands threw off the yoke 
of Philip II. of Spain, and established the Republic of the Seven 
United Provinces, known as Holland, which then became an 
asylum also for the persecuted Protestants of other countries. 
Soon after Henry IV., a Protestant prince, ascended the throne 
of France, he passed the famous Edict of Nantes in 1598 ; 
whereby the Protestants were tolerated, and secured in the exer- 
cise of their religious privileges, and all their rights as citizens. 
This edict continued in force eighty-seven years, until the year 1685, 
when it was revoked by Louis XIV. ; the flood-gates of religious 
persecution again opened, and from five to six hundred thousand 
Protestants massacred and driven from the kingdom, who com- 
prised many of the best mechanics, artizans, and manufacturers of 
France. 

During the half century previous to passing that edict, when 
the Protestants were persecuted in France, and fleeing to Eng- 
land for protection, there can be no doubt that England was im- 
proving in manufactures, and increasing in productive industry 
and wealth more rapidly than France ; but during the half 
century next previous to the revocation of that edict, the Pro- 
testants enjoyed security in France, and the people enjoyed 
tranquillity, while England was agitated much of the time with 



INDUSTRY OF FRANCE. 447 

civil wars and internal discord. Tho grand impulse to manu- 
factures and commerce in France was given during the latter pe- 
riod by Colbert, the minister of finance under Louis XIY. That 
great minister had the sagacity to see the importance of increas- 
ing the manufacturing industry of the kingdom ; and in order to 
do so, he not only adopted a system for the protection of do- 
mestic INDUSTRY, BUT INVITED NUMEROUS FOREIGN ARTIZANS 

to settle in France. The splendid success of this minister, 
the apparent great improvement in the productive industry of 
France during his administration, as well as the great power and 
successes of Louis XIY., leave no room to doubt that in the year 
1685 the wealth and productive industry of France in proportion 
to the population, was fully equal to that of England, and I have 
so estimated it in Table C. At this period Protestant Holland 
was greatly in advance of both France and England. 

The bloody religious persecutions in France, consequent upon 
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, shocked the Protestant 
mind of England ; set in motion the revolutionary spirit which 
drove James II., a Catholic sovereign, from the country; placed 
on the throne William of Orange, a Protestant prince, and estab- 
lished permanently the Protestant religion in England. From 
this period the progress of the two nations was entirely different. 
The French mind, under the despotic and depressing influences of 
the clergy and the Catholic religion, seemed to be active only in 
matters of form, fashion and amusement, and totally incapable of 
original thought or hardy enterprise. The result was, that the 
progress of France, during the next century, and up to the time 
of the revolution in 1789, was at a snail's pace; and less than 
it was during the seventeenth century. So torpid was the French 
intellect, that scarcely a single invention or improvement origi- 
nated in France during this whole period, which has had any 
material influence upon the welfare and progress of the human 
family. On the contrary, during the whole of the eighteenth 
century, the British mind seemed to be active, and produced a 
constant succession of valuable inventions, and improvements in 
the steam engine, in mechanics and machinery, and in the mining, 
smelting, and working of metals, numbering man)' thousand ; which 
have contributed immensely to increase the productive industry 
of that nation, and to elevate it to its present condition of wealth 
and power. What a contrast between the present productive in- 
dustry and wealth of Great Britain and France as estimated in 
Table C ! and yet, so far as regards the present time, nearly the 
whole statement is based on record evidence. Since the nation 
was released from feudalism and the feudal aristocracy, and the 
French mind from the dominion of the Catholic clergy, by the re- 



448 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

volution of 1789, France has made rapid progress in productive 
industry and wealth. 

Sec. 10. Productive industry and condition of Mexico, and the 
South American States. 

There is very little information to be obtained from books, of the 
productive industry and wealth of Mexico, and the South American 
States. Baron Humboldt spent nearly two years in Mexico, in 
1803 and 1804, and his Essays on Nouvelle Espagne furnish the 
most reliable and accurate information which I have met with on 
the subject. The following information is derived from his 
essays : Mexico suffers for want of water and navigable rivers. 
Except the Rio Grande Del Norte, and the Rio Colorado, all the 
rivers of Mexico are mere mountain torrents. " A great part of 
the table land of Anahuac, (Central Mexico,) is destitute of 
vegetation, and its arid aspect in some places brings to mind the 
plains of the two Castiles. Several causes concur to produce this 
effect. The evaporation which takes place in great plains is 
sensibly increased by the great elevation of the Mexican Cordillera." 
" The aridity of the central plain, and the scarcity of trees, obstruct 
very much the working of the mines." " The extreme droughts 
to which Mexico is exposed compel the inhabitants in a great 
part of this vast country, to have recourse to artificial irrigation." 
u In places which are not artificially watered, the Mexican soil 
yields pasturage only to the months of March and April." The 
cultivator frequently loses his harvest from the effects of frost. 
" Maize (or Indian corn,) is the principal food of the inhabitants 
and also of the most part of domestic animals. When the harvest 
is pooi-, either from want of rain or premature frost, the famine is 
general, and produces the most fatal consequences." " The 
frightful dearth of 1784 was the consequence of a heavy frost on 
the 28th of August, at the inconsiderable height of 1,800 metres." 
(5,900 feet.) 

The reader can judge from these extracts, of the natural re- 
sources of Mexico. The country seems almost destitute of 
every natural facility for commerce and manufactures ; and is 
frequently visited with early frosts, and afflicted with annual 
droughts, which render artificial irrigation necessary to success in 
agriculture. 

Baron Humboldt estimated the average annual crop of wheat 
in Mexico at that time (1803,) at 5,000,000 bushels, (or less 
than one bushel to each inhabitant;) and the average price at 
from 65 to 80 cents per bushel, throughout the country, and 
$1,50 in the city of Mexico. The annual crop of Indian corn he 
estimated at 30,000,000 bushels, and its price from 25 cents to 
$2 ; 50 per bushel, depending on the season and the place. 



INDUSTRY OF FRANCE. 449 

The population of the Intendancy of Guadalaxara in 1803, was 
estimated at 630,500, on a territory of 86,508 square miles, lying 
just south of the tropic, on the western declivity of the Cordillera, 
along both banks of the Rio Santiago, to the Pacific Ocean. 
This Intendancy then comprised about one-ninth part of all the 
inhabitants of Mexico. M. Humboldt says its products were 
estimated by the Intendant for the year 1802, as follows : 
Indian corn, 1,657,000 fanegas or about 3,000,000 bush. 

Wheat, 43,000 cargas, about 240,000 bush. 

Cotton, 17,000 tercios, worth $o the tercio, SS5,000 

Cochineal, 20,000 lbs., at three francs per lb., 11,250 

The value of all the agricultural products was 
estimated at $2,599,000, and the products of 
manufacturing and mechanical industry at 
$3,302,200. Total, $5,901,000 

Equal to about $9 35 to each inhabitant. 
3,000,000 bushels of corn at fifty cents would 

amount to $1,500,000 

240,000, bushels of wheat, at 75 cents, 180,000 

Cotton and cochineal, about 100,000 

Leaving for other grains and vegetables, fruits, 
butter, cheese, with wool and all other animal 
products, but 819,000 

• It strikes me that this last item is too low, when we take into 
consideration the value of the other products of agriculture, and 
the products of mechanical and manufacturing industry. 

M. Humboldt estimated for the whole of Mexico : 
Indian corn, 30,000,000 bushels at 50 cents, $15,000,000 

Wheat, 5,000,000 at 80 cents, 4,000,000 

Cotton and cochineal, nine times as much as in 

Guadalaxara, - 866,000 

All other vegetable products, and all animal pro- 
ducts, perhaps were twelve times as much as 
estimated in said Intendancy, 10,000,000 

Products of mechanical and manufacturing in- 
dustry, nine times as much as in said Inten- 
dancy, 29,720,000 
Products of the mines of gold and silver at that 

time, about 20,000,000 

Income from commerce equal to 12J per cent. 

of all the above products, 11,369,000 

Total, $90,955,000 

for a population of about 5,600,000, equal to sixteen dollars to 
each person. 



450 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

From 1820 to 1845, the mines were less productive, and 
averaged annually less than $12,000,000. How insignificant the 
product of the Mexican mines when compared with the mining 
industry or the cotton manufacture of Great Britain, or even 
with the cotton manufacture of the United States ! 

A correspondent of the New York Tribune, writing from New 
Granada in December, 1847, says, the people of this common- 
wealth live in about 300,000 houses, seven-eighths of which are 
not worth one hundred dollars apiece ; and lands have very little 
value : proprietors of 20,000 or 30,000 acres near rivers, not de- 
riving from them $500 rent per annum. 

These facts present a tolerably accurate view, not only of Mex- 
ico, but of all South and Central America. All those countries 
are rather pastoral than agricultural, and the utmost value of 
their productive industry does not exceed fifteen or twenty dollars 
per annum to each person, or about one fifth part as much as 
that of France, and but little over one sixth part as much as that 
of Great Britain ; and the comparative value of property in Mex- 
ico and the South American States, is equally small. Agricul- 
ture is always at a low ebb, lands and the products of flocks of 
but little value, and the people generally poor, in all countries, 
where there is but little manufacturing industry, and the popula- 
tion is sparse. 

Sec. 11. Productive industry and condition of Spain and Portu- 
gal at different periods, compared with England, France ^ 
Italy, fyc. 

Spain and Portugal both retrograded in productive industry 
and declined in population under the despotism of Popery and 
the Inquisition, during the 17th and 18th centuries, and the lat- 
ter part of the 16th ; and their condition at the present time 
(1851,) is not very different from what it was three hundred 
years since. So far as wc can infer the relative condition of the 
several countries of Europe from the facts of history, we have 
reason to believe that from the year 1200 up to 1550, there was 
no great difference in the productive industry, wealth, and condi- 
tion of the people of England, France, Spain, and Portugal ; and 
that the people of Italy and the Netherlands were far in advance 
of all the other nations of Europe. 

The reader has only to look back to the estimates of the pro- 
ductive industry of England and France, to enable him to make 
a tolerably correct estimate in relation to Spain and Portugal ; 
and he can then understand the causes and appreciate fully the 
fact of the poverty and weakness of the latter kingdoms, and the 
great power and. wealth of Great Britain, and the increasing 



IJTDWSTRY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 451 

wealth of France since the revolution of 17S9. The great mass 
of the people of Mexico and South America, being of Indian 
descent, enervated by the heat of the climate, sunk in ignorance, 
and depressed by ecclesiastical and military despotism, must be 
in a worse condition, and have less productive industry and wealth 
than the people of western Europe had at the end of the 12th 
century; and yet it is not probable that the difference can be 
very great. The facts which are collected by Baron Humboldt 
of the condition and productive industry of Mexico, furnish, per- 
haps, the best evidence we have of the relative amount of the 
productive industry of the nations of western Europe prior to 
the Crusades. 

Taking the climate into consideration, $16 per year for each 
person in Mexico and South America, is as good as $20 in Spain 
and Italy, or $24 in England. 

Sec. 12. Mode of estimating the annual income from Agricul- 
ture in the United States. 

In estimating the aggregate value of the productive industry? 
and the amount of the income of a country, great care is neces- 
sary to avoid estimating many things twice ; once in their origi" 
nal condition as raw materials, and again when converted into 
something else. Professor Tucker estimates the annual product 
of live stock, that is, the increase of horses, mules, cattle, sheep, 
and hogs, and the product of those killed annually, at one-fourth 
part, or twenty-five per cent, of their gross value at the time of 
taking the census in 1840. Hay and some grain also, as well as 
grass, sustain the cattle and sheep, and produce the wool and the 
products of the dairy ; we estimate the hay and pasture in the 
wool, butter, cheese, milk, and the animal products, and it is just 
as reasonable to estimate the pasture separately, as the hay. 
The horses are mere instruments in producing the grain and 
other products ; and the value of the hay grass and grain con- 
sumed by them are included in the products of their labor, and 
should not be put down separately. They are used to raise oats, 
corn, etc., but they eat the oats and much of the corn, together 
with large quantities of hay and pasture, and it would be a gross 
error to estimate all these as net products of agriculture. 

The flesh of horses is valueless, and their annual increase in 
the United States is less than three per cent. ; but inasmuch as 
great numbers of horses raised in the western States, north of the 
35th degree of latitude, mostly on grass and hay, are annually 
sold to the southern cotton planters, and many are used for pur- 
poses of pleasure, commerce, manufactures, etc., I have esti- 
mated their annual net products, over and above the grain con- 



452 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

sumed by them in those States at 12 J per cent, of the value of 
the whole stock ; in the other States north of the 35th degree of 
latitude, I have estimated the net income at five per cent. ; but 
in the States south of that line there is no net income from their 
increase. 

The greater part of the Indian corn is fed to cattle and hogs, 
and converted into beef and pork, and the beef and pork is esti- 
mated in the shape of corn. Some of the corn is fed also to 
sheep. The beef made on grass, and the veal, mutton, the lambs 
killed, and the pork made with grass and the slops of the dairy, 
over and above the value of the grain fed to cattle, sheep and 
hogs, may be equal annually, including the increase, to one-fourth 
part the whole value of these animals in the summer, before fat- 
tening, as estimated by Professor Tucker. 

These are the principles on which my estimates of animal pro- 
ducts are based. As the census gives the number oniy, and not 
the value of animals, their valuation in the several States is but 
an estimate of my own, though it does not generally differ mate- 
rially from that of Professor Tucker. The same may be said of 
grain and some other products ; the census gives the quantities 
only, and not their value. 

In estimating the annual value of products, my aim has been 
to estimate their average value during the last seven or eight 
years at the places of production, or where they are sold by the 
producer. The prices of grain are estimated, as stated in Chap 
XII. sec. 37. 

The value of hay as well as pasture consumed by farm-horses 
and other stock, should not be reckoned separately ; but in the 
commercial cities and large towns, considerable quantities of hay 
are consumed by horses used for pleasure, commerce and other 
purposes not agricultural, which are sold by the farmer, and 
should be estimated as part of the income from agriculture. I 
have therefore estimated with the products of agriculture one- 
third of the hay in New Hampshire, and half the hay in the other 
States on the seaboard, from Maine to Maryland, excepting the 
northern district of New York and the western district of Penn- 
sylvania ; the value of the hay in all the remaining portions of the 
United States is supposed to be included with animal products. 

One half of the value of goods or cloths made in families, is 
deducted for materials, dyeing and dressing, and the remaining 
half is included with the products of agriculture. 

The census of the United States of 1S50 shows an average of 
nearly five acres of improved lands in each of the States to each 
inhabitant ; and the censuses taken by the State of New York in 



INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 453 

1825, 1835, and 1845, show about the same result. On that 
basis I have estimated the quantity of land cleared and fenced 
in the United States, (mostly in the Western and South-Western 
States,) during the year 1839 at 2,200,000 acres; at a cost of 
$12 per acre, equal to $26,400,000. This amount is appor- 
tioned among the several States according to the supposed amount 
of their agricultural improvements, and is added to the products 
of agricultural industry. I have also added $6, 000, 000 for 
draining and other improvements made on agricultural lands in 
the United States during the year. 

Sec. 13. Agricultural products of the United States in 1839. 

Summary statement of the agricultural products of the United 
States, according to the census of 1840 ; and an estimate of the 
value produced by agriculture and agricultural laborers during 
the previous year : 

Millions. 

Wheat, ^84,207,272 bush., less one-ninth for seed, 

at 77 cents, $57.6 
Barley, 4,161,504 bush., less one-ninth for seed, 

at 50 cents, 1.84 

Oats, 123,071,341 bush., less 1-12 at 27 cts., 30.46 

Rye, 18,645,567 bush., less 1-9, at 50 cts., 8.28 

Buckwheat, 7,291,743 bush., less 1-12, at 50 cts., 3.34 

Indian corn, 377,531,875 bush., at 28 cts., 105.7 

Potatoes, 108,298,060 bush., less 1-12, at 20 cts., 19.85 

Wool, 35,802,114 lbs., at 30 cts., 10.74 

Hops, 1,238,502 lbs., at 10 cts., .12 

Wax, 628,303 lbs., at 25 cts., .15 

Hemp and flax, |83,577 tons, at $110, 9.19 

Tobacco, 219,163,319 lbs., at 4 5-8 cts., 10.14 

Rice, 80,841,422 lbs., at 2\ cts., 2.02 

Cotton, 790,479,275 lbs., at 1\ cts., 5*7.30 

Silk cocoons, 6 1,552 J lbs., at §2, .12 

Sugar, La., 119,947,720 lbs., at 4 cts., 4.79 
Sugar, in other 

States, 35,163,089 lbs., at 8 cts., 2.81 

Products of dairy, valued at 33.78 

Products of orchards, valued at 7.25 

Wine made, 124,734 gallons, at $1, .12 
Home made or family goods, less one-half for materials, 

carding, dressing, etc., valued at 14.51 

* 616,000 bushels deducted for error in Carroll county, Tennessee, 
t 11,674 tons deducted for error in Virginia. 



454 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

Products of market gardeners, sold, 2.06 

Products of nurseries and florists, .59 

Clearing and fencing 2,200,000 acres of land at $12 

per acre, 26.40 

Draining and other agricultural improvements, 6.00 

Hay, one-third part in New Hampshire and half of 
crop in Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con- 
necticut, south district New York, New Jersey, east 
district Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, from 
$9 to $12 per ton, about 19.00 

Horses and mules in the western States, north of the 
35th degree of latitude, 1,850,765, at $40 each, 
$74,030,600 ; income from increase and sale for 
pleasure, manufactures and commerce, at 12 J per ct., 9.25 

Horses and mules in all the other States north of the 
35th degree of latitude, and in Arkansas, 1,833,138, 
at §50 each, $91,656,900; income from increase, 
etc., at 5 per ct., 4.58 

Neat cattle in the free States, 7,567,020, at an average 
value of nearly $12 each, $90,800,000 ; net income 
from flesh and increase, at 25 per cent., 22.7 

Cattle in the slave States, 7,404,556, at $8 each, 
$59,236,528 ; net income from flesh and increase, at 
25 per cent., 14.S 

Sheep in the free States, 12,144,468, at $1 62J each, 
$19,734,760 ; net income from flesh and increase, at 
25 per cent., 4.9 

Sheep in the slave States, 7,166,906, at $1 37J each, 

$9,854,495 ; net income at 25 per cent., 2.43 

Swine in the free States, 10,090,954, at $2 50 each, 
$25,228,955 ; net income from flesh and increase, at 
25 per cent., 6.3 

Swine'in the slave States, 16,210,336, at $2 each, 

$32,420,672 ; at 25 per cent., 8.1 

Poultry, as valued by the census, 9.34 

Eggs and poultry, over and above poultry and the grain 

consumed by them, 3. 

Milk and cream consumed by farmers, not returned with 

the census, estimated at 11. 

Products of domestic gardens not returned, estimated at 10. 

Total, $539.9 

This table includes for wool, the products of dairy, the flesh 
and skins of cattle, sheep, and swine slaughtered, the increase of 



INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



455 



horses, cattle, sheep, and swine, and the products of poultry over 
and above the grain consumed by animals, the aggregate sum of 
$130,000,000. This amount, the reader should remember, was 
produced by pasturage, hay, and other fodder, and the labor of 
taking care of the stock ; and in addition to this, the hay sold is 
estimated at ^19,000,000, and the hay and pasturage consumed 
by farm horses would amount to at least $30,000,000, making 
the whole value of hay and pasturage, when converted into animal 
products, equal to about $179,000,000 ; when the whole value of 
the crop of grain, over and above seed, amountsd to only about 
$207,200,000. 

Great delusion has existed in the public mind in relation to the 
value of the annual crop of Indian corn in the United States.* 

Sec. 14. Manufactures and the mechanic arts — their net pro- 
ducts , capital, and number of persons employed. 
Statement of the capital and number of persons employed in 
manufactures and the mechanic arts in the United States 
according to the census of 1840, and the net value produced by 
capital and labor, after deducting from the gross value returned 
the estimated per centage thereof for the value of the materials 
used : also, statement of the amount of capital to each person 
employed, and the average net value produced by capital and 
labor to each person. 



Products. 


= "?'? 
~~ & p 


o.2 • 

n «o 
g ©_o 


|1 


if 


3§ 
_ r fi 


si 
p 




PV 


o< 








o 


Machinery, - 


33* 


$7.32 1 






13,001 




$563 


Hardware, cutlery, &c, 

Cannon 274, small-arms S8.078 — value 


45 


3.55 






5,492 




646 
















estimated, - 
Precious metals, 


75 


.75 
1.18 


. 


$20.62 


1.744 
1,556 


$331 


430 
760 


Various metals, 


60 


3.91 






6,677 




587 


Granite, marble, &c, - 


20 


1.95 






8,734 




525 


Bricks and lime, 


20 


7.79 ^ 






22,807 




341 






$26.45 


$2062 


55,011 






"Woollen goods, 


55 


$9.3 


,$15.76 


21,342 


$738 


$437 


Cotton, - 


40 


27.S1 


51.1 


72,119 


703 


386 


Silk, 


25 


.09 


.27 


767 


357 


117 


Linen, - 


25 


.24 


.2 


1,628 




148 


Mixed goods, 


40 


8.93 


437 


tl3,405 


326 


292 


Hats and caps, 
Straw bonnets, 


40 
10 


5.22) 
1.43 f 


4.4S 


20,176 


223 


332 


Leather, boots, shoes, and saddlery- 














less for hides, ' - 


25 


24.S5 


28.53 


a92,000 


310 


270 


Soap at 5 cents per lb. 


10 


2.24? 










Tallow candles at 11 cents 


70 


.59 \ 


2.76 


5,641 


4SS 


549 


Sperm and wax candles at 80 cents, 


70 


.26) 










Distilled liquors at 25 cents, 


60 


4.14 '- 


9.15 


12,223 


746 


465 


Leer at l&f cents per gallon, 


60 


1.55 


1 



* (S 
and sections 
j Deducted 



on this point, and the quantity of the crop, section 3 of chapter 
ms 33 and 37 of chapter xii.) 

300 for obvious error in Kentucky 



456 



ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 







"is § 3 


•r- 03 

3.2 


at 


o o 


si 

a c5 


Pkodttcts. 




> 023 


as 


to O 


"ELq 

- 9 


o 


Tobacco, ... 


40 


$3.49 


$3.43 


8,3S4 


$410 


$416" 


Gunpowder at 12f cents, 


50 


56 


.87 


496 


1,755 


1,130 


Drugs, medicines, paints, &o, - 
Turpentine and varnish, 


66f 
66* 


1.38) 

22 f 


4.5 


1,848 


2,439 


867 


Glass, 


33* 


1.92 


2.0S 


3,236 


644 


595 


Earthenware, 


10 


.99 


.55 


1,612 


344 


616 


Sugar refined, 


80) 


.65 










Chocolate, - 


75 I 


.02 


1.7T 


1,355 


1,306 


915 


Confectionery, 


50 ) 


.57 










Paper, - 


50 


3.07 


4.74 


4,726 


1,004 


650 


Printing and binding, 














Books, newspapers, &c. estimated, 




5.0 


5.S7 


11,523 


510 


433 


Cordage, - 


60 


1.63 


2.46 


4,464 


552 


366 


Musical instruments, - 


30 


64 


.73 


908 


809 


700 


Waggons and carriages, 


30 


7.63 


5.55 


21,994 


252 


346 


Ship building, 


50 


3.5 


n't stat'd 


8,000 b 






Furniture, ... 


30 


5.3 


6.99 


18,003 


3S7 


293 


Houses built, 


45 


*22.42 


not | 

stated j 


S5,501 






Add for repairs, &c, - 


40 


6. 




322 


Products of flouring, saw, and oil } 
mills, - - - J 
All other manufactures, 


75 


t23.5S 


65.86 


60,788 


1,084 


388 


33* 


23.59 


21.06 


60,000 c 


350 


3S9 


Total net value produced, * 


$220.26 


$263.7 


587,150 


$449 


$375 


Net products eccept mills, 




196.68 


197.84 


526,362 


375 


375 


Gross products except mills, 




323.5 










Materials used equal to 39 per cent. 




126.8 











* There has been deducted from the gross value of houses erected in 
Licking County, Ohio, $600,000; and in Pulaski County, Arkansas, 
$780,000, as stated in Section 19. 

f On account of the numerous omissions in the returns of the products 
of mills in the State of New York, and to make them agree with the 
returns of the State census of 1835 and 1845, 1 have added to and raised their 
net products $2,000,000. I have also raised them $1,000,000 in Pennsyl- 
vania, $250,000 in the New England States, and $1,200,000 in the slave 
States. The census reports the whole products of mills at only $76,545,256, 
when it is evident that the products of the wheat alone, when ground must 
have amounted to about as much in value as that sum. 

a, b, c, my estimates of persons employed. 



INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



457 



Sec. 15. Mining, fisheries , and the forest ; products of, in 1840. 
Summary statement of the capital, persons employed, and the 
value produced, over and above materials used, by mining, smelt- 
ing, and forcing metals, making salt, &c, and in the fisheries and 
forest in the United States in 1840. 





Value 


Value 


Capital 


Men 


Mining, &c. 


added. 


produced. 
Millions. 


employed. 
Millions. 


employed. 


About 250,000 tons pig-iron, made, 


$30 pr ton. 


$7.5 ) 






Bar-iron, 197.233 tons, 


40 " 


7.S8V 


$20.43 


30,497 


About 50,000 tons of castings, . 


40 " 


2. I 






Lead, 31,239,453 lbs. 


2£ cts. 


.78 


*74 


1,017 


Gold valued in . . 


census. 


.53 


.23 


1,046 


Other metals, 


do. 


.37 


.24 


728 


Anthracite coal, S63.4S9 tons, 


$U pr ton. 


1.29 


4.35 


3,043 


Bituminous coal, 27,608,191 bushels, 


at 5 cts. 


1.33 


1.86 


3,763 


Salt made, 0,179,174 bushels, . 


at 20 cts. 


1.23 


+1.95 


2,365 


Granite, marble, and stone, 




3.69 


2.54 


7,859 


Total, .... 




$26.65 


32.34 


50,323 



FISHERIES. 


Price. 


Value 
produced. 
Millions. 


Capital. 
Millions. 


Men. 


Dried fish, 773.497 quintals, 
Pickled fish, 472,359 bbls. • . 
Sperm oil, 4,764, 70S gallons, . 
Whale and fish oil, 7,536,778 gallons, 
Whale-bone and other products, 


at $3 
at $6 
at 90 c 
at 30 c. 


$2.32-| 
2.83 
428 V 
2.26 
1.15 J 


$16.43 


30,644$ 


Deduct for wear and tear of vessels, &c. 20 ) 
per cent. . . . . f 


$12.84 
2.54 




Total net product of fisheries, 


$10.3 





Forest. 



Lumber, ..... 
Tar, pitch, and turpentine, 619,106 bbls. at 16s. . 
Pot and pearl ashes, 15,935-J- tons at $100, 
Skins and. furs, census valuation, 
Ginseng and other products except fuel, 

Deduct for wear and tear of teams and utensils, ) 
and grain eaten by teams, 20 per cent of lum- v 
ber, . . . . . ) 

Leaving, ..... 

6,0S8,891 cords of wood sold, estimated at 

Wood consumed by farmers for fuel, estimated at ) 

20,000,000 cords, . . . . j" 

Total, . 



Value 
produced. 
Millions. 



$12.94 

1.23 

1.59 

1.06 

.52 



$17.34 
2.53 



$1476 
10.17 



$54.! 



Capital 
3fiUions. 



Not return 
ed, perhaps 
$2,400,000 
for teams, 
&c. exclu- 
sive of land 
and mills. 



Men. 



22,042 



* $599,000 deducted for errors in New York. 

f $5,040,000 deducted for error in capital at Salina, New York. 

X 5,940 men deducted for error in the return from Baltimore. 



458 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

Sec. 16. Estimates of the income from Commerce, Navigation, 
and Transportation, in 1840. 
The average annual income of the people of the United States 
from 1837 to 1842 arising from the distribution and exchange of 
products (that is, from commerce, retail trade, navigation and 
transportation), may be estimated as follows. The exports and 
imports of that period, exclusive of specie, amounted annually 
on average, to about $220,000,000. 

Millions. 

Income, or profits and earnings of American seamen, 
ship owners, importers, exporting merchants, and in- 
surers, on exports and imports about $20. 

Profits of selling at wholesale $120,000,000 worth of 

foreign goods at an average of 12 \ per cent., 15. 

As to the domestic goods, the cottons, woollens, linen 
silk, and mixed goods, one-third part of the boots, 
shoes, and saddlery, and perhaps half the distilled 
liquors, drugs, medicines, paints, oil, glass and earth- 
enware, amounting to about $92,000,000 by the 
census, they are sold either by the jobbers or whole- 
sale commission merchants, together with the Louisi- 
ana sugar, flour and provisions to the amount perhaps 
of $108,000,000, at an average profit of six per cent. 12. 

Selling at retail foreign goods costing $135,000,000, 
domestic goods bought at wholesale for $100,000,000, 
books and other articles bought by the retailer of 
the manufacturer, 15,000,000, at an average profit 
over transportation of 25 per cent., 62.5 

Selling at retail, sugar, flour and provisions, bought at 
wholesale for $112,000,000 ; sugar, flour and pro- 
visions, bought of the producer, amounting with iron, 
to $100,000,000, at an average profit of ten per 
cent. . 21.2 

Selling at retail by merchants and grocers, butter, 
cheese, fruits, vegetables, poultry, eggs, and grain, 
worth perhaps $80,000,000 at 12 J per cent. 10 

Profits of lumber yards and trade, perhaps 5. 

Income of butchers and packers, 2. 

Income from storage, forwarding, and transporting per- 
sons and property, including the coasting business, 
wharfage, dray age, and tolls on canals and railroads, 36. 

Total, $183.7 



INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 459 

Deduct for wear and tear of shipping-, stores and ware- 
houses, waggons, horses, &c. used in transportation, 
and the grain and hay consumed by the horses, 14.7 



Leaving for the value produced by commerce, naviga- 
tion, &c, 
If we estimate the earnings of the different classes of persons 

employed, and the income from capital, the result will be as 

follows — estimating the income from the capital invested at 12 J 

per cent, per annum. 

Millions. 

There were in the United States in 1840, according to 
the reports of the census, 1,408 commercial houses 
employed in foreign commerce, and 2,881 commis- 
sion houses, employing a capital, including naviga- 
tion, of $119.29 

Also 57,565 retail, dry goods, grocery, and other 

stores, 250.3 

1,793 lumber yards, employing 9.85 

Employed in internal transportation, and by butchers 

and packers, 11.52 



$390.96 
Add 10 per cent, for omissions, 39.04 

Total capital employed in commerce, $430.00 

Annual profits of the capital at 12J per cent., $53.75 

Earnings of 31,515 persons employed in commerce in 
the cities of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Balti- 
more, and New Orleans, at $1,000 each, 31.5 

Earnings of 86,092 other persons employed in commerce 

in the United States, at $600 each, 51.65 

Employed in navigating the ocean, "1 

exclusive of fishing, about 33,000 I 65,976, at > 23 

Employed in navigating rivers, lakes, \ $350 each, ) 

and canals, 32,976 J 

Earnings of 4,408 butchers and packers, at $333| each, 1.6 

Income or tolls on railroads and canals in 1840, about 7.5 



Amounting in all to the sum of $169. 

for the income from capital and labor employed in commerce, 
navigation, storage, forwarding, and the transportation of persons 
and property, including the rent of stores and warehouses, 
drayage, &c. 



460 



ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 



Sec. 17. Mining, manufacturing, fisheries, forest, agriculture, 
and commerce ; their net products, capital, and persons employed. 
Capital invested, with 10 per cent, added for omissions and 
undervaluations, number of persons employed, and the net value 
produced by capital and labor in the United States, according to 
the census of 1840 ; also the average amount of capital invested 
and the average amount of income from capital and labor for each 
person employed, in each of the great departments of industry. 
No addition is made to the capital invested in fishing, as reported 
in the census — the capital employed in agriculture and the forest 
is estimated. 





Net value 


Capital 


Persons 


Capital 


Inc. 




produced. 
Millions. 


employed. 


employed. 


to each. 


each. 




Millions. 








Mining, making iron, castings, salt, &c. 


$26.65 


$85.6 


50,823 


$706 


$530 


Manufactures and the mechanic arts, 


196.68 


217.69 


526,862 


412 


875 


Flouring and grist mills, saw mills, ) 
and oU mills, . . ) 


23.58 


72.44 


60,788 


1,084 


388 


In the fisheries, 


10.3 


16.48 


30,644 


586 


336 


In the forest, (except fuel,) 


14.76 


2.4 


22,042 


110 


670 




$271.97 


34456 


690,159 


500 


894 


"Wood cut for fuel, 


40.17 










Agriculture in Free States, 


273.2 


1,387. 


1,898,272 




144 


Do. in N. Slave States, . 


145.05 


695.* 


1,194,900 




122 


Do. in S. Slave States, 


121.65 


875* 


816,315 




149 


Commerco and navigation, 


161.5 


430. 


18S,000 


2,2S7 




Canals and Railroads, . , 


7.5 


205. 









* The slaves are reckoned as persons, and their value is not included as a 
part of the agricultural capital of the Slave States, which, at $350 each, 
would amount to about $870,000,000. 



INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



461 



Sec. 18. Values produced in each State, and the amount to each 

person. 
Values produced by labor and capital in each of the States in 
1840, according to the census of the United States, in part esti- 
mated on the principles heretofore stated. 





Agricul- 


Manufac- 


I Mining, 


Commerce. 


Fisheries. 


States. 


ture. 


tures, &c. 


&c. 








Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Maine 


$12.4 


^5.66 


$0.3 


$5.4 


$0.96 


New Hampshire 


8.8 


5.37 


.07 


1.45 


.09 


Vermont 


10.96 


3.03 


.36 


1.24 




Massachusetts 


14-6 


38.9 


1.48 


15.75 


5.3 


Rhode Island 


2. 


7.9 


.14 


1.7 


.56 


Connecticut 


9.9 


11.55 


.7 


3.1 


.75 


»»*«M&.2£SS 


19.6 


2080 


1.06 


27.20 


.86 


53.8 


25.55 


4.16 


16.7 


.11 


New Jersey 


14.6 


9.89 


.73 


3.8 


.090 


Pennsylvania 


53.4 


30.8 


9.41 


20.7 


.02 


Ohio 


37.2 


13.37 


1.8 


12.2 


.02 


Indiana 


16.8 


3.56 


.07 


3.22 


.001 


Illinois 


12.3 


2.95 


.32 


2.54 




Michigan - 


5.28 


1.32 


.02 


.95 


.09 


Wisconsin - 


.72 


.3 


.37 


.55 


.045 


Iowa 


.84 


.17 


.01 


.3 




Free States 


$273.20 


$181.12 


$21.0 


$116.8 


$8,896 


Delaware - 


$2.95 


$1.5 


$0.03 


$0 58 


$.21 


Maryland - 


14.55 


5.9 


.74 


5.5 


.36 


District of Columbia 


.19 


87 




.69 


.13 


Virginia 


41.20 


7.97 


1.83 


7.9 


.15 


North Carolina 


24.70 


2.45 


.32 


2. 


.38 


Tennessee* - 


23.4 


2.65 


.9 


2.7 




Kentucky - 


23.3 


4.83 


1.11 


3.9 




Missouri 


10.76 


2.23 


.2 


3.5 




Arkansas - 


4.00 


6 


.02 


.37 




Northern Slave States 


$145.05 


$29 00 


$5.15 


$27.14 


$1 23 


South Carolina 


$23.1 


$2.23 


$.12 


$2.9 


$.002 


Georgia 


28.8 


2.15 


.21 


3.15 




Alabama 


22.3 


1.64 


.08 


2.95 




Mississippi 


24. 


1.5 




1.61 




Louisiana - 


21.7 


2.68 


09 


13.7 




Florida - . - 


1.75 


.4 




.75 


172 


Southern Slave States 


$121.65 


$10.60 


$0.50 


$25-06 


$0,174 


United States 


$539.9 


$220.72 


$26.65 


$169.00 


$10.3 



462 



ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 



Estimated values obtained from the forest, including wood for 
fuel, lumber, and other products — the aggregate values produced 
by labor and capital in each of the States during the year pre- 
ceding the census of 1840 — the amount to each person, and the 
amount to each free person, after deducting thirty dollars for the 
cost of supporting each slave. 





Products of the Forest 


Aggregate values produced. 


States. 


Fuel. 


Lumber, 




Amount to 


Amount to 




&c. 


Millions. 


each per- 


each free 




Millions. 


Millions. 




son. 


person. 


Maine 

New Hampshire 


$1.50 


$1.52 


$27.74 


$55 




.9 


.36 


17.04 


60 




Vermont 
Massachusetts 


.85 
2.1 


.36 
.31 


16-8 
78.44 


58 
106 




Rhode Island 


.4 


.035 


12.73 


117 




Connecticut 


1. 


.15 


27.15 


88 




tvt „ r v^v I s - District 
iSew York, J N -^^ 


1.6 


.3 


71.42 


96 




5.0 


3.73 


109.05 


65 




New Jersey 


1.2 


.3 


30.61 


82 




Pennsylvania 
Ohio 


4.3 


.97 


119.6 


69i 




3.75 


.96 


69.3 


45f 




Indiana 


1.4 


.57 


25.62 


37i 




Illinois 


1.2 


.20 


19.51 


41 




Michigan - 


.5 


.38 


8.54 


40 




Wisconsin - 
Iowa 


.07 


.29 


2.34 


75 




.1 


.07 


1.49 


24f 




Free States 


$25.87 


$10,505 


$637.38 


msi | 


Delaware - 


.2 


.012 


5.48 


$70 


$72 


Maryland - 


1.15 


.196 


28.396 


60 


67 


District of Columbia 


.01 




1.89 


44 




Virginia 


2.5 


.52 


62.07 


50 


61 


North Carolina 


1.4 


1.64 


32.89 


43f 


50 


Tennessee - 


1.44 


.185 


31.275 


38 


40 


Kentucky - 


1.5 


.16 


34.80 


44f 


49 


Missouri 


.7 


,44 


17.83 


46i 


49 


Arkansas - 


.2 


.182 


5.37 


55 


61 


Northern Slave States 


| $9.1 


$3,335 


| $220,001 


1 $47 


$53 


South Carolina 


1.2 


.44 


29.992 


50 


75* 


Georgia 


1.15 


.095 


35.535 


51 


66 


Alabama 


.95 


.144 


28 064 


m 


60 


Mississippi - 


9 


.169 


28.199 


75 


125 


Louisiana - 


.9 


.058 


39.128 


111 


185 


Florida 


.1 


.024 


3.196 


59 




Southern Slave States 


$5.2 


.93 


$164,114 


$61f 


$91 


United States 


$40.17 | 


$14.77 1 


$1,021,495 


1 $60 





The estimates made of the value of products, and of the raw 
materials used, are mostly in accordance with commercial re- 



INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 463 

ports ; with the returns of the census of the United States of 
1S50 ; with the returns of the censuses of 1845, of the States of 
New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut; and with the opin- 
ions of writers and persons the most competent to judge on such 
subjects. The results present no apparent inconsistencies which 
are not easily accounted for. Mining being about twice as pro- 
ductive as farming, and the number of miners in Wisconsin large 
in proportion to the population, the mining industry of that ter- 
ritory raised the average income of its inhabitants greatly above 
that of the inhabitants of Indiana, Michigan and the neighboring 
states. The income from commerce, and from the culture of 
sugar and cotton, is nearly three times as great as from the cul- 
ture of tobacco and of grain in the interior and western states. 
This accounts for the large average incomes in Louisiana and 
Mississippi, compared with those of all the agricultural states. 
The commerce of Missouri raises their incomes above those of 
Tennessee. 

These tables exhibit the profits of slavery in a very clear light. 
They show that slave labor, employed in the culture of cotton in 
the southern slave States, is more profitable and productive, than 
free labor employed in agriculture in the free States ; and that 
the culture of sugar in Louisiana must be still more profitable 
than the culture of cotton. They show also, that the culture of 
tobacco and Indian corn in the northern slave States is greatly 
depressed, and much less productive than the culture of cotton 
at the south, and of wheat, corn, &c, in the manufacturing and 
commercial States of the north and east. 

It needs but a glance at the tables in Sections 14, 15, and 16, 
to see that both labor and capital employed either in mining, 
manufactures or commerce, are more than twice as productive as 
when they are employed in agriculture, except in the culture of 
sugar and cotton. When the reader takes this into considera- 
tion, he need be at no loss for the cause of the incomes of the 
people of the commercial and manufacturing States of Massachu- 
setts and Rhode Island being about twice as great to each inhab- 
itant, as they are in the agricultural State of Vermont. He will 
see at once the reason why the incomes of the people of the rich 
soil of Ohio and the north-western States are so low, when com- 
pared with those of the manufacturing and commercial States. 
He will also see, that though the great Erie Canal, the most mag- 
nificent work of the age, has poured much wealth into the city 
of New York, and perhaps doubled the population, business and 
wealth of that great commercial emporium, it has at present 
very little perceptible influence in raising the incomes and in 
creasing the wealth of the inhabitants of the northern district oi 



464 



ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 



New York. This great and splendid work, together with the 
canals and railroads of Ohio and the western States, have had an 
influence in dispersing the population, spreading it over a wide 
surface, and deluding the people with the idea, that nothing but 
internal improvements, agricultural industry and commercial en- 
terprise, are necessary to make a country wealthy. 

On comparing the foregoing tables with those in sections 7, 
8, and 9, and more particularly with table C, in section 7, the 
reader will see that tlie productive industry of the United States 
as a whole, compares very favorably with that of France, Hol- 
land, and Belgium ; and also with that of Great Britain, prior to 
the nineteenth century. He will see that the productive indus- 
try of Massachusetts and Rhode Island exceeds all Europe in 
proportion to the population, and is equalled only by Louisiana, 
and perhaps Cuba, and some other sugar and coffee growing 
countries of the torrid zone. 

When the reader contemplates the progressive steps in the 
productive industry of England, France, and the Netherlands; 
and reflects that a century since, and before the invention of the 
steam engine, of the spinning jenny, and of the machinery for 
rolling iron, all the manufactures of the metals, as well as of 
cloths, were by hand labor ; he need be at no loss for the reason 
why the productive industry and wealth of those countries was 
small a century since, compared with what it is now ; and why 
it is now small in France, Ireland, and our agricultural States of 
the west, in comparison with Great Britain and our manufactur- 
ing States. 

Sec. 19. Value of furniture made ; and the number, value, and 
average value of houses erected in each of the States. 
Summary statement of the value of furniture made, and the 
number of brick and stone, and of wood houses erected in 1840, 
and the aggregate and average value of the same, according to 
the returns of the census ; with the amounts added for omissions 
in the valuation, and deducted from the valuation for apparent 
errors. 





Furniture. 


Houses built. 


Aggregate 


Average 




States. 


Brick 


Wood. 


—Deducted. 






&S. 


value. 


value. 


A Added. 


Maine 


$204,875 


34 1,674 


$833,067 


$487 


$100,OOOa 


New Hampshire 


105,827 


90 


434 


487,715 


930 


17,000a 


Massachusetts 


1,090,008 


324 


1,249 


2,827.134 


1,790 


60,000a 


Boston 


329,600 


219 


173 1.107,450 


2.825 




Mass. except Boston 


760,408 105| 1,076 1,719,684 


1,456 




Rhode Island 


121,131 


6 


292 


379,010 


1,271 




Connecticut 


253,675 


95 


517 


1,086,295 


1,775 




Vermont 


83,275 


72 


468 


344,896 


638 





INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



465 





j Houses built. 








States. 


Furniture. 


Brick 


j Wood. 


Aggregate 


Ave'ge 


— Deducted. 






&S. 


value. 


value. 


A Added. 


N. Dist. New York 


$S53,926 589 


4,253 $4,204,972 


$878 


$50,00Oa 


New York city, 


916,675 542 


59 


1,889,100 


3.112 




S. Dist. N. Y. except city 


201.175! 102 


886 


1,221,772 


1^239 




New Jersey 


176.566 


205 


861 


1.092,052 


L024 




Philadelphia city & county 


547.900 


927 


138 


3.009,633 2.825 




Past Dist. Pa. except city 


199.526 


601 


603 


817,807 


679 




W. Dist. Pennsylvania 


403.741 463 


1.665 


1,512,090 


710 




City of Cincinnati - 


459.000 


260 


' 74 


1,196.000 


2.755 




Ohio except Cin. 


302,146 


710 


2,690 


J, 980,823 


588 


*600 000- 


Gallia, Geauga, Holmes, ) 














and Jackson counties. > 
Ohio - ) 
Indiana 


2,300 


15 


267 


57,206 


202 




211,481 


346 


4,270 


1,341,312 


290 


100,000a 


Clay, Miami, and Ran- } 
dolph counties, la- \ 


800 


6 


401 


41,404 


102 


1.000a 


Illinois 


84,410 334 


4.134 


1.725.255 


417 


340 000- 


Michigan - 


23,494 39 
6.9451 7 


1.280 


'571.005 


435 




Wisconsin - 


509 


212.085 


411 




Iowa 


4.600 14 


483 


135.987 


272 




Delaware - 


16.300 47 


104 


147,350 


9S1 


1500a 


City of Baltimore - 


26S.200 213 


1 


548.400 2.563 




Maryland, except Bait. 


37,'l60 176 


591 


533.370: 699 


3,000a 


Virginia, East Dist. 


195.455, 221 


1,977 
627 


984,227 


449 




Virginia, West Dist. 


93.936 181 


383.166 


474 




North Carolina 


35.002 38 


1.822 


511,004 


274 


100.800a 


Tennessee - 


79.600; 193 


1,098 


553,551 


429 


126,149a 


Kentucky - 


273.350 4S5 


1,757 


1.045.172 421 


6.000a 


Missouri, except St. Louis 


| 203 


2,072 


854.593 376 


175,000a 


City of St. Louis - 


210 


130 


761.980 2.240 




City of Charleston, S. C. 


10,000 94 


53 


1.059.200 7/205 




S. Carolina, except city 


IS. 155 17 


1.541 


46S,376; 300 




Georgia 


49,780 33 


2.591 


937,116! 356 


244.000a 


Alabama 


41.671 67 


472 


4S9.S71 892 


250 000- 


Mississippi 


28,610 144 


2,247 


1,175,513 491 




New Orleans 


201 


210 


2,231.300 5,429 




Louisiana, except N. 0. 


47 


409 


505.644 909 




Arkansas - 


20,293 21 


1.083 


36C.474 326 


♦780,000- 


Florida 


1 9 


306 


327.913 1,040 




Dist. of Columbia 


125,872) 


60 


33 


16S.910 


1,816 





The foregoing table shows how wealth accumulates in cities, 
the centres of manufactures and commerce ; and enables the bu- 
siness men to live in fine and expensive houses, compared with 
the cheap and plain dwellings that shelter the farming population. 

* The returns for Licking County, Ohio, give seven hundred and sixty- 
eight thousand and eighty-five dollars as the cost of constructing nineteen 
brick and stone, and one hundred and fifty-six wood houses. In Pulaski 
County, Arkansas, the returns show the erection of fourteen brick and stone, 
and twenty-four wood houses, at an aggregate cost of $867,400. I suppose 
the error occured in putting down a cypher too much, or in calling dollars 
and cents all dollars, in some of the subdivisions. 



466 ON THE PROPERTY AND PRODUCTIVE 

m 
Gallia, G-eauga, Holmes, and Jackson, are among the oldest set- 
tled counties in the State of Ohio ; but they are all agricultural 
counties, without any large towns or villages ; and the average 
value of the dwelling houses erected in them in 1840, was but 
$202 each ; while the average value of the dwellings built in the 
manufacturing and commercial city of Cincinnati amounted to 
$2,755 each. Compare the values of the dwelling houses erected 
in the agricultural State of Vermont, costing on an average but 
$638 each, with those erected in the manufacturing State of Mas- 
sachusetts, exclusive of the city of Boston, costing on an average 
$1,456 each ; and the reader will readily come to the conclusion, 
that the income of the people of the latter state must be much 
greater than that of the former. Look at the aggregate value 
built during the year, and the value of furniture made, and the 
contrast is equally striking. The population of Vermont was 
nearly half as great in 1840, as Massachusetts, excepting Boston, 
and yet the value of houses erected in the latter was about five 
times as great as in the former, and the value of furniture made 
over nine times as great. This indicates that the average income 
of the people of Massachusetts, exclusive of Boston, is about twice 
as great as that of the people of Vermont, (as stated in section 
18 ;) which enables them to live in houses twice as expensive, to 
spend twice as much, and yet accumulate wealth twice as fast. 
What cause can be assigned for this great difference, but the one 
I have suggested, that one is an agricultural, and the other a 
manufacturing state ? The people of both are equally well edu- 
cated, and equally intelligent. 

If we compare the condition of Great Britain and the value of 
dwelling houses in the Kingdom at different periods, the result 
will be still more striking. The rental of the dwelling houses 
and all other buildings in England and Wales, according to the 
assessment of the income tax in 1688, amounted to only £1,500,- 
000, and according to Mr. Davenant's estimate to £2,000,000 
per annum. In 1815 the rental of the dwelling houses alone 
in Great Britain amounted to £15,035,000, and in 1843, to 
£38,888,880, as shown in table A, of section 1, and tables B, 
and D, of section 4. In 1688, Great Britain was an agricultural 
country ; her mining and manufactures not being much greater 
in proportion to her population than those of Vermont were in 
1840. This is shown in sections 1, 2 and 18, and the reader can 
compare them for himself. The British did not become very dis- 
tinguished as a mining and manufacturing people, and superior 
to the other nations of Europe, until about the year 1780 ; and 
their manufactures were small in amount even in 1815, compared 
with what they were in 1843. 



INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 467 

With the exception of a few royal palaces and fine castles of 
the nobility, the dwellings of the British people in 16SS, were 
plain, humble and comparatively cheap ; otherwise the rental 
would have been estimated higher. Though by reason of high 
prices, the incomes of the people were as great in 1815 as they 
have ever been since ; yet the taxes and expenses of the govern- 
ment were enormously great, and the amount of wealth then ac- 
cumulated was much smaller than it was in 1843, as illustrated 
in tables B, and D, of section 4. At the latter period, the lordly 
palaces had greatly multiplied among the manufacturing, mining 
and commercial classes ; many of which rivalled in splendor and 
magnificence, the royal castles and palaces, and exceeded those 
of the nobility of the previous century. The value of the dwell- 
ings of the people of a nation constitute a pretty accurate index 
of the amount of their wealth. "What has caused the immense 
difference between the value of the dwellings of agricultural Eng- 
land in 16SS, and manufacturing England in 1843 ? Let the 
reader inquire for himself, and form his own opinion. 

During the whole of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 
Holland was the wealthiest country in the world, far ill advance 
of England. Even down to the time of our revolutionary War, 
the public revenues of France were nearly twice as great as those 
of Great Britain ; and prior to that time, the French were as 
wealthy, and perhaps more so, than the British. What has 
caused this wonderful change ? Can any reason be assigned for 
it, except the power of machinery, and the great extension of the 
mining and manufacturing industry of Great Britain, coming in 
aid of, and furnishing the materials for the most extensive 
commerce which ever existed ? 

According to my estimates, the same number of persons can 
now, by the aid of machinery, make about twenty times as much 
cloth of cotton and wool, as they can by carding, spinning and 
weaving by hand, in the old method in use prior to 1750. The 
profits of labor and capital aided by machinery, at present prices 
of products, are about three times as great as they were a century 
since. Is it strange, that the people of Great Britain should grow 
rich by the combined influence of capital, machinery, science and 
skill in manufactures and mining, and the aid of the markets of half 
the civilized world ready to buy their products, at prices which 
afford them three times as much profits and wages, as they could 
have obtained a century since, and about three times as great as 
the agriculturists of our new states can now make . ? Is it 
strange that by their policy, they should manage to prevent 
the growth of manufactures in Ireland, in their colonies, in 



468 INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

the United States, and in all other countries, preach the 
doctrines of free-trade, and try to keep all the world dependent 
on them for the products of their mining and manufacturing 
ndustry ? 



CHAPTER XV. 

On Free Trade — the circumstances which suggested the 
outlines of the system its principles, false assump- 
tions, sophistries, and tendencies the necessity of 

regulating commerce, of organizing capital and labor ; 

and the true principles of political economy. 

Sec 1. Feudal 'privileges and monopolies in the mechanic arts, 
manufactures, and commerce in Europe. 

The general tendencies of free trade were pointed out in 
Section 7, of the last chapter; but the subject has been so 
much discussed of late years, and has assumed so much im- 
portance in the public mind, as to render it expedient to discuss 
its principles and effects more at length in a distinct chapter. 

Of all the principles which have crept into our government, 
none have been so paralyzing to the industry, and destructive to 
the interests of the country, as those of free trade with foreign 
nations; whereby the importation of foreign luxuries, and the 
products of foreign industry have been encouraged at low duties ; 
American laborers deprived in a great measure of the markets of 
their own country, and the country drained of specie, involved in 
debt, and kept in a dependent condition. Up to within about 
half a century since, the government of every country of Europe 
was in the habit of passing special laws and ordinances, and 
granting to particular individuals and associations of persons 
special charters, allowing them exclusive privileges to make and 
vend particular articles, to do certain things, or to monopolize 
certain markets. The monopolies granted by these special acts 
and charters, were almost infinitely various in their character ; 
comprising almost every kind of manufactures, commerce and 
banking, even the learned professions, and the dissemination 
of learning and intelligence. In this mode, not only all the 
offices of the government, and the learned professions, but the 
banking, commerce and manufactures of each country were 
monopolized by the families of the nobility, and their friends and 
dependents, and by wealthy capitalists, who could make an interest 
with the government. The business of manufacturing of many 



470 ON FREE TRADE. 

kinds, being monopolized by a few privileged persons, was 
associated in the minds of the people, with the personal and 
feudal privileges and powers of the aristocracy ; and became 
odious to them. 

The poor were also restrained by the poor-laws of England, 
and by acts against vagrancy, from migrating from one county 
to another, in search of employment. Personal liberty as well as 
industry, was thus restrained, to the great vexation and injury of 
the laboring classes. 

Domestic as well as foreign commerce was subject to numerous 
duties, taxes, monopolies, restraints and regulations, made by the 
feudal aristocracy for their own exclusive benefit ; which were 
extremely oppressive to the laboring classes, and became even 
more odious to them, than the manufacturing monopolies. 

Sec. 2. The system of monopoly tvas extended to all the coun- 
tries of America, which were held in colonial bondage. 
This principle of monopoly was extended to America, and 
under it, almost the whole Western continent was parcelled out 
into lordly domains by the crowned heads of Europe, to the 
nobility and their particular favorites; and the colonists were 
prohibited all commercial intercourse except with the mother 
country ; and in many cases were prohibited from manufacturing 
for themselves, and the privilege of manufacturing for them 
reserved for the mother country. The object of the system was 
to enable the mother country to monopolize the more profitable 
employments of commerce and manufactures ; to supply the 
colonists with manufactures at high prices ; to confine them to 
the hard drudgery of agriculture, and mining for gold and silver, 
to producing raw materials at low prices ; and to keep them in 
debt, poor, and dependent. It was these restrictions upon 
production and upon their industry, which excited the public 
mind, and had ten times more effect than the little tax on tea, in 
bringing about the glorious American revolution. 

Sec. 3. Smith's Wealth of Nations. Its character and effects. 
The Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of 
Nations, by Adam Smith, was first published in 1776. In this 
work the author examined critically and philosophically into the 
theory, practice, and effect of all this system of monopoly ; and 
showed most clearly the inexpediency and injustice of the system 
of monopoly, so far as production and domestic commerce are con- 
cerned. But so far as regards foreign commerce, he was not 
equally philosophical, clear, or successful. Manufactures and 
commerce were then in a comparatively infant state, and the 



ON FREE TRADE. 471 

materials were few, compared with what we now have, to enable 
one to deduce, according to the inductive system of philosophy, 
the true theory of political economy and public policy. His work 
is rilled with important truths, and with many errors and false 
assumptions, so curiously interwoven with acute reasoniug, as to 
have given direction to the opinions of nearly all the school-men 
and merely theoretical political economists, from that day to the 
present. With the single exception of John Calvin's Institutes, 
perhaps it has had more effect upon the public mind, than any 
work that has been written since the Koran was penned by 
Mahomet ; though practical statesmen have generally repudiated 
many of its doctrines. 

Sec. 4. Free production, but not free trade, the true rule. 
It is generally admitted to be a matter of expediency and good 
public policy, as well as of justice, to allow inventors and authors 
the exclusive benefit of their own works and inventions for a 
limited period. With these exceptions, the true rule is, free 
production, but not free trade. The cases are very few, 
however, where domestic commerce should be restricted or regu- 
lated by law ; but the importation of foreign commodities should 
in all cases be regulated in view of the condition, circumstances, 
and natural as well as acquired resources of a nation. The 
foreign producer and laborer who do nothing to support our 
government, and often take the specie out of the country for 
their products, should never be allowed to come into competition 
on equal terms with our own laborers and manufacturers, whose 
surplus income goes to swell the capital and support the govern- 
ment of our country. Adaptation to condition and circumstances 
may be said to be the great law and corner-stone of political astcell 
as of private economy; the golden rule of government and juris- 
prudence as well as of morals. 

Sec. 5. Definition of the word fact. — The rules of political 
economy should be deduced from facts. 

Dr. Smith's treatise is a very learned and philosophical work, 
founded on facts which he had been years in collecting ; and his 
theories are mostly deduced from his facts. But he wrote when 
commerce and manufactures were in their infancy, and before 
governments commenced collecting accurate statistics of the 
population, productive industry, wealth, and resources of their re- 
spective countries ; and he was unfortunately mistaken in many of 
his facts. A mistake in relation to facts, and the difficulty in ascer- 
taining them with accuracy, is one of the principal causes of man's 
errors. Mr. Webster defines fact to be, first, any thing done, or 



472 ON FREE TRADE. 

that comes to pass ; an act ; a deed ; an effect produced or 
achieved ; an event ; second, reality, truth. 

Facts comprise not only all the acts of man, and the result of 
all his acts, but also all the motions, changes, developments, 
events, and effects produced by causes either physical or spiritual 
in the whole universe. Facts are therefore the connecting links 
between cause and effect ; and comprise all the effects which 
have ever been produced in the spiritual as well as the natural, 
political, and social world. They may be divided into four 
classes : first, simple or single ; second, complex or compound ; 
third, general facts or aggregates of details ; and fourth, philoso- 
phical facts, or the ordinary current of events produced by 
natural causes. As all the operations of nature are produced by 
combinations of causes, no fact can properly be called single, 
except the acts of man which result from a single operation of 
the mind, or one volition. 

Complex, or compound facts, comprise effects produced by 
numerous persons, all acting in concert during a considerable 
space of time. This would include any one evolution of a single 
corps of an army acting in concert under their commanding 
officer, though the acts of each individual would be in some 
measure distinct ; and the victory or result of an engagement, 
however various its character, complex its parts, and numerous 
the causes producing it, would comprise but one complex fact. 

General facts comprise aggregates of details. The population, 
products, property, and capital, exports and imports, coin, 
schools and scholars, income and expenditures of the government 
and people of every country are general facts ; they comprise 
numerous details, and can be ascertained only by carefully col- 
lecting, and aggregating those details. 

Philosophical facts not only comprise the ordinary current of 
natural events produced exclusively by natural causes ; but also 
the current of human events, produced conjointly by physical 
causes, and the free and voluntary agency of man, acting either 
in concert, or in conflict with each other. In this view of it, M. 
Guizot made the progress of civilization in Europe, a matter of 
fact, and the subject of history. The natural tendency of any 
particular employment, pursuit, course of action or policy, to 
produce a certain result, and to contribute to increase the com- 
forts, wealth, and well-being of man, or the contrary, may be re- 
garded as a philosophical fact ; which must be ascertained by ob- 
serving great numbers of simple facts, aggregating them together, 
and thereby deducing causes from effects. When general and 
philosophical facts are understood with perfect accuracy, there 
is no great difficulty in deducing from them the uniform laws by 



ON FREE TRADE. 473 

which they are produced. Fence the importance of statistics, of 
facts, of general facts, and philosophical facts, in order to deduce 
from them the true rules of political economy. 

Sec. 6. Causes of many of the errors into which Dr. Smith fell. 

Adam Smith, I have remarked, was mistaken in many of his 
facts ; that is, in many of the general and philosophical facts on 
which his reasoning is founded ; and it may well be doubted, if 
he could have had the light which modern statistics throw upon 
this question, if he ever would have deduced from them the max- 
ims and principles of free trade. He was a philosopher, a man 
of great learning, great powers of reasoning, and great originality 
of mind ; but a mere scholastic philosopher, a professor, a theo- 
retical, not a practical man. He was led into many errors by 
theorizing, without sufficient knowledge of practical business to 
verify the conclusions deduced from his theories, and to correct 
them. Like Mr. Walker (late Secretary of the Treasury), he 
deduced many of his philosophical facts from his theories, instead 
of deducing his theories from the facts shown by the business and 
records of the country. He assumed as a matter of fact, that ca- 
pital and labor employed in agriculture were more productive 
than when employed in mining, manufactures, or any other pur- 
suit. Many of his errors arose from reasoning on this false as- 
sumption. 

The odious monopolies existing in nearly all the countries of 
Europe, in all matters of production and trade also, made strong 
impressions on him of the evils resulting from them ; and the 
only remedy which was suggested to his mind, was entire freedom 
of trade, as well as of production. It is not strange that at that 
day, his mind was led into such a train of reasoning. All the 
facts collected by him are consistent with the maxim of free 
production ; but they are not all consistent, nor is his reason- 
ing all consistent, with the doctrines and maxims of free trade 
between nations. Perceiving this, he made certain exceptions 
and limitations to the general rule, in the commerce between 
nations, which have been critically sought out and condemned as 
inconsistencies and errors, by his disciples and followers, Ricardo, 
McCulloch, Mill, and others in Great Britain, and by Dr. Way- 
land, Condy Eaguet, Professor Vethake, and many others in this 
country, and partially so by Mr. Say ; and they have carefully ex- 
cluded from their works all those exceptions, and made them con- 
form strictly to all the abstract rules and assumptions of free trade. 
By overlooking many of the most important facts of history, omit- 
ting all those exceptions, and the soundest arguments as well as the 
most reliable facts collected by Dr. Smith, and copying all his 



474 ON FREE TRADE. 

errors of fact and argument, they have constructed one of the 
most harmonious and plausible systems of sophistry arid error, 
ever presented to the reading world. 

Sec. 7. Great Britain has capital and capacity to manufacture 
for the world. Necessary effects of Free Trade. 

For some years past, Great Britain has produced nearly two 
million tons of iron annually, and spun about six hundred million 
pounds of cotton. This is nearly equal to the tons of iron pro- 
duced, and the quantity of cotton spun, in all the other countries 
of Europe and America. By referring to Sections 4, 6 and 7, 
of the last chapter, the reader may realize, how small the amount 
of capital necessary, to employ the immense amount of mining 
and manufacturing industry of that kingdom, when compared 
with the value of farming lands and agricultural capital, and the 
amount invested in palaces and dwellings for the wealthy. By 
referring to Section 11 of Chapter XL, he may learn how 
many persons were employed in 1847, in all the factories and 
mines of the kingdom ; and how few are necessary, with the aid 
of science and machinery, to accomplish results so truly won- 
derful. 

Perhaps half of the time during the last twenty years (from 
1S30 to 1850), many of the factories, furnaces, and iron mills, 
were not in use ; and half of those in use were running short 
time, not doing more than two-thirds as much as they were 
capable of doing, because the markets were surfeited and prices 
depressed. These facts are sufficient to show that Great Britain 
has the natural resources and physical capacity, by means of 
machinery, to manufacture for the whole civilized world. Let 
the reader contemplate the increase in the amount of capital 
invested in dwelling-houses and railroads between the years 1815 
and 1843 (as exhibited in Section 4 of the last chapter, amounting 
to about £520,000,000 ; more than three times as much as the 
whole amount invested in mining, manufactures, and the me- 
chanic arts), and he will see at once, that one-third part of that 
increase invested in mining and manufactures, would have 
doubled the manufacturing capital of Great Britain, and 
enabled them to accomplish that object ; if they could have 
commanded the markets of the world. As their manufactures 
are better established, and they have a better supply of expe- 
rienced and skilful laborers than any other nation, they can, as 
a general rule, undersell every other people ; and they would 
soon drive the manufacturers of almost every nation out of their 
own markets, and supply and monopolize the markets of the 
world, were it not for the tariff laws of France, the United 



ON FREE TRADE. 475 

States, and other nations, regulating and restricting foreign 
imports, and thereby partially securing their own markets to 
their own people. 

The question is not so much what a nation can produce, but 
what they can sell and get their pay for. Markets, therefore, 
enter into the question, as the great, yea, the greatest anal most 
important of all the elements of political economy. The important 
point is to secure a market; to secure the home market first, for 
their own laborers and manufacturers as far as they may want it, 
and thereby create a domestic market for their own agricultural 
products. Markets, I repeat again, are the great stimulants 

TO INDUSTRY, AND OF ALL THINGS IN THE WORLD, THEY ARE THE 
MOST IMPORTANT AND NECESSARY TO SUSTAIN IT. This great 

truth has been entirely overlooked by the advocates of free trade, 
and hence have arisen many of their errors. 

Sec. 8. Maxims of Free Trade. 

I have carefully collected the principal maxims on which the 
doctrines of free trade are based ; and have numbered them for 
the purpose of referring to them conveniently. The first six and 
the eleventh are taken almost literally from the " "Wealth of 
Nations." The others are taken in most cases literally, and in 
some cases they are only abstracts from the Essays on Free 
Trade, of Condy Raguet, Esq., late of Philadelphia. All, or 
nearly all these maxims are generally insisted on by the advo- 
cates of free trade, as axioms ; and many of them are laid down 
as self-evident truths. 

1st. Every individual in his local situation can judge better 
than the government, or any statesman or lawgiver can do for 
him, what is the species of industry in which he can employ his 
labor and capital to the best advantage, in order to produce the 
largest income. 

2d. The study of his own profit and advantage, naturally and 
necessarily leads every individual to prefer that employment of 
labor and capital, which is most advantageous to the society, as 
well as to himself. 

3d. All persons find it for their interest to employ their whole 
industry in a way in which they have some advantage over their 
neighbors, and to purchase with a part of its produce, or what is 
the same thing, with the price of a part of it, whatever they have 
occasion for. The same rule applies to communities or coun- 
tries ; and whether the advantages which one country has over 
another be natural or acquired, it is in this respect of no conse- 
quence. As long as the one country has those advantages, and 
the other wants them, it will always be more advantageous for 



476 ON FREE TRADE. 

the latter, rather to buy of the former, than to make ; and for 
every individual to buy where he can buy cheapest. 

4th. That the number of workmen who can be kept in employ- 
ment by any person or community, must bear a certain propor- 
tion to the capital employed, and can never exceed it ; that no 
regulation of commerce can increase the quantity of industry in 
a society, beyond what its capital can maintain ; that all a gov- 
ernment can do, is to divert a part of the capital and industry of 
the community into new channels, without power to increase 
the aggregate amount of either ; and that our industry cannot bo 
diminished by buying of other nations whatever they can produce 
cheaper than we can, and employing our capital in some other 
mode. 

5th. That all restrictive laws tend to force capital and labor 
from a more to a less profitable mode of employment, and to 
render the producing faculties and the industry of the country 
less productive ; and thus they prevent the rapid accumulation 
of capital and wealth, in which is found the means of affording 
employment to an increasing population. 

6th. That there is in every society an ordinary or average rate 
of both wages and profit, in every employment; that the amount 
of labor and capital employed in producing any article determines 
its cost, by the fixed standard of the rate of wages and profits ; 
that this cost is its natural price ; that the producer cannot, 
for a long period, charge more than a fair remuneration for his 
labor and capital, because a higher price would invite compe- 
tition, which would soon reduce the price ; that he cannot for a 
loDg period charge less, because in this case he would be ruined, 
and must leave the employment, and thus the number of pro- 
ducers would be diminished, and the value of the product rise to 
the average rate of profit ; and that no domestic competition can 
bring down prices below the fixed standard, or natural price. 

7th. That there can be no such thing as a permanent supe- 
riority of one branch of business over another ; tor if capital and 
labor employed in agriculture or any other business, were for a 
great length of time more profitable than if employed in other 
pursuits, persons would withdraw their capital and leave the lat- 
ter pursuits, and fly to the former, until the equilibrium would be 
restored. 

8th. That the great fall which has taken place since 1816 in 
the price of many articles of manufacture, has resulted chiefly 
from the great improvements in labor-saving machinery, which 
have progressed not only in this country, but in Europe. 

9th. That all high duties exclude a portion of the articles 
upon which they are laid, by raising their price, or keeping their 



ON FREE TRADE. 



477 



price from falling, and are thus a tax on tbe consumer, for the 
exclusive benefit of the domestic producer, to the full amount of 
the duties. 

10th. That the complaint of the manufacturers of the United 
States, that the duties are not high enough, is positive proof that 
foreign fabrics can be imported cheaper than they can be made 
at home ; consequently, that there is a want of consistency in 
the conduct of those who assert that the tariff system brings 
down prices. 

11th. To give the monopoly of the home market to the pro- 
duce of domestic industry in any particular art or manufacture, 
must, in almost all cases, be either a useless or a hurtful regula- 
tion. If the produce of domestic industry can be bought as 
cheap as that of foreign industry, the regulation is evidently 
useless ; if it cannot, it must generally be hurtful. 

12th. That commerce is an exchange of equivalents not merely 
beneficial to one of the parties which carries it on, but to both, 
by enabling each to exchange with the other those products 
which he can furnish upon the most favorable terms. 

13th. That commerce must be reciprocal ; a^id, consequently, 
that when one nation restricts its trade with another, and says 
" I will not buy," it declares in the same words, " I will not 
sell." 

14th. That so far as foreign nations refuse to take our pro- 
ductions, they, ipso facto, and without requiring any laws on our 
part to enforce a retaliation, absolutely deprive us of the power 
to take their productions. 

15th. That foreign commerce is an exchange of domestic 
products for foreign products, and gives employment to domestic 
industry, because foreign products can be paid for only with 
domestic products. 

So far as these maxims are correct and true, they are philoso- 
phical fads as heretofore explained ; but so far as they differ 
from the facts, they are mere false assumptions. All the truths 
and principles of political economy are in accordance with, and 
deducible from facts ; and like the truths and principles of every 
natural science, they can be ascertained in no other mode. 
Abstract reasoning on such snbjects is always uncertain ; and 
the conclusions of the mind can never be relied upon, except 
when they are verified by facts. 

Sec. 9. Critical examination of the maxims of Free Trade. 
1st. The first and second maxims will be examined together. 
To determine the most advantageous mode of employing labor 
and capital, requires a survey of the whole country, of all its 



47S 0N FREE TRADE. 

wants, all its resources and capacities, and all its industry. It is 
not the duty of governments, to direct the pursuits of individuals, 
but to collect and disseminate, for the use of the people, infor- 
mation of the productions, wants, commerce, and natural re- 
sources of the country, to ascertain what commodities are pro- 
duced in excess, of what the production is deficient, what new 
branches of industry are adapted to the condition of the country, 
and how its industry is affected by foreign commerce ; to shape 
its legislation, in such manner as to promote the industry of the 
nation, and to encourage the transfer of labor and capital from 
pursuits in which they are not needed, into those in which they 
are most needed, in order to supply the wants of the people. 

The first maxim implies, or assumes, that each member of the 
community, including all the most ignorant classes, can deter- 
mine all these matters more accurately than the general sense and 
wisdom of the nation collected in the halls of legislation, with the 
aid of all the records and statistics of the country. Is this as- 
sumption true, or is it false ? How do the uneducated classes 
acquire such knowledge ? Is it the result of instinct, or of intui- 
tion ; or how is^it acquired ? Of what use are schools, semina- 
ries of learning and science, lyceums, libraries, and agricultural 
societies, if each one of the mass of the people knows more than 
the united wisdom of the legislative and executive departments 
of the government. If every man's information and wisdom 
were complete and perfect, the assumption would be true ; but in 
the present state of knowledge, it is false. If maxims numbered 
1 and 2 were true, the industry of every community in the civi- 
lized world would be nearly equal in value, in proportion to their 
numbers ; and they would accumulate wealth with nearly equal 
rapidity. This is proven to be untrue, by all the facts collected 
in the last chapter. 

2d. The second maxim assumes that the virtue as well as the 
wisdom of every individual is complete and perfect ; and that it 
is impossible for any one to engage in any employment, which is 
not the most advantageous to the community, as well as to him- 
self. If when Dr. Smith first conceived this maxim, he had 
looked into some of the grog-shops of London, and contemplated 
the subject of the manufacture, sale, and effects of intoxicating 
liquors, in connection with it, he would have perceived its falsity 
at once. It also implies or assumes that, inasmuch as communi- 
ties and nations are constituted of individuals, the gain of every 
individual necessarily increases the aggregate gains of the com- 
munity. This is true, when individual gains arise from produc- 
tion ; but it is not always true, when they arise from trade and 
commerce. In the latter case, the gain of the merchant is often 



ON FREE TRADE. 479 

at the expense of the purchaser and consumer ; and the importer, 
jobber, and retail merchants who sell foreign goods, often grow 
rich by the business, when many of the consumers, as well as the 
manufacturers, and manufacturing laborers of the country, are 
directly injured by it ; and the aggregate industry of the nation 
lessened, both in amount and value. The converse of tha propo- 
sition assumed, is, however, true in all cases ; for nations being 
composed of individuals, whatever increases the aggregate indus- 
try and income of the nation, necessarily increases the income of 
individuals, and as all pursuits are mutually dependent on each 
other, the tendency is, to promote the interest of all the indus- 
trious classes. For a further commentary on this maxim, see the 
remarks on maxim numbered 12. 

3d. The third maxim assumes that, no matter what employ- 
ment or pursuit a man may follow, he can either exchange all its 
products for whatever he may want on fair terms, or can sell 
them for money at fair prices, and with the price of a portion of 
them, purchase whatever he may have occasion for. The truth 
of the maxim depends on the truth of these assumptions, and if 
they are false either in whole or in part, the maxim is false also. 
Every man who has a correct knowledge of the condition of the 
United States, knows that the markets for almost everything pro- 
duced in the nation, are generally surfeited ; and that it is much 
easier, with the great natural resources of our country, to pro- 
duce, than it is to sell at fair prices, and collect the pay. All 
that we want in this country, to stimulate industry and increase 
production to almost any extent, are regular markets at fair 
prices, and sure pay. The principal products of many of the in- 
terior districts of the Western and South-western States, are In- 
dian corn, pork and cattle. The corn crop is so superabundant 
in those districts, that it will scarcely sell at all for money, or for 
over ten to twenty cents per bushel ; and pork and cattle are 
equally cheap. See Chapter XII., Sections 33 and 37. In such 
districts the people cannot pay for many foreign goods, but must 
clothe themselves coarsely, and have but few comforts, except 
what they produce themselves ; simply because their markets are 
too limited, and not equal to their products. 

It is of very little consequence to persons who have no means 
of payment* that foreign products are nominally cheap. Of 
what consequence is it to the poor peasantry of Ireland, that 
British goods are nominally cheap, when they are idle half of the 
time for want of employment, and have scarcely any means of 
payment ? On the contrary, it makes no difference to buyers 
generally, how high the nominal prices of domestic goods which 
they need may be, provided they have a plenty of employment, 



4S0 ON FREE TRADE. 

and can exchange their labor, or the products of their labor, for 
them, at prices equally high. The true test of cost to the con- 
sumer is, not the nominal price, but the comparative ease or dif- 
ficulty of payment. 

The principal reason why one nation can manufacture cheaper 
than another, is not so much owing to natural advantages and re- 
sources, as to those which are acquired. It is owing to inventions, 
improvements in mechanical science, more perfect tools and ma- 
chinery, greater skill and experience, and greater facilities for 
transportation. It is for the interest of every nation adapted by 
nature to mechanical and manufacturing industry, to adopt such 
a policy as to acquire these advantages ; and the only mode in 
which it can be effected is, to secure the domestic market, as a 
field of employment to the domestic laborer and producer, and to 
diversify employments according to the wants of the people.* 
Commerce in domestic products is substantially, in a national point 
of view, a mere exchange of products ; and every man who con- 
sumes domestic manufactures, pays for them in the products of his 
own industry. Those things are really the cheapest to the con- 
sumer, which he can pay for the easiest, no matter what their no- 
minal price may be ; and, in a national point of view, taking a 
long series of years into consideration, those articles are generally 
the cheapest, which are produced by domestic industry. 

That part of the maxim — that it is for the interest of every 
individual to buy foreign goods when he can buy them with 
money nominally cheaper than domestic goods, is not true as a 
general rule. It is true only so far as it applies to importers, 
dealers in foreign goods, and persons living on their money, on 
the interest of loans, and the income of stocks, without labor or 
business, and who receive no benefit from an increase of the in- 
dustry and prosperity of the country. 

4th. On account of the intimate connection between maxims 
numbered 4 and 5, I shall examine them together. There is 
some truth in maxim 4, mixed up with much sophistry, but 
in number 5 there is nothing but a tissue of false assumptions. 

The amount of productive industry in a country, measured by 
the quantity of its products, is one thing, while its value is a very 
different thing. This is an important distinction, which Adam 
Smith and his disciples have entirely overlooked. Perhaps there 
is no very great difference between the amount of productive in- 
dustry in proportion to the population in Vermont and Massa- 
chusetts ; but the difference in value is nearly one half. There 

* See on this point Section 6 of Chapter XIIL, and Sections 8, 9, 10, 11 and 
12 of Chapter VI. 



ON FREE TRADE. 481 

is very little difference also in the amount of industry, between 
the manufacturing States of Massachusetts and Rhode Island 
on the one hand, and the fine agricultural States of Ohio and 
Indiana on the other ; and yet the products of the former are 
more than twice as valuable, in proportion to the population, as 
those of the latter. 

Capital and labor employed in mining, manufactures, and the 
mechanic arts of almost any description, produce twice as much 
value as the same amount of capital and labor employed in agri- 
culture.* This being the case, it requires but a grain of common 
sense to perceive that any regulation of commerce, which tends 
to divert capital and industry from a less to a more profitable 
employment, must necessarily tend to increase the value of the 
productive industry of a country, and to enhance the accumu- 
lation of wealth. When the facts are properly presented, this 
conclusion forces itself upon the mind as a self-evident truth. 
The assumptions contained in maxim five are, therefore, false, 
entirely false, and do not embrace a single shadow of truth. Our 
tariff laws do tend to encourage mining: and manufactures, and 
to divert capital and industry from agriculture to those employ- 
ments. That they do thereby tend to increase the value of the 
productive industry of the country, has been generally believed 
by our sensible and practical men, though very few have been 
able to understand fully, and to explain clearly, the reasons of 
their belief, and to point out the fallacies and false assumptions 
of the doctrines of free trade. 

The number of laborers which may be employed in a nation 
depends on the field of employment, and on the immaterial capi- 
tal — that is, on the science, knowledge and experience, and skill 
of the people ; and not on the amount of material capital accu- 
mulated, and is not in proportion to the amount of capital, as is 
alleged in maxim four. On the contrary, the effect of the use of 
machinery, improved tools, and an increased amount of capital, 
is to enable a given number of laborers to do more, and to bring 
to market an increased quantity of products ; and if the market 
is limited, the producers employ only so many laborers as are 
necessary to produce sufficient products to supply the market, and 
the necessary consequence of an increased amount of capital 
under such circumstances, is to thrown out of employment a por- 
tion of the laborers previously employed. British machinery has 
not only stopped many factories, forges, rolling mills, and shops 
in the United States, but it has stopped the domestic wheels and 
looms also, and it has had a much greater and more depressing 

* See on this subject, sections 16, 17, and 18 of the last chapter. 



482 ON FREE TRADE. 

influence in Ireland, in British India, and all the British pro- 
vinces. 

A given number of laborers may accomplish more with a suffi- 
cient amount of capital and the best of tools, to keep them all 
at work to the best advantage, than they can with poor tools and 
half as much capital as would be useful to them ; but it is not 
true, as implied in the maxim, that the industry of a people may 
be increased indefinitely by an increase of capital. The amount 
of capital, as well as the number of laborers which can be use- 
fully employed, depends on, and is limited by, the field of em- 
ployment. The people of Holland and Great Britain long since 
accumulated more wealth and capital, than could be productively 
employed at home as capital. 

It has been generally assumed by the advocates of free trade, and 
reiterated over and over again, that we have not capital enough 
in this country to manufacture for ourselves advantageously ; 
that the proper time has not come yet ; that while we have large 
quantities of rich uncultivated lands, it is the most profitable 
and advantageous for our people to devote themselves principally 
to agriculture ; that we should wait until capital and laborers be- 
come more abundant ; and that when the proper time comes, 
manufactures will grow up of themselves, and without the aid of 
protective duties. 

All these positions are a tissue of false assumptions. First : 
The average amount of capital to each person in each of our old 
free States, was greater, even in 1S40, than it was in England in 
1770, and much greater than it was in England in the year 1*700 ; 
secondly, it is not true that the culture of new land is more pro- 
fitable than mining and manufactures. On the contrary, the 
latter are in general twice as profitable as the former ; thirdly, 
capital never did, and never can, become abundant in an agricul- 
tural country without manufactures, for the plain reason, that 
agricultural pursuits, in countries without manufacturing indus- 
try, are not sufficiently productive to admit of much accumula- 
tion of wealth ; and, fourthly, it is not true that manufactures 
ever will grow up of themselves without exertion, and without 
the fostering care of the government. The population of Eng- 
land was as dense three centuries since, as that of the State of 
New York is now, and yet the manufacturing and mining indus- 
try of the kingdom was very trifling, and scarcely worth naming. 
It has all grown up during the last two centuries, and mostly 
during the last eighty years. 

Mechanical and manufacturing pursuits do not in general re- 
quire as much capital, in proportion to the number of persons 
employed, as farming. The amount of capital invested in agri- 



ON FREE TRADE. 483 

culture in the United States, including the value of farming 
land, is more than twice as great in proportion to the number of 
persons employed, as it is in mining and manufactures The 
farming capital alone, over and above the value of lands in Great 
Britain, exceeds the whole amount invested in mining, manufac- 
tures, and the mechanic arts, notwithstanding the immense 
amount and value of the manufactures of that kingdom. It is 
shown in Chapter III. that mining and the mechanic arts precede 
agriculture in the progress of civilization. There is no want of 
material capital in the United States for manufacturing purposes ; 
all that is wanted is, to have capital diverted into the proper 
channels — an increase of skilful workmen, and our markets bet- 
ter secured to our own citizens. We have now more capital in- 
vested in factories, forges, furnaces, rolling mills, and machinery, 
than is fully employed ; and many of them are standing still, be- 
cause our markets are surfeited with British iron and manufac- 
tures to such an extent, that the products of our own citizens 
cannot find markets, at prices which will enable them to pay the 
high prices demanded for labor in this country, and continue 
their business. 

The capital of England was small until after the civil wars in 
the time of Cromwell ; though nearly six centuries had elapsed 
between the Norman conquest and that period, the capital, as well 
as the population, continued small, and increased very slowly ; the 
increased continued te be slow as long as the capital and industry 
of the country was mostly confined to agriculture ; but since it 
began to be diverted into mining and manufactures, about the 
year 1770, productive industry, capital, wealth in houses, furni- 
ture, &c, and population, have all increased with railroad speed. 
It is impossible to accumulate capital very rapidly, while the in- 
come of a people remains small. Small incomes are nearly all 
consumed. The only practical mode for our new States, and 
some of the old agricultural States to increase their capital and 
wealth rapidly, is to divert a part of their industry and capital 
into mining and manufactures, and thereby increase their earn- 
ings. Then, and not till then, they will have a large surplus 
annually, which may be put into capital, dwelling-houses, and 
other property. 

The subject of numbers six and seven, is thoroughly examined 
in Chapter XII. on prices, and their false assumptions clearly 
pointed out. The price of commodities, of labor, of land, the 
rent of land, and interests or profits of capital, are all governed by 
the proportion between the demand for them, and the supply in 
the market. The demand for most things depends not only on 
the actual wants of a community, but also on their ability to pay 



/J54 ON FREE TRADE. 

for them. The wealth or poverty of a community has, therefore, 
a great influence on prices. 

Sth. The facts assumed in maxim number 8, are clearly 
proven to be untrue, by the records of British commerce. The 
facts are collected in Chapter XII., sections 26 to 30, to which 
the reader is referred. So far from the fact assumed being true, 
it is shown in the sections referred to, that notwithstanding the 
great improvements in machinery between the years 1750 and 
J 815, prices were much higher at the latter, than they were at 
the former period ; that the increased demand, not only neutral- 
ized the tendency of machinery to reduce prices, but actually 
raised them ; and that nothing reduced them but the tariffs of 
the United States, France, and other countries of Europe ; 
which built up manufactures in those countries ; increased the 
supply of goods ; diminished the demand for British goods ; com- 
pelled the British producers to pay the foreign duty, or reduce 
their prices to the amount of it ; and also to make a farther re- 
duction of prices, in order to retain a portion of the markets, 
against their new competitors. The advocates of free-trade over- 
look, and seem blind to the fact, that an increased production in 
this country tends to reduce prices. 

9th. The facts collected in sections 26 to 30 of Chapter XII., 
also prove that every word of maxim numbered 9 is untrue, with 
the exception of the first clause of the sentence — That high 
duties do tend to lessen the importation of the goods on which 
they are levied, is true ; they do not, however, often do it by 
raising prices of goods which come into competition with do- 
mestic products; but, first, by compelling the producer to pay 
the duties, or rather to submit to such a reduction of price as to 
be equivalent, or nearly equivalent, to the duties, whereby they 
diminish his profits, and lessen the object or motive to send his 
products into the country. Secondly, they tend to encourage and 
increase domestic manufactures, and thereby lessen the demand 
of the community for foreign products. 

In some cases, where the domestic competition is small, the 
price is at first raised, but falls again as soon as the protection of 
the market to the home producer has invited sufficient capital' 
and labor into that department of industry, to aid very materially 
in supplying the market. To avoid an immediate rise of prices 
on raising the duties, they should be increased gradually for three 
or four years in succession, so as to increase the domestic compe- 
tition, before the highest scale of duties takes effect. For in- 
stance, if duties are put on any article at the rate of 25 per cent. 
the fiist year, put them at 33| per cent, the second, 40 per cent. 



ON FREE TRADE. 4S5 

the third, and 50 per cent, the fourth year, and still higher the 
fifth year, if necessary. All duties should be specific, in order to 
prevent evasions and frauds. When duties are laid on articles 
which do not come into competition with domestic products (as 
on tea and coffee), the usual effect is to raise the price nearly as 
much as the whole amount of the duty ; unless the duties are so 
high as to lessen the consumption, or some other article is intro- 
duced as a substitute. In either of those cases, the demand be- 
ing lessened, it often happens that the rise in price is not half 
equal to the amount of the duty — and the practical effect is, to 
make the producer pay part of the duty, and the consumer a 
part. These fluctuations in price are governed by the great laws 
of demand and supply, as explained in sections 3 to 6 of Chapter 
XII. The effect of demand and supply on price, the advocates 
of free trade have never seemed to understand. 

10th. The first part of maxim number 10, is undoubtedly true. 
By reason of Great Britain having taken the advance in mining 
and manufacturing of all the nations of the earth ; having had 
practical wisdom enough to protect their own markets (which 
we have not) ; having accumulated large capitals, and an im- 
mense amount of machinery, by means of great profits when 
goods were high ; having instructed and produced great numbers 
of skilful workmen ; and having a dense population, who must 
starve or work at such prices as they can obtain, there is no rea- 
son to doubt that capitalists can produce many articles at a 
money price from twenty to fifty per cent, cheaper than they can 
be produced at present in the United States. But all these ad- 
vantages, except the last, can soon be acquired in this country, 
if the domestic market can be secured to the home laborer and 
producer. 

The conclusion, however, drawn in the maxim, that a protec- 
tive tariff does not tend to reduce prices, is not a legitimate con- 
clusion, as is shown in answer to maxim number 9. Nor does it 
follow that, because the people of Great Britain can produce at 
a money price cheaper than we can, that they will do so ; when 
the demand for their products is such, for want of competition, 
as to raise the market price above the standard yielding fair pro- 
fits to capitalists, and fair wages to the laborer. Whenever the 
generosity of British manufacturers shall induce them to sell 
their products for a profit equal to five per cent, per annum on 
their capital invested, when the demand is such that they might 
realize twenty-five per cent., then, and not till then, the conclu- 
sion of maxim number ten will be true. The truth is, there is 
no fixed standard for either wages, profits or prices ; all are gov- 



586 ON FREE TRADE. 

erned by the rules of supply and demand ; and every man sells 
his products, as a general rule, at the highest prices the market 
will command.* British manufacturers, like all other classes of 
men, are selfish beings ; and what prices they can afford to soil 
ofr, and what they will sell for, are very different things. "We 
have had many specimens of their throwing the surplus of their 
manufactures of cotton, wool and iron into our markets, when 
they were fully supplied, and selling them at cost, in order to de- 
press prices, ruin our manufacturers, and drive them out of the 
market, to enable them to monopolize our markets again. But 
we have had no instance of their selling their goods at cost, or at 
very low prices, when the supply in the market was deficient, and 
they had no motive to do so but generosity. 

11th. Maxim number 11 assumes that a protective tariff to aid 
in securing the home market to our own industry, must necessa- 
rily be useless, if we can manufacture at as low a money price as 
the British and French can manufacture for us ; and hurtful, if 
we cannot manufacture as low as their goods can be imported. 
Both of these assumptions or conclusions are fallacious and false. 

As to the first assumption, that it is or would be useless, if we 
could manufacture as cheap as Great Britain. Let us suppose, 
for the sake of argument, wages reduced so low in this country, 
that we could compete successfully in our own markets, though 
not in theirs, with the British manufacturer. It has been shown 
that Great Britain has the natural resources, and might, in a few 
years, by converting her accumulations of capital into manufac- 
tures, have the physical capacity, to manufacture cotton, wool, 
iron and hardware, for the whole civilized world, if she could 
only command their markets. At the present reduced prices, 
the income, over and above materials, from capital and labor em- 
ployed in the forges, iron mills, and factories of Great Britain, 
amounts to about $400 per annum to each person employed. 
Such being the case, the profits of manufacturing being so great, 
if the doors of free trade were thrown open to all the nations cf 
the earth, the British manufacturers would force their goods into 
every market, in order to make all the profits in th eir power ; 
and the result would be, that they would divide our market with 
our manufacturers, and thereby prevent the growth of manufac- 
tures in this country, disperse ou*r people, confine them to the 
less profitable pursuit of agriculture, keep us embarrassed with 
debt to them, drain us of specie to pay the balance of trade 
against us, cripple our banking institutions, lessen the industry, 
and paralyze the energies and enterprise of our country. 

* See on this point Sections 3 to 6, and Section21 of Chapter XII. 



ON FREE TRADE. 4$7 

As I have said before, the question is not so much what so in- 
telligent, active and industrious a people as those of Great Bri- 
tain and the United States can produce ; but what can they sell 
at good prices and get their pay for ? Great Britain has the na- 
tural resources, and could soon acquire the capacity to manufac- 
ture for the world. The natural resources of the United States 
for mining and manufacturing are, perhaps, still greater ; and 
they have also a territory sufficiently large and fertile to supply 
provisions for a population of five or six hundred millions. The 
friends of free trade say we may better confine ourselves mostly 
to agriculture, and depend on selling our agricultural products to 
pay for our clothing, iron, hardware, &c. But we already pro- 
duce more than we can sell, and four years out of five not only 
our own, but all foreign markets are surfeited with agricultural 
products of almost every description. It is folly to produce 
what we do not want and cannot sell. The supposition is, that 
wages may he reduced so low in this country , that our manufac- 
tures may compete with British manufactures in our own markets, 
&nd not in the markets of Great Britain, or in those of any of 
the manufacturing nations of Europe ; and the result would be, 
that we never should or could compete with them in their mar- 
kets. We should be giving them permanently, perhaps, half of 
our markets for manufactures, and get in return a partial market 
for our grain and pork, beef, &c, about one year in five. In 
this mode we should and do employ foreign laborers in preference 
to our own, and thereby deprive our citizens of profitable em- 
ployment, and lessen the industry of the nation. 

As to wheat and wheat flour, the wheat land of the United 
States is mostly occupied ; and the time is not far distant when 
we shall have none to export, unless, like the Irish, free trade 
makes us so poor, that we shall be under the necessity of living 
on coarse grains, and selling our wheat to the manufacturers of 
Great Britain and France, to pay for our clothing and other ne- 
cessaries. We are giving away our markets for the products of 
the most profitable employments of life ; confining ourselves 
mostly, to agriculture, the least profitable of all the departments 
of human industry ; making ourselves dependent on Great Bri- 
tain and France for many of the necessaries of life ; keeping our- 
selves in a state of colonial dependence, debt and embarrass- 
ment ; and thus preventing the growth of manufactures in our 
own country for want of markets sufficiently extensive and 
stable ; and depriving our agriculturists of the benefits of an ex- 
tensive and secure market for their products at home, without 
giving them a foreign market of any stability, or much extent 
and value. 



4SS ON FREE TRADE. 

The merchant wants customers who are able to pay, the law- 
yer wants clients, the doctor patients, the manufacturer wants 
consumers of his goods, the laborer wants an employer, and the 
farmer is equally in want of consumers of his produce, who are 
able to pay for them. A market for their labor, or the products 
of their labor, is equally necessary for all classes of men, and all 
departments of industry and business ; without which industry 
languishes, and man becomes indolent ; he soon becomes poor also, 
for want of income. This truth was well expressed by Silas 
Wright, late Governor of New-York, in the agricultural address 
written just before his death. He says : " The active stimulus 
which urges all forward, excites industry, awakens ingenuity, and 
brings out invention, is the prospect or the hope of a market for 
the productions of their labor. The farmer produces to sell ; the 
merchant purchases to sell ; and the manufacturer fabricates to 
sell" 

A steady and extensive foreign market for vegetables, and most 
kinds of breadstuffs and provisions, is impossible in the nature of 
things ; on account of the great expense of transportation, and 
the perishable nature of the commodities themselves. The prin- 
cipal market for food of most kinds, must, therefore, necessarily 
be a domestic one ; and if we give away our market for manu- 
factures, and thus prevent the growth of manufactures in our 
own country, the farmers of our Western States must remain des- 
titute of good markets ; and the income of the West must con- 
tinue as it is now, from $36 to $45 to each person per annum, 
while the income of the people of Great Britain and our manu- 
facturing States, will be more than twice as great. But if we 
secure our domestic markets to our own laborers and manufac- 
turers, and thus build up a large mining and manufacturing 
interest in this country, we shall thereby improve, increase, and, 
in fact, create domestic markets for our farmers ; we shall also 
soon have a division of employments in accordance with the wants 
of the people ; shall produce almost everything that we need, and 
in such quantities as we want ; and shall produce nothing in greater 
quantities than either the domestic or the foreign market de- 
mands ; and all our wants will be well supplied. In this mode, 
and in no other, the splendid conception of Adam Smith may be 
realized, as stated in Section 5 of Chapter XII. 

Nor is it a fair conclusion, that duties imposed on imports are 
useless to the domestic producer and laborer, unless they raise, 
or keep up prices. They aid in securing the domestic market to 
domestic producers, and thereby tend to give them full employ- 
ment. The laws of all the States prescribe the fees of sheriffs, 
clerks of courts, and many other officers, and in many of the 



ON FREE TRADE. 4^9 

States, the fees of attorneys are prescribed by law. Doss it not 
make a difference to sheriffs and clerks, whether there are fifty or 
five hundred suits per year, commenced in their respective coun- 
ties ? Let us suppose attorneys' fees fixed by law at an average of 
twenty dollars for each suit ; would it not make a difference with 
a lawyer, whether he got at that price, twenty or two hundred 
suits per year to attend to ? 

Let us suppose the case of a hotel-keeper with a house, furni- 
ture, servants, and accommodations for an hundred persons. 
Does it not make a difference with him, whether he has daily an 
hundred guests, or an average of only thirty or forty at the same 
price per day ? Again, let us suppose the case of an iron mill, capa- 
ble of making ten thousand tons of iron per annum. Does it not 
make a difference in the amount of profits realized by the owners, 
and in the amount of wages received by the workmen, whether 
they make and sell ten thousand tons annually, or can sell, and, 
therefore, make only five thousand tons at the same prices ? 

All that is necessary to show the fallacy of the maxim, is to 
exhibit its practical application. 

Let us now examine the other branch of maxim 11 ; that if 
we cannot manufacture in this country for as low a price in 
money as goods can be imported, all tariff laws to restrict impor- 
tation must generally be hurtful. In the first place a tariff of 
duties on foreign imports affords the best and easiest mode of 
collecting revenue to support the Government. Secondly, it aids 
in securing the home market to the domestic laborer and manu- 
facturer, and thereby stimulates industry, and increases the ag- 
gregate incomes of the country. Thirdly, by increasing domestic 
manufactures, it renders a less quantity of foreign goods neces- 
sary to supply the wants of the people, and diminishes the impor- 
tation of many kinds of goods. And, fourthly, it lessens the im- 
portation of foreign luxuries. By these means, it prevents a 
balance of trade against the country. It is of no importance to 
a people to have goods offered to them cheap, if they have no 
means of payment. On the other hand, it is of but little impor- 
tance how high prices we pay for goods, provided we can pay for 
them in the products of our own labor at prices equally high. In 
the latter case, the high prices of the products in which payment 
is made, balances the nominally high prices of the articles pur- 
chased ; so that we really buy them on fair terms. 

Money is an instrument, and a necessary instrument of domes- 
tic commerce ; and as Silas Wright well expressed it, " the far- 
mer 'produces to sell ; the merchant purchases to sell • and the man- 
ufacturer fabricates to sell." Commerce is the great stimulant 
to industry ; and as domestic commerce cannot be conveniently 



490 ON FREE TRADE. 

carried on without money, the exportation of specie to pay the 
"balance of trade which may be against us, tends to paralyze and 
diminish the industry of the country. Money being fixed capital, 
and one of the main-springs of industry, whatever regulations of 
commerce tend to retain it in the country, cannot be otherwise 
than useful, and cannot be hurtful, as assumed in the maxim. 

12. In all commercial transactions, it is most true, that each 
party obtains what he desires (for the time being at least), more 
than what he parts with ; but that the things exchanged are al- 
ways of equal value, and the exchange beneficial to both parties, 
though generally true, is not always so ; the maxim is, therefore, 
untrue, in the general form in which it is laid down by the advo- 
cates of free trade. Take, for instance, distilled liquors and wines 
purchased to be used as a beverage. However wealthy the im- 
porter and vender may grow by importing and vending them, it is 
impossible that they should have any good effect, or be of any 
real value to the consumer, unless they are used in small quanti- 
ties as a medicine, in particular conditions of the system. If 
they are used as a common beverage, in sufficient quantities to 
produce much effect, the necessary consequence is, that they 
weaken the judgment and reasoning powers, blunt the conscience 
and moral sense, and injure the health. Take any foreign lux- 
ury, such as silks, satins, fine cloths, pictures and jewelry, fine 
furniture, fine carriages and equipages ; though they may be 
sold at fair prices, yet, whenever they are purchased by indivi- 
duals not able to pay for and eDJoy them, the purchaser is not 
benefited, but is actually injured by the purchase, and often 
ruined by it. Industry and frugality is the road to competence 
and wealth ; while extravagance is the broad way which leadeth 
to poverty and ruin. Every man should confine his consumption 
to his circumstances and condition in life ; and commerce of every 
description, both foreign and domestic, should be adapted and 
confined to the condition and circumstances of the consumer ; 
and whenever it goes beyond this, it is just as profitable to the 
community for men to jockey horses, or for boys to swap jackets 
and penknives, as it is for merchants to sell goods. If either party 
gains, what A gains, B loses, and the time of both parties is lost 
to the community. 

As a general rule, no man should sell the tools and instruments 
necessary to enable him to carry on his business. The tools, &c, 
constitute his capital ; he should not sell his capital, but only the 
annual products of his industry. Money has been shown to con- 
stitute tools of commerce ; it should, therefore, be retained in 
the country to carry on domestic commerce, and should not be 
sold to be exported as an article of foreign commerce. It is 



ON FREE TRADE. 491 

about as rational for a blacksmith to sell his auvil and bellows, a 
carpenter his broadaxe and augers, or a shoemaker to sell his 
awls, as it is for a community not producing the precious metals, 
to export and sell their coin, the tools of their commerce, to pay 
for articles of food, dress, or any other species of consumption. 

If a man lives in idleness, and pays out his money for food, 
fuel and clothing, which he might produce, or make himself, 
though he may purchase at fair prices, yet he is made poorer by 
the purchase. The same rule applies to nations. Labor is the 
real source of wealth. Nations, as well as individuals, can grow 
rich only by producing more than they consume. If they import 
large amounts of the products of other nations, and consume 
more in value than they produce, no matter how cheap they may 
purchase, they must necessarily consume their substance, and 
grow poor. The seller only and the foreign producer, are bene- 
fited in such cases, while the buyer and consumer are injured. 
The maxim is, therefore, false. 

13 and 14. As these maxims cover partially the same 
ground, I shall consider them together. If all commerce con- 
sisted only of a barter of commodities, without any coin to adjust 
and pay balances, and no debts were contracted, these maxims 
would be true. But as the supposition is false, the maxims are 
in the main false also. Every intelligent man knows that specie 
is constantly exported by countries not producing it, to pay the 
balances of trade against them.*' Even the commercial credit of 
Great Britain was shaken, and almost destroyed, by reason of 
the exportation of the precious metals in 1847, caused by the 
excessive importation of breadstuffs and provisions, during the 
first few months of free trade in grain. 

It has been shownf that all the colonies of Great Britain, and 
the greater part of the civilized world beside, are indebted largely 
to Great Britain ; amounting in the aggregate to a sum equal to 
nearly one-fourth part of all the property in the United States. 
It seems, therefore, that Great Britain has refused to buy or take 
the products of other countries, to an extent sufficient to jpay for 
the goods she has sold to them ; and yet this refusal has not pre- 
vented her from surfeiting their markets with her manufactures, 
and involving them in debt ; and she would have involved them 
still more in debt, if their embarrassments and poverty had not 
admonished her, that it was prudent to withhold farther credits. 
These maxims are, therefore, mostly false, though there is some 
truth in the last clause of maxim numbered 14. Great Britain 
seldom takes the productions of her colonies, and of agricultural 

* See Sections 3 and 12 of Chapter XIII. 
t See Section 6 of Chapter XIV. 



492 ON FREE TRADE. 

rations lying in cold climates, to an amount sufficient to pay for 
the manufactures she sells them ; but she drains them annually 
of specie to pay part of the balance of trade against thorn, and 
involves them in debt beside. The result is, she absorbs all their 
income which she can get, keeps them poor, prevents them from 
manufacturing for themselves, and also deprives them of the 
power to take and pay for her productions, to the full extent 
which their necessities seem to require. This has been the final 
effect of her trade with Ireland, with the Can-adas, and the other 
British provinces of North America, and also with the United 
States ; and such has also been the effect of her trade with India, 
and with many of the countries of Europe. The foreign imports 
into the United States during the three fiscal years after the war, 
ending September 30, 1815, "1816, and 1S17, amounted to $337,- 
000,000. These heavy imports involved the country in debt, para- 
lyzed its industry, and ruined many of the manufacturers, embar- 
rassed all of them, and disabled the people to pay for many foreign 
goods ; so that the imports during the following three years of 1818, 
1819, and 1820, amounted to only about $171,000,000. After 
the country recovered from its embarrassments under the tariff 
acts of 1S24, 1828, and 1832, and became able to pay, the im- 
ports became large under the compromise act — averaging, during 
the five years from 1835 to 1839, inclusive, about $150^000,000 
annually. The same results followed ; the people became em- 
barrassed, and the imports sunk during the next three years, 
1840, 1841 and 1842, to an average of less than $112,000,000 
per annum. We may expect the same results to follow the large 
importations under the tariff of 1846. 

Those maxims assume what is frequently asserted, that the 
principles of free trade are in accordance with, and regulated 
by, the laws of nature ; that they tend to check and prevent ex- 
cesses, and to cure the evils which they produce. The evils o f 
free trade and of excessive imports, do tend to check themselves 
by alarming creditors, and destroying the credit of the debtor na- 
tion ; but they never tend to repair the injuries they produce. 
When a patient is prostrated by fever, the vigor of his constitu- 
tion may be sufficient to stand the shock, and the curative 
powers of nature may restore him after the fever has run its 
course. So with countries like Ireland and the British colonies 
and provinces — constantly depleted by free trade and excessive 
imports, which paralyze their industry — or, like the United- 
States, often depleted, and occasionally convulsed by an adverse 
balance of trade. The people, by means of industry and a sys- 
tem of frugality, forced upon them by their circumstances, are 
enabled to live under, and bear the burthens imposed, upon 



ON FREE TRADE. 493 

them ; but it would be as rational to say in the case of the pa- 
tient, that the fever cured itself, as it is to say that free trade 
and excessive imports cure, or repair the evils they produce. 

It has been said that all the nations of the earth should be 
bound together by the ties of commerce, like a band of brothers ; 
that philanthropy and the principles of liberty require us to 
adopt the principles of free trade, and to import without restric- 
tion, and consume the products of the nations of Europe. We 
open our doors to immigrants, receive and treat them as citizens, 
employ them, and consume the products of their industry, when 
they come and reside in our country, and take our products in 
payment ; but neither justice, charity nor liberality, requires us 
to consume their products, while they remain in Europe, to the 
prejudice of the best interests of our own country. 

15. Maxim number 15 is partly true, and partly false. It is 
not true, that imports are necessarily paid for with domestic pro- 
ducts, whereby domestic industry is increased ; they are some- 
times paid for in coin, sometimes in bills of exchange on other 
countries, drawn for the proceeds of products sold to them — 
sometimes in national, State, city, or corporate bonds, and some- 
times a mercantile debt is accumulated. 

Foreign products are, to be sure, mostly paid for with domestic 
products ; foreign commerce does, therefore, give employment to 
domestic industry so far as it opens a foreign market for domestic 
products, and transports them to it. Suppose it to open a foreign 
market for domestic products to {he amount of ten millions of 
dollars, all the proceeds of which are paid for in products which 
do not come in competition with domestic products. In that 
case, domestic industry is increased to the full amount of the ten 
millions. If, on the contrary, all the proceeds of such exports 
are imported in products which come in competition with 
domestic products, and which might be produced at home, then 
there is no increase of industry by reason of it ; the only effect 
being to turn domestic industry into a different channel. If half 
the proceeds are imported in products which do not come in 
competition with" domestic products, and the other half in those 
that do supersede so much in amount of domestic products, in 
that case, domestic industry will be increased to the amount of 
five millions. But if for the ten millions of exports, fifteen mil- 
lions should be imported, all of which come in competition with, 
and supersede, so much in amount of domestic products, the bal- 
ance of five millions being paid in specie, or accumulated in debt, 
to be paid for in future, the operation would diminish domestic 
industry to the amount of the five millions. 



494 ON FREE TRADE. 

Sec. 10. Importance of organizing capital and labor. 

Tariff laws are of but little use, however, except for purposes 
of revenue, among a people wanting in either intelligence or in- 
dustry, to manufacture for themselves. Though agriculture re- 
quires more capital in proportion to the laborers employed than 
mining and manufactures, yet there is this difference in them : 
Two persons, as a general rule, can work on a farm about as ad- 
vantageously as twenty can. Not so with manufactures. They 
require a more minute division of employments ; and a combina- 
tion of an extensive capital in many cases, with the labor of a 
great number of persons, under the direction of one head, and 
several superintendents of minor departments, in order to make 
labor and capital the most productive. Such employments must 
be directed by science, experience, and business talent ; and the 
requisite capacity cannot be commanded without high salaries, 
which no establishment can afford to pay, unless a large capital 
and a large number of laborers are employed. Capital and la- 
bor must, therefore , be combined and organized, in order to prose- 
cute either manufactures or mining to the greatest advantage. 

The common law of England, and the local laws and customs 
of the countries of Europe being generally defective, and not 
adapted to the management of combined or associated capital, it 
became necessary to obtain special charters to organize associa- 
tions of capitalists and laborers, and to regulate the management 
of their capital and business. These special charters for mechan- 
ical, manufacturing, mining, commercial, and many other pur- 
poses, have been common in Europe ever since the Crusades ; 
and though many abuses grew out of the exclusive privileges and 
monopolies unnecessarily granted to them, yet the charters and 
associations were the mainsprings of nearly all the enterprise, and 
of the spirit of liberty, as well as of inquiry, invention, and dis- 
covery, and of progress in improvement, productive industry and 
civilization, between the time of the Crusades and the great Re- 
formation of the 16th century ; and of much of the improvement 
and progress made since the latter period. Though the exclusive 
privileges and monopolies, formed no necessary part of the char- 
ters and associations, yet being associated together, and the abuses 
being prominent, they made a powerful effect on the mind of 
Adam Smith. He did not discriminate properly between them, 
but confounded the whole together ; and exhibited the evils aris- 
ing from them in bold relief, as the necessary tendency of the 
associations themselves. He attributed nearly all the progress of 
the age to what he called division of labor ; when in truth it has 



OX FREE TRADE. 495 

resulted from an organization of labor and capital associated or 
combined^ and from the division of employments. 

The organization and combination of labor and capi- 
tal, and their proper regulation may, therefore, be regarded 
as one of the chief mainsprings of manufacturing and mining in- 
dustry ; equal in importa nee to the protection of the home market. 
By organization of capital and labor, I do not mean its associa- 
tion on the principles of the Fourierism or Communism of 
France, or of the Shakerisni or Owenism of America ; nor do I 
mean a general community of property and income of any kind, 
among the persons associated. Such associations diminish the 
motives necessary to induce industry, attention, and frugality, to 
improve the mind, and develope the capacities of man. . They 
tend to destroy individuality of character ; to discourage inquiry 
and invention, and to check progress. By the organization of 
labor and capital, I mean their organization under general statutes 
of incorporation, like those of Massachusetts, and the new sta- 
tutes of New York, merely prescribing the mode of organization ; 
regulating the management of the associated capital and business ; 
granting no special privileges or exemptions from personal lia- 
bility to any class or classes of men ; limiting the power of the 
corporation or association, to contract debts ; and prescribing' 
proper legal remedies for and against the corporation and the stock- 
holders thereof. In this mode all the advantages of associated 
capital and labor, and the division of employments are attained ; 
without losing those arising from free competition and the stimu- 
lus of individual interest, which are numerous and very great. In 
order to give the small stockholders their proper influence in the 
management of the property and business of the association, and 
to protect their rights against combinations to defraud them, the 
elections should be conducted on the principles suggested in 
Chapter V., Section 9. All the laborers should be encouraged to 
become stockholders. This would increase their care and dili- 
gence, and tend to promote frugality and good morals. 

Nearly all th« heavy manufacturing establishments of New 
England are the property of numerous persons associated under 
acts of incorporation ; and in most of them, a considerable por- 
tion of the stock is owned by the superintendents and persons 
laboring in them. Almost the whole male population are devoted 
to some useful employment or business ; nearly all the wealthy and 
most influential men have arisen from the plough, the work-shop, 
the factory, or the lowest stations in the store or counting-room, 
and are practical business men. To be out of business and idle, is 
not considered respectable in Holland ; nor is it in New England. 

No employment or diversity of employments can render a 



496 0N FREE TRADE. 

whole people equally wealthy. There will necessarily be differ- 
ences in capacity, differences in energy and persevering industry, 
differences in frugality, and differences in the amount of favors 
distributed by the accidents of fortune. Manufactures, and a 
diversity of employments never, however, make any class of peo- 
ple the poorer ; and if they cannot make all equally wealthy, 
they at least contribute to promote the well-being of every indi- 
vidual in the community. 

The inhabitants of Massachusetts and Rhode Island have the 
largest average annual incomes of any people in the world, with 
the exception of some slaveholding communities, cultivating sugar, 
coffee, and cotton ; and, perhaps, they are the best specimens as 
a whole, of a well educated, intelligent, moral, religious, indus- 
trious, and highly prosperous people which the civilized world can 
exhibit. Let those individuals, communities and States, that 
wish to become prosperous, study their institutions and their his- 
tory, and follow their example. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

On roads and other internal improvements, the means of 
communication and conveyance in different countries, 
and their effects on the intelligence and industry of 

NATIONS. 

Sec. 1. Posts and Post Offices. 

The establishment of posts, to furnish horses for post-boys or 
carriers, who carried dispatches for the government, is attributed 
to Cyrus, who first established them in Persia. They were intro- 
duced among the Romans by the Emperor Augustus, and were 
instituted in France by Charlemagne, about the year 800. 
Post Offices, for the regular transmission of letters by post-boys, 
were first instituted by Louis XL of France, about the year 1470. 
Like posts, they were originally intended merely to facilitate the 
conveyance of letters and dispatches for the government ; but, 
soon after their establishment, individuals were allowed to avail 
themselves of the institution, for the conveyance of letters and 
dispatches on private business, on paying certain rates of postage 
for the privilege. 

The Post Office was not established in England, until the 17th 
century. A system of posts was established in England, in the 
time of Edward the 1Y., about the year 1481, and Postmasters 
were appointed ; but their business was confined to furnishing 
post horses to the carriers of the government, and to persons 
who were desirous of travelling expeditiously, or wished to send 
extraordinary packets upon special occasions. In 1635, Charles 
I. established a letter office, for the transmission of letters between 
England and Scotland ; but this extended only to a few of the princi- 
pal roads ; the times of carriage were uncertain, and the Postmas- 
ters on each road were required to furnish horses for the conveyance 
of the letters, at the rate of 2|d per mile. Dr. Brande says this es- 
tablishment did not succeed, and that at the breaking out of the 
civil war, great difficulty was experienced in the transmission of 
letters. At length a Post Office, or a national establishment for 



498 COMMUNICATION AND CONVEYANCE. 

the weekly conveyance of letters to all parts of the kingdom, 
was instituted by Cromwell in 1649. 

From the establishment of the Post Office down to the year 
1784, the mails were carried, either on horse-back, or in carts 
made for the purpose. In 1784, (Dr. Brande says), it was usual 
for the stage coaches, between London and Bath, to accomplish 
the journey (about 100 miles) in 17 hours, while the post took 
40 hours ; the comparative rate of travelling of the post and 
stage coaches, was in about the same proportion on other roads, 
and that, during that year, the first contracts were made to carry 
the mails in stage coaches. Even as late as 1730, the mail was 
sent only three times a week between London and Edinburgh. 

As late as the year 1838, the average rate of postage in Great 
Britain was about 7d., or 14 cents, for carrying a single letter. 
Postages have been since reduced to one penny per letter, and 
the most of the mails are carried on railroads, at the rate of from 
30 to 40 miles per hour. 

The receipts of the Post Office Department have been as 
follows : — 

In England, in 1686, 

Great Britain, 1763, 

Do. do. 1800, 

Do. do. 1820, 

Great Britain and Ireland 1820, 

Do. do. do. 1839, 

Do. do. do. 1840, 

Do. do. do. 1849, 

The first establishment of Post Offices in the United States, 
while colonies, was in 1710. The number of Post Offices in the 
United States, the extent in miles of post roads, and the amount 
of postages received at different periods, have been as follows : — 

Years. 

1790, 
1800, 
1820, 
1830, 
1840, 
1848, 

* 1840 was the first year after the adoption of the uniform system of penny 
postage. 



£ 65,000 sterling. 


238,999 


u 


1 ,083,950 


u 


1,993,885 


a 


2,191,562 


it ■ 


2,467,215 


a 


1,359,466*" 


u 


2,165,349 


u 



Post Offices. 


Post Roads. 


Postages. 




Miles. 


Dollars. 


75 


1,875 


37,935 


903 


20,817 


280,804 


4,500 


72,492 


1,111,927 


8,000 


115,000 


1,850,583 


13,868 


155,739 


4,539,269 


16,159 


163,208 


4,371,077 



ON THE MEANS OF 499 

Sec. 2. Roads in ancient and modern times. 

The ancients had hut few roads fit for wheeled carriages — very- 
few, indeed, except those made in and about cities, and such as were 
made in the country for military purposes. All their travelling 
was on horses, mules, camels and elephants, and the transporta- 
tion of products was either by the same mode of conveyance, or 
by water. The invention of paved roads is traced to the Car- 
thaginians. The Romans learned from the Carthaginians ; and 
dining the time of Julius and Augustus Cassar, Rome was made 
to communicate with all the chief towns of Italy by paved roads ; 
and leading roads were made mostly for military purposes through 
all the provinces of the empire. 

The first roads of artificial construction in England were made 
by the Romans, while it was a Roman province. A grand trunk 
road was carried through the country, north and south, and 
another nearly at right angles to it, from east to west ; and the 
main lines were supplied with many branches. After the fall of 
the empire, the subject of roads was entirely neglected, the Ro- 
man roads were allowed to fall into decay, and no new ones, ex- 
cept about cities, were constructed. 

For many centuries, there were no roads in England fit for 
waggons or carriages — none but rude paths, fit only for foot pas- 
sengers, and travellers on horse-back. The condition of all the 
north of Europe was the same, and that of the south of Europe 
was very little better. 

One-horse carts were used some ; but, with the exception of 
Italy and the Netherlands, the general mode of transportation 
throughout Europe, up to the close of the 16th century, was by 
pack horses, and mules, or by water. Such is the condition of 
the roads, and the general mode of conveyance to this day, in 
Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Mexico, and all South America. Even 
fuel and provender for horses are generally carried in Mexico 
on the backs of horses and mules, at the present time. 

Every country emerged from barbarism, must necessarily have 
roads of some kind ; but the expense of making a few leading 
roads only, has ever been paid out of the national treasury in any 
country. The statute of Philip and Mary (passed about the 
middle of the 16th century) is said by Mr. McCulloch to be the 
first legislative enactment in England, in which provision is made 
for the regular repair of the roads by the people, under the direc- 
tion of surveyors of the highways, chosen annually in each parish. 
About the year 1663, the practice was adopted of imposing tolls 
for travelling on the great roads, to raise funds to improve them, 
and keep them in repair ; the appropriations under the acts of 



500 COMMUNICATION AND CONVEYANCE. , 

Philip and Mary, were then applied entirely to the improve- 
ment and repair of the cross roads, and the common roads in the 
country 

Sec. 3. Turnpike roads, Carriages, and Coaches. 

The first turnpike road on which toll was taken, was established 
in England about the year 1665. Turnpikes were not introduced 
into the United States until after the revolutionary war, about 
the year 1790. The roads then in the United States, fit for 
carriages, and the transmission of the mail, were very few, as is 
indicated by the few miles (only 1,875) of post roads. 

Though chariots and wheeled carriages were invented at an 
early period, yet those used by the Romans and other ancient 
nations, and those in use in England and throughout Europe, 
until after the middle of the 17th century, were mostly one-horse 
vehicles, generally having but two wheels ; and comparatively few 
of any kind were used. 

Coaches were invented in France about the year 1500, but 
were not introduced into England until about the year 1553. 
They were then without springs, which were an invention of a 
later date. It is said that there were only two coaches in Paris 
in the reign of Henry II., about the middle of the 16th century. 
Coaches were first let for hire in Paris about the year 1650. 

Stage coaches commenced running in England, for the trans- 
portation of passengers, soon after the improvement of the great 
roads, and the introduction of turnpikes, in the time of Charles 
II. The first stage coach commenced running between Edin- 
burgh and Glasgow in 1678. So late as the year 1763, there 
was but, one stage coach running between London and Edinburgh, 
which set out only once a month, and took from 12 to 14 days to 
run from one city to the other, a distance of 337 miles. I sup- 
pose they were not introduced into the United States until the 
establishment of turnpike roads, which was since the year 1790. 

The improvement of the roads, and the introduction of turn- 
pikes and stage coaches, changed the mode of travelling in Great 
Britain, France, and many other countries, including all Protes- 
tant Europe, and also in the United States of America ; but the 
mode of travelling and transporting products and merchandise, 
on the backs of horses and mules, still continues the same in 
Spain, Portugal, Mexico, and all South America, where there 
are to this day very few roads fit for stage coaches, or even 
waggons. 

There were in England and Wales in 1829, no less than 
20,895 miles of turnpike roads, and over ninety-five thousand 



ON THE MEANS OF 501 

miles of other roads, used for waggons and carriages, beside about 
two thousand and five hundred miles of paved streets. There 
were at the same time 3,666 miles of turnpike roads in Scot- 
land. 

Mr. Murray in his geography, speaking of Spain, says, " The 
main roads, maintained by government between Madrid and the 
other great cities, are good, and the mails well conducted ; but 
most of the other communications are mere tracks, worn by the 
feet of mules, which are chiefly employed in the conveyance of 
goods." I presume there are not one-tenth part, and very likely 
not one-twentieth part as many miles of roads fit for waggons and 
coaches in Spain, as there are in either Great Britain or the 
United States. 

France and Germany were no better provided with roads than 
England, before the introduction of turnpikes, and not so well 
supplied since that time. Prior to the revolution of 1789, France 
had a few leading roads between the cities, which were fit for 
coaches, and but a few. Even at this day, France has less than 
one-fourth part as many miles of roads fit for coaches or waggons, 
in proportion to the extent of the country, as Great Britain. The 
roads of France are divided into royal, departmental, and commu- 
nal ; comprising in the whole, an extent at the beginning of the 
year 1837, of about 53,320 miles, as stated by McCulloch. The 
royal roads constitute the great roads of the country. They 
were constructed by the government at great expense, and their 
aggregate extent was then stated at about 21,455 miles. The 
departmental roads are made and kept in repair at the expense 
of the several departments, and are under the superintendence 
of the central board of bridges and public highways, which has a 
head engineer in each department. They are generally good ; but 
the communal roads, which are made by the communes, or local 
authorities, are subject to no such control. The latter are gene- 
rally very poor, and often impracticable for carriages. 

Sec. 4. Origin and progress of Canals. 

Some time previous to the Christian era, a canal was made 
from the Red Sea to the river Nile in Egypt. The great canal 
of China is said to have been commenced as early as the ninth 
century. Some small canals were made in Flanders as early as 
the 12th or 13 th century ; very many were made in Holland in 
the 17th century, though they were generally small ; those made 
in the 18th century were much larger ; but the largest canals in 
Holland, those of greatest depth and width, have been made dur- 
ing the 19th century. 

The Briare canal, from the Loire to the Seine, (about 38 



502 ON THE MEANS OF 

miles), was the first canal made in France. It was commenced 
under Henry IV., in the year 1605, and finished about the year 
1640. The second one made in France was the canal of Lan- 
guedoc, which was constructed during the reign of Louis XIV, 
between the years 1666 and 1681. It is about 170 miles long, 
6| feet deep, and connects the river Garonne with the Mediter- 
ranean. The next was the Orleans canal, commenced in 1675, 
and finished about the year 1720. 

France had, in 1840, about 1600 miles of navigable canals, 
which cost about $60,000,000 ; of which there were made in the 
17th century about 250 miles; in the 18th century about 250 
miles ; and in the 19th century, up to 1840, about 1,100 miles. 

Peter the Great commenced canaling in Russia the early part 
of the 18th century. Canals were also made during the 18th 
century in Prussia, Denmark, and some other countries of Eu- 
rope ; a greater number of miles of canals were made during the 
first fifty years of the present century, than had ever been pre- 
viously constructed. 

England is one of the last countries of Europe which engaged 
in the construction of canals; but at the present time, the canals 
of Great Britain, exceed those of every other country, except the 
United States. Mr. Murray makes the following remark in his 
" Encyclopedia of Geography :" " The interior navigation of 
England is justly regarded as one of the prime sources of her 
prosperity. Till the middle of last century, the making of canals 
did not enter into the system of English economy. In 1755 was 
formed the Sankey Canal, a line of twelve miles, to supply Liver- 
pool with coal from the pits of St. Helens. The example then 
set by the Duke of Bridgwater gave a general impulse to the na- 
tion. Since that time, upwards of £30,000,000 sterling have 
been expended in this object. Twenty-one canals have been car- 
ried across the central chain of hills, by processes in which no 
cost has been spared ; all the resources of art and genius have 
been employed ; every obstacle, however formidable, which nature 
could present, has been vanquished. By locks, and by inclined 
planes, the vessels are conveyed up and down the most rugged 
steeps ; they are even carried across navigable rivers by bridges. 
When other means fail, the engineer has cut through the heart of 
rocks and hills a subterraneous passage. Of these tunnels, as 
they are called, there are said to be forty-eight, the entire length 
of which is at least forty miles." He states the total length of canals 
iu Great Britain, excluding those under five miles, at 2,581 miles. 

There are only two canals of any importance in Ireland. The 
Royal Canal, S3 miles long, cost £1,420,000; and the Grand 
Canal, 150 miles, cost about £2,000,000. 



COMMUNICATION AND CONVEYANCE. 503 

Though there had been some short canals made in the United 
States prior to the Erie canal of New York, yet that was the 
first of much importance. The Erie Canal was commenced July 
4th, 1817 ; first navigated from Utica to Rome, fifteen miles, 
October 23d, 1819 ; 280 miles of the eastern part finished, and 
the first boat passed through it into the Hudson at Albany, 
October 8th, 1823 ; and the whole line of 364 miles completed 
in October, 1825. The original cost was $7,143,789. 

There were in the United States, at the end of the year 1845, 
about 3,450 miles of navigable canals ; of which about 3,000 
miles, costing about $89,000,000 were in the free States; and 
about 450 miles, costing about $22,000,000, were in the slave 
States. With the exception of the Erie Canal, nearly all of 
them have been made since the year 1825. 

Sec. 5. Railroads and Locomotives. 

Railways are of modern invention. They were at first, (about 
the middle of the 17th century,) made of timber only, and used 
to transport coals from the pits in the coal districts of Northum- 
berland and Durham in England, to navigable waters. They 
were made by laying down parallel tracks of timber with a horse 
path between them, the wheels being confined upon the beams or 
rails of timber by flanges projecting from the inside of the tires 
of the wheels. Soon afterwards double timber railways were in- 
vented ; one rail being laid upon another, with cross ties or 
sleepers. The next improvement consisted in the addition of 
a plate of bar-iron, about two inches broad, and half an inch 
thick, laid upon the upper surface of the wooden rail, and 
attached to it by spikes. 

The plate railway, or Tramway of cast iron, came into use in 
the collieries in the north of England about the year 1770. 
About twenty years afterwards, and after the improvement of 
making bar-iron by rolling was invented, and bar-iron had be- 
come more abundant, the edge-rail of bar-iron was introduced. 
For many years after their first adoption, edge-railways were con- 
fined to the mining districts, and more particularly to the col- 
lieries, where they were used to transport the products of the 
mines to the places of shipment ; but this species of road ac- 
quired vastly increased importance when passengers and goods 
began to be transported on it by Locomotive Engines, which 
took place between Liverpool and Manchester in the year 1S30. 

The first Locomotive Engine was used on a railroad at Merthyr 
Tydvil in South Wales in 1804; but the engine and carriage 
were not so constructed as to be of much practical value. In 



50-1 ON THE MEANS OF 

1814 one was made which drew a load of thirty tons, at the rale 
of six miles per hour. Before the Liverpool and Manchester 
Railroad was completed, the directors offered a premium for the 
best Locomotive for their road. This stimulated invention, and 
excited much competition. The time to test the engines was 
appointed, and took place on the road in October, 1829. Several 
engines were produced and tried ; the prize was awarded to one 
called the Rocket, constructed by Mr. Robert Stevenson. On 
the first trial, this engine attained a speed of fifteen miles an 
hour, and it ran one mile at the rate of twenty-nine miles an 
hour. This improvement in Locomotives, opened a new era in 
railways, and in the mode of transporting both property and 
persons. 

The whole expenditure on railways in Great Britain, up to the 
end of the year 1830, was only about £4,000,000 sterling. 
Nothing had then been expended in Ireland. 

Statement in round numbers, of the amount of expenditure on 
railways, in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, 
at the undermentioned periods, and the number of miles opened 
for use : 







Miles opened. 


Total expenditure. 


1830, 


Dec. 31, 




£ 4,000,000 


1840, 


u it 


about 1,100 


60,000,000 


1845, 


June 30, 


" 2,343 


80,000,000 


1849, 


Dec. 31, 


" 6,031 


200,000,000 


1850, 


Oct. 


" 6,621 


225,000,000 


Of which there were in 


1850, in England and W 


ales, 5,132 miles, 


inS 


sotland, 




951 " 


and 


in Ireland, only 




538 " 



There were also, on the 31st December, 1849, about 1,500 miles 
of railroad in the progress of construction. 

The first train of railway passenger cars in the United States, 
was put in motion upon the Baltimore and Ohio Railway, which 
was opened from Baltimore to Ellicott's Mills, a distance of thir- 
teen miles, on the 29th of December, 1829. Two carriages or 
coaches put on car wheels, were drawn by a single horse, at the 
rate of from ten to twelve miles per hour. 

The charter for the Mohawk and Hudson Railroad Company 
was granted by the legislature of the State of New York in 
April, 1826 ; the work was commenced August 12th, 1830 ; and 
the most of it constructed from Albany to Schenectady, a dis- 
tance of fifteen miles, during the year 1831, and opened for use 
that fall. This was the first railroad of much importance made 
in the United States ; but works were projected and some com- 
menced soon afterwards in nearly every State in the Union. 



COMMUNICATION AND CONVEYANCE. 505 

There were in use in the United States in 1830, less than 100 
miles in extent of railways. In 1840, the railways in use were 
equal to 3,328 miles in extent ; of which 1,S53 miles were in free 
States, and 1,472 miles in the Slave States. There were in 
operation in the Free States in 1845, about 2,942 miles of rail- 
ways, and in the Slave States 1,763 miles. In 1851, the number 
of miles in operation in the Free States had increased to over 
seven thousand, besides over 5,500 in the progress of construc- 
tion ; and in the Slave States those in operation had increased to 
2,700 miles, besides over 1,900 miles in the progress of construc- 
tion. The amount expended in railways, and their appendages 
and stock upon them, up to July, 1851, in the Free States, was 
about $247,000,000, and in the Slave States about $55,500,000. 

JNTo railroads of much consequence were constructed on the 
Continent of Europe, prior to the year 1830, and comparatively 
little was done towards their construction on the continent until 
since the year 1835. 

The railroads of Belgium cost about $20,000,000 ; the princi- 
pal lines of which were opened in 1835 ; their extent is about 
350 miles. 

There were in operation in France, in 1845, twelve railroads, 
extending about 518 miles, which cost about $44,500,000 ; in 
July, 1851, they had increased to 1,831 miles. 

At the end of August, 1844, there were many railroads in the 
progress of construction in Germany and Prussia, and about 1,100 
miles opened for use ; in July, 1851, they had increased to about 
4,542 miles. 

The railroads of Russia, and of all other countries, have been 
made since the year 1840. The extent of railroads in use in 
different countries, in 1851, was as follows — in the United States 
about 10,000 miles ; in Great Britain, 6,083 miles ; in Ireland, 
538 miles; in France, 1,831 miles; in Prussia, Germany and 
Austria, 4,542 miles ; in Belgium about 350 miles ; in Russia, 
422 miles ; in Spain 60 miles ; in Canada about 100 miles ; in 
the Island of Cuba, 359 miles ; in Panama, 22 miles ; and in 
South America, 30 miles. 

Railroads, like common schools for the education of the people, 
newspapers and periodicals, and the use of machinery for manu- 
facturing, appear to be mostly confined to Protestant com- 
munities, and to those on which Catholicism sits loosely and 
lightly. 

Sec 6. Steamers, Electric Telegraphs, and Plank Roads. 
The first steamboat of any practical value ever constructed, 
was the Clermont, built by Robert Fulton, which made her first 
22* 



506 ON THE MEANS OF 

trip from New York to Albany in July, 1807, in thirty-two 
hours, and returned in thirty hours. Boats now (1851) run the 
same distance (about 150 miles) in from seven to ten hours, and 
all the lakes, rivers and bays of the United States are covered 
with steam vessels, which do, perhaps, half or more of all the in- 
ternal transportation business of the nation. They have not only 
produced almost a complete revolution in the mode of carrying 
passengers by sea, as well as on lakes and rivers, but they bid 
fair to effect a similar revolution in the whole system of maritime 
warfare also. Their effect is to make mechanical power and 
science, a substitute for muscular power, in the arts of war, as 
well as in peace. 

The first steamboat used in Great Britain was the Comet — a 
small vessel of 40 feet keel and 10J feet beam, with an engine of 
three horse power, which carried passengers on the river Clyde, in 
Scotland, in 1811 ; two years later, the Elizabeth, of eight horse 
power, and the Clyde of fourteen horse power, were built and 
used on the same river. 

Statement of the number of steam vessels belonging to Eng- 



land, Scotland, and Ireland respectively, and 
amount of tonnage thereof, at the undermentioned 


the aggregate 
periods. 


Years. 
1815, 




Englanc 
3 


Number of vessels in 
Scotland. Ireland. 
5 




Total Tonnage. 
638 tons. 


1820, 




17 


14 3 




3,018 " 


1830, 




203 


61 31 




30,009 " 


1S40, 




560 


129 79 




87,539 " 


1844, 




679 


137 81 




113,232 " 


1849, 




865 


166 111 




158,729 " 



The tonnage of the registered, enrolled and licensed steamboats 
and steam vessels belonging to the United States, amounted, in 
1840, to 202,319 tons ; and in 1850, it had increased to 525,946 
tons. The number built during the fiscal year, ending June 30th, 
1850, was 159. 

The first line of ocean steamers intended to cross the Atlantic, 
was established in 1838. Several lines are now employed be- 
tween England and the United States, which make their trips re- 
gularly, in from ten to fifteen days. The passage has been 
shortened more than one-half ; the usual passage of packet ships 
at the present time, is from twenty to over thirty days, and it was 
formerly much longer. 

The greatest and most splendid achievement ever made by 
science, was the application of electro-magnetism to the trans- 
mission of intelligence. The Electric Telegraph is an American 



COMMUNICATION AND CONVEYANCE. 507 

Invention ; it was patented by Professor Morse in the year 1840, 
and first put in operation between Washington and Baltimore in 
1844. It will transmit intelligence so much faster than rogues, 
swindlers and criminals can travel, and send a statement of their 
offences, and a description of their persons in advance of them, 
that it is very valuable as an instrument in aiding the police. It 
is also useful in transmitting commercial intelligence, and has a 
tendency to destroy the pernicious system of itinerant speculation 
in produce and merchandize, which was formerly practised, on 
the receipt of any change in the markets of Europe, or on our 
seaboard. It will also be of great service to a country invaded 
by a foreign enemy ; as it will transmit information to the gov- 
ernment of the movements of the enemy with the speed of light- 
ning, and enable them to concentrate their forces at the point of 
attack, to repel the invasion. It will, therefore, be of immense 
benefit to a people acting on the defensive ; and will render de- 
fensive warfare much more efficient, certain, and less expensive ; 
and make aggressive warfare, or a war for conquest in a corres- 
ponding manner, more difficult and dangerous, by requiring a 
greater number of troops, and greater supplies to meet the con- 
centrated forces of the country attacked. In this view of the 
subject, it may be of great importance to the peace of the world, 
and to the cause of civilization. 

The electric telegraph is extensively used in the United States, 
and also in many countries of Europe. 

Plank roads were first introduced into Upper Canada about the 
year 1837, and from thence into Western New York. The first 
one made in Ohio was commenced in 1846 ; but they are now 
very numerous in New York, Ohio, Michigan, and several other 
States. Being very cheaply built in a new country, where timber 
is cheap, they have proved to be of great value in proportion to 
their cost. 

Sec. 7. Productiveness of Canals and Railroads, and their 
effects. 

The principal canals, and the leading lines of railroad in Great 
Britain, between their great cities, were at first exceedingly pro- 
fitable, yielding a net income of from six to twelve per cent, an- 
nually. But the roads have been so multiplied, and the business 
divided among so many canals and railroads, that the business 
of nearly all of them is necessarily limited to a small territory ; 
and the result is, that the aggregate net income of all the rail- 
roads in Great Britain has been reduced to less than three pet 
cent, per annum, on their cost. They have nearly destroyed the 



508 ON THE MEANS OF 

value of the stock of the greater part of the turnpike roads, and 
reduced greatly, the value of the stock of the canals. 

Similar effects have been partially developed, and will soon be 
more extensively felt in the United States. Excessive competi- 
tion produces substantially the same effects on canals and rail- 
roads, as in staging, raising Indian corn, wheat, making pork, or 
producing any other perishable commodity. If two bushels of 
corn are produced when only one is needed, the excess will be 
wasted, or perish, and be valueless to the community ; so if two 
railroads are made where only one is wanted, the capital invested 
in making the second will be lost to the nation. 

Neither the canals nor the railroads of Ireland have ever been 
profitable investments of capital. The tolls received on the 
Royal Canal of Ireland, in 1831, amounted to only about £12,700, 
though it is 83 miles in length, and cost £ 1,420,000, or nearly as 
much as the Erie Canal. 

Taking into consideration the surface of the country, its pro- 
ductiveness, the small amount of lockage on the Erie Canal, and 
the fact that it connects the tide water of one of the noblest 
rivers in the world (the Hudson), one hundred and fifty miles 
from the ocean, with four great inland seas, and, by means of the 
canals of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois (its tributaries), connects 
the Hudson with the navigable waters of the Ohio and Mississippi 
rivers, it has greater advantages than any other canal on the 
globe. Perhaps this is the only canal in our country, which yields 
a clear income equal to the interest on its cost. The canals of 
Pennsylvania and Ohio generally, yield less than three per cent, 
net income on their cost ; and some of those of New Jersey, Mary- 
land, Virginia, Indiana and the other States, are like the Royal 
Canal in Ireland, and pay little more than the expenses of tend- 
ing them, and keeping them in repair. The canal of Langue- 
doc in France, and most of the other canals in that country, have 
been equally unproductive. 

The main lines of railroad first constructed in New York, New 
England, New Jersey, and from Philadelphia to Baltimore and 
Washington, and some few other roads, have proved very profit- 
able to the stockholders. Their profits are mostly derived from 
the transportations of passengers, carrying the mails, and tolls on 
valuable merchandise, and but a small proportion of it from tolls 
on the raw materials of agriculture. The most of the canals and 
railroads of Pennsylvania have never been very profitable, and 
there is scarcely a single road or canal south or south-west from 
the Potomac, which yields a net income equal to the interest on 
its cost. 

The history and effects of canals and railroads seem to establish 



COMMUNICATION AND CONVEYANCE. 509 

the following propositions : 1st. That the principal income of all 
the most profitable railroads in America, as well as in Europe, is 
derived from carrying passengers, and the transportation of the 
products of mining and manufacturing industry. 

2dly. That the greater part of agricultural products are so 
cheap in proportion to their weight and bulk, that very few, if any, 
railroads or canals can yield much profit, if their principal income 
is derived from the transportation of such articles. 

3dly. That canals and railroads aid commerce, and mining 
and manufacturing industry, much more than they do agricul- 
ture. 

And, 4thly. That they should follow population and business, 
and not attempt to penetrate the wilderness in advance of them. 

Whether we look to the canals of France, of Ireland, those of 
New Jersey or Ohio, or any other State or country, the result is 
the same ; those which depend for their income mostly on the 
transportation of agricultural products have never been found 
very productive. The products of warm and hot climates, worth 
from two to fifty cents per pound, can be advantageously trans- 
ported great distances to market on canals and railroads ; and the 
products of manufacturing industry, which are worth from six 
cents to six pounds sterling per pound, may be carried the world 
over on railroads, or on camels' backs, mules or pack-horses, and 
yet the cost of transportation will bear such a moderate propor- 
tion to the value of the article, that the manufacturer may be 
well rewarded for his industry. Some agricultural products of 
cold and temperate climates, such as wool, butter, cheese, wheat 
flour, and salted beef and pork, may be carried great distances 
on navigable waters to a market, provided they will command a 
ready sale and high prices ; but it is impossible to transport rye, 
buckwheat, Indian corn, oats, potatoes, and other vegetables, hay, 
&c, very far on canals and railroads, before the cost of transpor- 
tation consumes the whole value of the product when brought to 
market ; and the articles which may be profitably taken to a dis- 
tant market are so few, that it requires a very great extent of 
country to supply a sufficient quantity of them to make a railroad 
or canal profitable. The Erie Canal transports nearly all the 
merchandise consumed, and the agricultural products sent to a 
distant market produced by many millions of inhabitants. No 
other work, either of Europe or America, does the business of so 
numerous a people. It is not strange that the Erie Canal is pro- 
fitable, when nearly all the other canals and railroads of agricul- 
tural countries are unprofitable. 

Many railroads and canals, however, which have not proved 
good investments of capital to the stockholders, have been valu- 



510 ON THE MEANS OF 

able to the country through which they run, and have increased 
the value of property to the full amount of their cost. Bat 
where two such improvements run near each other, either of 
which would accommodate the whole country accommodated by 
the two, though a few villages may be benefited by the second 
improvement, yet others are injured by the competition, and in 
the aggregate, no benefit whatever to the nation arises from it. 
In a comparatively new country, however, like the most of the 
United States, an expensive improvement may in many districts 
be nearly valueless at the present time, which may be of great 
value within the next twenty years, when the country shall have 
become more populous, and its resources more fully developed. 

If the people of a state or country have not sufficient capital 
to construct a railroad or other improvement, it will not, under 
ordinary circumstances, improve their condition, to incur a 
heavy debt, and build it by loans, the burthens of which gene- 
rally overbalance all the advantages of the work. If foreign 
capitalists will take stock in an incorporated company, and fur- 
nish capital to do the work, the evil will be much less to the com- 
munity than to do it by loans ; but even then, the payment to 
distant capitalists of the income of the work, serves to drain the 
country of money, and is no trifling evil. The evils of debt are 
discussed in Section 1 1 of Chapter XIII. 

Roads, canals, railroads, steamboats, and other means of com- 
munication and transportation, serve as instruments and agents 
to aid production, and to promote both industry and commerce. 
Mining for iron cannot be prosecuted without facilities for trans- 
porting the ore, and fuel to smelt it, to the furnace ; and manu- 
facturing establishments must have facilities of collecting and 
conveying to them the raw materials to be manufactured, and 
also fuel, as well as facilities at cheap rates, to transport their 
manufactured products to market. Manufactures and mining 
(except for the precious metals) cannot be carried on extensively 
without such facilities ; for without cheap transportation, the 
products cannot be conveyed far enough to command an extensive 
market. But coarse agricultural products cannot generally be 
transported very far, with all the facilities which man has been 
able to invent, before the cost of transportation will equal the 
value of the product, and leave nothing to the farmer. Mining 
for iron and coal, as well as manufacturing on a large scale, can- 
not be carried on without the aid of either navigable waters, 
canals, or railroads. Hence railroads, and other internal im- 
provements, aid mining and manufacturing industry much more 
than they do agriculture. And hence the people of agricultural 
districts have been very generally disappointed, in not deriving as 



COMMUNICATION AND CONVEYANCE. 511 

great advantages from canals and railroads as they anticipated, 
unless they availed themselves of such improvements to intro- 
duce manufactures, and thereby create a market at home for 
their agricultural products. 

Sec 8. Effect of Steamboats, Railroads, and Electric Telegraphs, 
in disseminating knowledge among men. 
Turnpike roads, steamboats and railroads have all greatly in- 
creased mail facilities, and the circulation of newspapers ; and, 
together with the electric telegraph, have increased the circula- 
tion of information, since the adoption of the Constitution of the 
United States, perhaps ten fold. Railroads also constitute a 
means of educating the people by travel, and opportunities for 
observation. Perhaps five times as large a proportion of the people 
of the United States, of Great Britain, and some other countries of 
Europe, are accustomed to travel at the present time as were a 
century since, and each travels four times as much ; making 
the amount of travel twenty times as great, in proportion to the 
population in 1850, as it was in the year 1750. This subject is 
illustrated by the recent world's exhibition, in the Crystal 
Palace in London, and the millions who attended it. All 
those things tend to disseminate knowledge among men — to en- 
lighten the masses, as well as to diffuse information among the 
educated classes, and to promote the cause and progress of civili- 
zation. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

On castes, orders of men, systems of religion, associa- 
tions, CORPORATIONS, POLITICAL PARTIES, AND SAVINGS 
BANKS. 

Sec. 1. Condition of Society, and Castes of the ancient world — 
the laboring classes uneducated. 
The term Caste denotes the hereditary classes into which the 
population of Hindostan is divided, according to the religious 
system of Brama. Traces of the system of caste, which confines 
employments to hereditary classes, are to be found in the institu- 
tions of many countries, and in the history of many more. That 
the ancient Egyptians were thus divided, is well known ; and it 
is supposed that similar institutions prevailed in the Assyrian 
empire. According to Plato, the Athenians, in the first ages of 
their commonweal ch, were divided into five classes; priests, shep- 
herds and hunters, ploughmen, mechanics, and soldiers. The 
tribe of Levi was set aside as a caste, or hereditary order of 
priests, among the Israelites ; and they were supported by 
tithes. 

The ancient Romans, and all the inhabitants of Italy, at the 
time of the foundation of Rome, were divided into patricians and 
plebeians. The former possessed nearly all the real estate of the 
country, and all the learning ; the latter were poor and depen- 
dent peasants and laborers. Such was the condition of the 
whole ancient world, with the exception of the Tyrians, Athe- 
nians, and a few other commercial nations. Every man was 
trained to the pursuit of his ancestors, had no other education, 
and was not fitted for any other calling. The mass of tho 
people were ignorant, and inherited their condition, which it was 
impossible for them to change. There was no organization of 
associations among the laboring classes, and no means of forming 
any ; and consequently there was no interchange of opinions, no 
action in concert, no means of acquiring information, and no 
means of exercising power, or improving their condition. Edu- 
cation, organization, association, the possession and exercise ot 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 513 

power, were all (with few exceptions) confined to the priests and 
higher castes in some countries, and to the patricians and 
the wealthy in others. 

Sec. 2. Origin of Associations distinct from the government, and 
of corporations . 

Though priests, military chieftains, and the members of 
various kinds of aristocracy, had their associations and assemblies 
in many countries, yet there were no organized associations 
among the peasantry and the laboring classes prior to the Chris- 
tian era. Even in republican Rome, there were no associations 
among the plebeians or laboring classes, except political parties 
attached to party leaders ; and in imperial Rome, organized 
clandestine assemblies were prohibited, for fear they might be 
converted to purposes of sedition.. The persecutions of the 
Christians during the first three centuries, arose in part from the 
evil reports spread against them, and the credence given those 
reports, because they violated the law and policy of the govern- 
ment, in holding meetings in the night time to avoid observation, 
and in uniting together in organized associations. 

The Jewish priesthood were an hereditary order, which con- 
stituted the principal organization of the Jewish Church. The 
Christian Churches of the first, second and third centuries were 
voluntary associations of Christians, who elected their own priests 
and deacons, and established their own organization independent 
of, and in defiance of, the government. They were nearly all of 
the common and laboring clashes, without much property, influ- 
ence, or learning ; and their association and organization were 
probably the first ever firmly established in the world among such 
a class of people, and independent of the government. Christian 
Churches continued to be voluntary associations independent of 
each other, during the first century, and independent of the 
government, until Christianity became the established religion of 
the empire, in the fourth century. Laws were then enacted for 
the government and union of Christian Churches, and to regulate 
the election of bishops and other officers. The churches then 
ceased to be voluntary associations, were united with the govern- 
ment, and became ecclesiastical corporations. They were proba- 
bly the first substantial corporations in the modern sense of the 
term, ever organized. 

From the fourth to the tenth century, there were no associa- 
tions of consequence, except those for military purposes, and the 
association of bandits and pirates for robbery and plunder. About 
the tenth century, Guilds, or voluntary associations and frater- 
nities of merchants and mechanics, began to be formed for mutual 



514 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN. 

aid and protection, in several countries of Europe. Their prin- 
cipal objects were, to regulate and promote their respective 
branches of handicraft and trade, to check competition and mono- 
polize the markets, as far as practicable, and keep up prices and 
•wages. Municipal powers were acquired by some of the cities 
and provinces of the western Roman empire, in the fifth century. 
During the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries, numerous 
charters were granted to cities, towns and boroughs in France, 
England, Spain, Italy, Germany and Netherlands, conferring on 
them the power of electing their own magistrates, and regulating 
their own municipal concerns — thus conferring on them the 
powers of municipal corporations, in the modern sense of the 
term. 

Though schools had been established by governments, as well 
as by individuals in all civilized countries ; yet, I apprehend that 
no schools, colleges or universities were established under char- 
ters as corporations, until about the eleventh or twelfth century. 
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries many companies 
were incorporated in Europe for commercial purposes, and some 
for banking, but very few prior to the discovery of America. 
Turnpike companies were first incorporated in the seventeenth 
century ; but, I think, companies to make canals were not incor- 
porated until the eighteenth century, and railroads, mining and 
manufacturing companies, not until the nineteenth century. 

Sec. 3. Change in the organization of churches in the fourth 
century. 

The organization and government of Christian Churches were 
entirely changed after Christianity became the established reli- 
gion of the Roman empire, in the fourth century. Up to that 
time, they were voluntary associations of persons who regulated 
their own government ; and in most cases elected their own 
priests and deacons, but in some instances only confirmed them. 
During more than a century, the churches were independent of 
each other. About the middle of the second century, the Grecian 
churches adopted the political system of confederation, which 
had been common among the Grecian States, and introduced the 
system of holding councils, consisting of delegates from many 
churches. This system of confederation, and holding councils, 
was soon extended to all the Christian Churches ; and the conse- 
quence was, that the whole power of legislation, and of electing 
the higher officers, was assumed and exercised by the councils. 

Under Constantine and his successors, laws were enacted to 
govern the churches, divide the country into dioceses, provide for 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 515 

the election of bishops, and for the appointment of inferior 
officers. The churches became corporations, the chief powers of 
which were vested in the bishops and priests ; and by means of 
the greater talents and influence of the bishops, and particularly 
of the metropolitan bishops, in deliberative councils and conven- 
tions, they extended their power and jurisdiction, from time to 
time ; the exercise of increased power was confirmed by prece- 
dent and usage, and the government became more and more aris- 
tocratic. Four patriarchs were eventually appointed over great 
divisions of the churches, which resulted in establishing Popery 
at Rome, about the year 600 ; and in the gradual expansion of 
the power of the Pope, and the college of cardinals, during 
about six centuries, until the Catholic Church finally assumed the 
established symmetrical and monarchical form, represented in the 
fourth chapter of these essays. 

In this mode, power gradually passed from the uneducated 
people to tbe priests, bishops, and patriarchs, until the entire 
government of the Church, and all the property of religious socie- 
ties, were concentrated in the hands of the clergy. The clergy 
then constituted the corporations, and the people ceased to be 
corporators, and to have any legal interest in the corporations, or 
in the property belonging to them. The practice of celibacy 
among the clergy, served to separate them from the people, and 
came in aid of the clerical corporations, to unite them as an or- 
ganized order of men, similar in spirit and interest, to the castes 
of the brahminical priesthood. 

Sec. 4. Protestant Societies, or Churches, and the influence of 
different systems of religion on the progress of nations. 

Though Protestant Churches are generally corporations, yet 
they are not mere corporations of bishops and priests, like the 
Catholic Churches ; but corporations in which all the heads of 
families and adult males of the society ^ are corporators, and par- 
ticipate more or less in the government and management of the 
property and secular affairs of the society. The government of 
some Protestant Churches is purely democratic, and that of all 
others has some of the elements of republicanism, as is shown in 
chapter IV. 

Christianity, as understood by Protestants, is not a ceremonial, 
but a spiritual system of religion, which involves a high exercise 
of the intellectual faculties in the worship of G-od, and in main- 
taining the moral relations between members of the Church, and 
of man with his fellow man. It does not consist in mere passive 
submission of the mind to forms, ordinances, and doctrines an- 
nounced by the clergy ; but it includes also the active exercise of 



516 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN, 

the intellect in search of truth, and in disseminating it among 
men. While the passive submission of laymen of the Catholic 
Church, amounts to little more than mere sensibility of soul, leav- 
ing the mind nearly inert, the active exercise of the intellect of 
lay Protestants serves not only to develope and expand the mind, 
but to spread intelligence through the community. Hence every 
Protestant Church is a school for the exercise and development 
of the mind, and for the increase and diffusion of knowledge. 
The extent, however, of the influence of each church, depends 
on the education and capacity of its pastor, and on the attention 
given to the education of the people. 

The ecclesiastical dominion of the Catholic Church and clergy, 
have ever had a restraining and depressing influence upon the hu- 
man mind, and upon the progress of nations, as is shown in 
Chapter IV. On the contrary, the free and republican spirit of 
Protestantism, has encouraged inquiry and education, led to 
inventions and discoveries, to the advance of science, and to the 
progress of nations in knowledge, civilization, productive indus- 
try, wealth, population, and power. Rome began to sink imme- 
diately after the union of Church and State (which was the 
foundation of Catholicism and Popery), and the world made but 
little progress at any period, from that time, until the rise of Pro- 
testantism. All the inventions and discoveries in science, made 
during the last three centuries, and all the elements of progress, 
have originated among Protestant nations, and those which have 
thrown off the yoke of Popery. The elements of all the progress 
made by subjects of the Catholic and Greek Churches, have been 
borrowed. 

Pagan worship has generally been limited to mere ceremonies, 
prayers, ablutions, sacrifices, and consulting auspices. It has had 
very little to do with either education or morals, and had but 
little effect, except to fill the mind with superstitions. The Poly- 
theism of the Greeks, Romans, and other flourishing nations of 
antiquity, had no perceptible influence, either to advance or re- 
tard their intellectual and national progress. It left them intel- 
lectually free, subject to the instincts, propensities, appetites and 
passions of human nature, without exercising much influence over 
their minds or morals. 

All the elements and principles of progress must originate in 
the human mind, or be discovered by it. It is impossible for the 
mind to be fully developed, and make inventions and discoveries 
in science, without freedom from restraint ; and it is impossible 
for the mind to be free, in a country where but one system of re- 
ligion and of religious doctrines is tolerated. All the progress 
made by the nations of antiquity was made by those which tole- 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 517 

rated polytheism. The progress of the Hindoos was arrested by 
the establishment of Brahmanism and the religious castes of 
that system of worship ; and the progress of the Persians was 
arrested in like manner, by establishing Magianism as the sole re- 
ligion of their country. The Mahometans borrowed nearly all 
the learning they had, and never contributed much to advance 
the civilization of the world. The feeble polytheism and ra- 
tionalism of the Chinese and Japanese, have been like the poly- 
theism of Greece and Rome, and have had very little influence, 
either to advance or retard their progress. 

Sec. 5. Advantages and poive.r of associations, corporations, and 
associated wealth. 

To accomplish great purposes and objects, means must be used 
co-extensive with the ends to be attained. The means necessary 
to accomplish physical objects consist of muscular powers, di- 
rected hy cultivated intellects, and using material and mechanical 
instruments. In other words, numerous human agents must act 
in concert, in many instances for a great length of time, employ- 
ing a large amount of capital or mechanical instruments, and 
consuming a large amount of products daily, for their subsistence. 
Man can accomplish nothing without effort ; physical effort, intel- 
lectual effort, and the use ot capital. To accomplish great moral, 
political, and religious purposes and enterprises, requires also 
numerous agents of cultivated minds, who must have the means 
of subsistence, and capital to defray the expenses of printing 
and circulating information. 

Action in concert by great numbers of persons, with a large 
amount of capital, can be attained only by governments, or by 
means of associations properly organized, with numerous officers 
and agents, whose powers and duties, and the rights of the mem- 
bers are defined, either by law, or by articles of association, 
which may be enforced by efficient remedies. Corporations, joint 
stock companies, and organized associations, (except of a political 
character), were wholly unknown in ancient times. The ancients 
seem to have had no conceptions of the modern mode of unitino- 
together a great number of individuals to act in concert, and col- 
lecting large amounts of capital, by means of corporations and 
organized associations, to effect great enterprises and objects ; and 
hence all their roads, great improvements and enterprises, were 
made by governments. The avenues and modes of investing a 
surplus income in those days, in order to make it productive as 
capital, were few, compared with what exist at this time in the 
United States, and in many countries of Europe. Hence in 
those days, great incomes were generally expended in keeping a 



548 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN, 

large retinue of servants ; and there were less inducements to in- 
dustry - and economy, to save and accumulate, than there are at 
present. 

An incorporated trading company has extended the dominion 
of Great Britain over a large proportion of the richest part of 
Asia ; and a similar company has been the source of the exten- 
sive dominion of the Dutch in the East Indies. Nearly all the 
railroads and turnpike roads, and many of the canals in the 
United States — all the canals, turnpike roads, and railroads in 
Great Britain and Ireland, and many of those in other countries 
of Europe, have been made by incorporated companies, with 
capitals collected in most instances in small sums, from great 
numbers of stockholders, the result of little savings from their 
monthly and annual incomes. Numerous colleges, universities, 
lyceums, library associations, and other institutions to diffuse 
knowledge among men, and to spread Christianity and civiliza- 
tion, are established and managed, and the means of sustaining 
them are collected in like manner. Nearly all the great manu- 
facturing establishments in the United States were established, 
and are carried on by means of corporations. 

The union and organization of Christian societies and the Ro- 
man laws regulating their government and the management of 
their property, probably suggested the idea of municipal corpo- 
rations, of charters for colleges, for trading and mining corpora- 
tions, and other great objects of private enterprise. Corpora- 
tions have furnished the means of uniting individuals, and of 
combining and managing capital to carry on great enterprises and 
undertakings, which are beyond the power of individuals. They 
have thus opened new fields of employment for both labor and 
capital, contributed to increase the productiveness of capital, to 
increase the demand for it, and to raise the rate of interest. 
They have increased the demand for labor, encouraged industry, 
economy, frugality, saving, and enterprise, and contributed 
greatly to promote the progress and welfare of many modern na- 
tions. They are among the great characteristics which mark the 
distiction between ancient and modern times. There are very 
few, however, except ecclesiastical corporations, in Catholic coun- 
tries, and none among Mahometan and Pagan nations. 

Sec. 6. The Monks , Jesuits, Missionaries , and colonization 

societies. 
The monastic order was first instituted in Egypt in the fourth 
century, and was introduced into Italy in the fifth or sixth cen- 
tury. The order of St. Dominic, the Franciscan friars, and 
some other mendicant orders, were established by the papacy in 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 519 

the 12th and 13th centuries, for the promotion in p.v t of political 
purposes, and to aid in combating heresy. They have had com- 
paratively little effect, except to withdraw men from industry, 
and to promote indolence. 

The society of Jesuits was established in 1534, to propagate 
Catholicism, and to counteract the influence of Protestantism. 
The first principle of the order is perfect submission to the com- 
mands of the Pope, and the whole society is under the absolute 
control of the general of the order, who resides at Rome. The 
members are made blind instruments in the hands of the General 
and Pope, to propagate any doctrine or principle, or effect any 
purpose, which may suit the interest, caprice, or ambition of 
their superiors. They established many schools and colleges — . 
strove to obtain the direction of education, in order to mould the 
young mind in submission to popery, and went as missionaries 
among the natives of America, as well as among the heathen of 
the old world. They acted every where, and particularly in 
Protestant countries, as secret emissaries and agents of the court 
of Rome, communicating to the Pope all the important informa- 
tion they could collect. Their influence was so pernicious, and 
their intrigues so numerous, that they w,ere banished in the course 
of the ISth century, from France, Spain, Portugal, and some 
other Catholic countries, and the order was abolished by Pope 
Clement XIV., in 1773. It was deemed, however, so impor- 
tant an aid and support of popery, that it was reestablished by 
Pope Pius VII., on the fall of Napoleon, in 1S14. 

The Jesuits have been the most zealous devotees of the court 
of Rome, and have done more than any other order of men to 
sustain and spread the principles of Catholicism, and absolute 
submission to the spiritual dominion of the Pope. They have 
done much to promote education, and to diffuse some kinds of 
knowledge ; but nothing of any account to extend the domain of 
science. Their principles are so accommodated to the ends of 
personal and papal expediency, their reasoning so sophistical and 
subtle, and the principles of absolute submission taught by them 
so restraining in their influence, that much of their instruction 
tends rather to fill the mind with bigotry, than to expand or de- 
velope it ; and the general effect of their influence has been, to 
retard the increase and diffusion of religious, as well as political 
and social knowledge. Not a single mind of great originality and 
power, has been developed in the society. 

The societies formed at different periods, to send missionaries 
into distant countries, and among the pagan nations of the earth, 
have had a great influence in spreading the gospel, and diffusing 
knowledge ; but the experience of ages has taught us, that colo- 



520 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN, 

mists are the most effective missionaries to extend the domain of 
civilization. The experience of fourteen centuries shows, that it 
is impossible to convert savages into substantial Christians. 
They can be Christianized only as they are civilized, taught the 
arts of peace, and to live in fixed habitations, and by regular in- 
dustry. In order to Christianize them, you must at the same 
time improve their physical, mental, and social condition, and 
elevate them in the scale of civilization. If the interior of 
Africa shall ever be civilized, it will be by means of colonizing 
the free colored persons of America upon that continent, and 
thereby establishing a system of government and social order, 
and instructing the natives in agriculture, in the mechanic arts, 
and in the habits and customs of civilized life. The efforts of 
the Colonization Society have been crowned with great success, 
which tends to show the practicability of this most desirable 
object. 

Sec. 7. Political associations and parties. 

The organization of associations furnishes the means of collect- 
ing and diffusing information and the opinions of individuals, and 
of operating upon, and aiding in the formation of public opinion. 
They not only furnish facilities for individuals, to confer together 
in relation to their rights and interests, but also to collect arms and 
means of defence to protect themselves against the oppression of 
a tyrannical government, or for revolutionary purposes. 

The political associations, clubs, and affiliated societies of Paris 
had a powerful influence upon the French Revolution of 1789, as 
shown in Section 10 of Chapter I., and similar societies produced 
the revolutions in France of 1S30 and 1848 There have been 
numerous political unions and associations in Great Britain and 
Ireland. The most powerful was the great Catholic association, 
formed in May 1823, and dissolved in March 1829, when its 
great object, the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill, was attained. 
The Irish Repeal Association, got up by Daniel O'Connell some 
years afterwards, enabled him to agitate the people of Ireland for 
many years ; and it finally terminated in a feeble rebellion in 
184S. 

There have been numerous political associations in the United 
States, acting in concert with political partiies, to promote party 
purposes ; the most permanent and powerful of which, is the 
Tammany Society of the City of New York. The power and 
influence of political parties in this country, has been discussed 
in Section 9 of Chapter V. of these essays. The democratic 
party is organised, and has its committees, and holds meetings 
and conventions in every state, and in nearly every county in 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 521 

every state of the Union. The organization of the whig party is 
not so extensive, nor so complete and effective, and yet it is a 
very powerful party. 

A complete change has taken place in the organization of 
parties in the United States since the }-ear 1820. The first State 
Convention of delegates of the people assembled in the State of 
New York, to nominate candidates for Governor and Lieutenant- 
Governor, was in the year 1824, when Dewitt Clinton was nomi- 
nated for Governor. Previous to that time, candidates for 
Governor were nominated in caucus, by members of the Legisla- 
ture of their respective parties ; and candidates for President and 
Vice-President were nominated in caucus by members of Con- 
gress. In 1828, the candidates for President and Vice-President 
of the United States were nominated in some of the States, by 
State Conventions ; and in 1832, for the first time, they were 
nominated by national conventions. Since that time, many of 
the State governments have been changed, a greater number of 
officers are elected by the people, and the candidates for all 
offices elective by the people, from the President down to county, 
township, and corporation officers, are all nominated in nearly all 
the States, by conventions of their respective parties. County 
conventions are generally composed of delegates appointed by 
townships and ward meetings ; and State conventions of delegates 
appointed by county conventions and meetings. Mass meetings 
of the people for political objects, were commenced by the friends 
of General Harrison in 1836, and became very general through- 
out the United States in 1840. Numerous mass meetings were 
assembled by both political parties in 1844, and by the three po- 
litical parties of 1848. 

All these partisan meetings and conventions serve to bring to- 
gether the people, as well as politicians ; more or less discussion 
is had on political questions ; resolutions are passed, drawn up by 
the leaders, expressive of the general sense of the meeting ; the 
minds of political partisans become more or less committed, and 
their opinions formed ; and public opinion is thus operated upon. 
This system of organization and party machinery, and these 
meetings and conventions have increased the force and power of 
public opinion, and diminished the power and influence of mem- 
bers of Congress, of the State Legislatures, and of the executive 
officers, of both the national and State governments. Our gov- 
ernment has become more popularized ; popular influences have 
increased, and the influence of the administration, and of office- 
holders generally, has greatly diminished during the last thirty 
years. How important, therefore, that the mass of the people 
should be properly educated. 
23 



522 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN. 

These national and State conventions have become of great 
consequence ; they sometimes comprise more ability than the 
same parties have in Congress, or their respective State Legisla- 
tures ; and by means of previous examinations and preparations, 
and short consultations of committees, they frequently pass upon 
numerous great and complicated questions, with much ability, 
and accomplish as much in two or three days, as Congress does 
in some instances in as many weeks. The contrast is very great, 
and shows the futility of long debates. But when such conven- 
tions attempt to pass hastily upon complicated questions of in- 
ternational law or boundary, and the influence of their resolutions 
is such as to overcome the action of members <of Congress, and 
control the action of the administration ; or when an attempt is 
made to enforce uniformity of opinion in a political party, and to 
proscribe all who do not yield their individual opinions, then the 
influence of such conventions becomes destructive of that freedom 
of opinion and action, which is necessary to promote the highest 
good and welfare of a free people. 

When the dominant party in Congress cling together, and by 
means of party discipline, are made to act in concert as one man, 
each surrendering his own individual opinions to the majority, and 
the whole acting in accordance with, and in a measure in obedi- 
ence to, the opinions and decisions of their political friends ex- 
pressed in a national convention ; the result is, that the substan- 
tial powers of legislation are transferred from the halls of Con- 
gress, where both political parties are represented, and both sides 
of every question can be presented and discussed, and vested in 
a convention of only one political party. Congress becomes a 
mere agent to register and execute the decrees of a partisan 
convention ; and the minority is disfranchised, and deprived of 
all substantial participation in the legislation of the country. 
The resolutions of the Baltimore Convention of 1844, seemed to 
be regarded by the democratic party, as authoritative interpreta- 
tions of the Constitution, laws and treaties of the United States ; 
more clear, conclusive and binding, than the decisions of the 
Supreme Court ; and the proceedings of that convention have had 
a greater and more extended influence over the government and 
welfare of the people of the United States, than the acts of any 
one Congress which has assembled during the last thirty years. 

Sec. ' 8. Order of Freemasonry. 

A society of architects or builders was formed in the middle 

ages, but at what period is not certainly known. The society 

was liberally patronised by the Popes ; it spread through Europe, 

and the members of it were the principal builders of churches in 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 523 

Catholic countries. Out of this society, arose the institution of 
Freemasonry ; but the mode and period in which the association 
became changed from a mere professional fraternity, to a society 
of persons of all classes and employments, connected by secret 
symbols, is not known. It is said to have attracted attention as 
a secret society in Great Britain, and numbered among its mem- 
bers many men of distinction, as early as the 15th century; 
though Masonic lodges were not introduced into France, Ger- 
many, and America, until some time in the 18th century. It 
has been mostly a convivial and benevolent society ; but like 
many other secret societies, it has been subjected in France, and 
some other countries, as well as in the United States, to a variety 
of suspicions ; and it is most probable that political aspirants 
have in some instances availed themselves of the secrecy afforded 
by it, to promote their schemes and purposes. As a convivial 
society, its influence has been unfavorable to the cause of tem- 
perance. As its members have been comparatively few, its cha- 
rities and objects few and personal, and the most of its purposes, 
principles and proceedings secret, it never commanded the pub- 
lic sympathies or confidence, and never exercised much influence 
over public opinion, or the welfare of the human family, either 
by example or otherwise. 

Sec. 9. Friendly, or benefit societies. 

Friendly societies, or benefit societies, originated among the 
manufacturing laborers of Great Britain in the latter part of the 
eighteenth century. They are founded on the principle of mu- 
tual insurance, being voluntary associations of persons contribut- 
ing to the formation of a general fund, for the assistance of 
members in sickness, and other occasions of distress. Each 
member pays an initiation fee, and contributes weekly, monthly, 
or quarterly, a certain sum while in health, according to their 
by-laws, and receives from the society a certain weekly allowance 
when he is incapacitated for work, either by sickness, accident, or 
old age. It is obvious that nothing can be more unexceptionable 
than the principle of these associations ; and when their funds 
and business are properly managed, nothing can be more useful 
to the laboring classes than these societies and savings' banks. 

Mr. McCulloch says, " There were enrolled from the first of 
January, 1793, to the commencement of the year 1S32, no 
fewer than 19,783 such societies, of which -16,596 were in Eng- 
land, 769 in Wales, 2,144 in Scotland, and 274 in Ireland. The 
societies existing in 1815 are said to have comprised 925,429 in- 
dividuals." 



524 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN, 

Sec. 10. Savings' Banks. 

The want of a safe place of deposit for the earnings not needed 
for immediate use by the laboring classes, where they would yield 
a reasonable interest, and from which they could withdraw them 
at pleasure, has formed one of the greatest obstacles to the forma- 
tion of habits of economy and accumulation among laborers, in 
all countries. Banks of issue and deposit do not generally pay 
interest on deposits ; and for laborers to loan their savings to in- 
dividuals, is not only hazardous, but puts them beyond their reach 
for immediate use, in case of need. The benefit societies soon accu- 
mulated considerable amounts of funds, for which they sought 
means of safe deposit and investment, where they would draw 
interest, and yet be convertible into money without difficulty. 
Out of these wants grew the institution of savings' banks. 

Porter, in his Progress of the Nation, makes the following re- 
marks : " The first Savings' Bank was established in 1804 at 
Tottenham, in Middlesex (England), by Mrs. Priscilla Wake- 
field, and was called the Charitable Bank. In this bank de- 
posits were received, and five per cent, interest was allowed 
upon their amount — a rate which left a considerable loss to the 
benevolent individuals by whom Mrs. Wakefield was joined in the 
undertaking. The society next formed, of which we have any 
account, was opened in 1S08 at Bath, chiefly through the instru- 
mentality of ladies, for receiving deposits from female servants. 
The good resulting from these efforts was soon made manifest ; 
and the successful example thus set, was so far followed, that in 
the year 1817, there were seventy savings' banks in operation in 
England, four in Wales, and four in Ireland. In that year, acts 
of Parliament were passed to encourage the establishment of such 
institutions, and to place the funds under safe-guard of the State. 
By subsequent acts, the provisions were extended to Scotland, 
and the Channel Islands." The funds of the savings' banks are 
mostly invested in public stocks. 

The first savings' bank established in the United States, was 
at Philadelphia in 1816 ; the next was in Boston in 1817 ; since 
that time, such institutions have been established in nearly all 
the cities of the Northern States. 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 525 

Condition of the Savings'' Banks in Great Britain and Ireland 
on the 20th of November, in each of the under -mentioned 
years. 

1830. 1840. 1845. 

In England and Wales, 

Number of depositors, 367,812 662,338 865,389 

Amount of deposits, £12,287,606 £20,203,438 £25,930,266 

In Wales, 

Number of depositors, 10,204 15,825 18,916 

Amount of deposits, £314,903 £521,918 £618,092 

In Scotland, 

Number of depositors, not stated 43,737 82,203 

Amount of deposits, " " £538,961 £1,278,929 

In Ireland, 

Number of depositors, 34,201 76,155 96,422 

Amount of deposits, £905,056 £2,206,733 £2,921,581 



Total No. of depositors, 412,217 798,055 1,062,930 

Total amt. of deposits, £13,507,565 £23,471,050 £30,748,868 

The English and Irish banks, other than the savings' banks, 
do not pay interest on deposits, but all the Scotch banks do, and 
the greater portion of the laboring population of Scotland, de- 
posite their earnings in banks other than savings' banks ; this 
accounts for the fact of the deposits in the savings' banks being 
so much less in proportion to the population than in England. 

By the act 9 Greo. 4, ch. 92, the interest payable on the de- 
posits is not to exceed £3 18s. 5jd. per cent, per annum ; and 
when the deposit of any one person amounts to £200, it ceases 
to draw interest. 

Number and condition of the Savings' Banks of France, accord- 
ing to the official reports. 

1834. 1839. 

Number of savings' banks and branches, 70 404 

Number of depositors, 81,714 310,843 

Amount of deposits in francs, 37,015,492 171,057,904 

Average deposit for each person, 453 550 

Deposits equal in sterling money to £1,450,000 £6,681,000 

Number of depositors June 30th, 1851, 611,000 

Amount of deposits June 30th, 1851, in francs, 172,159,000 
Statement of the savings' banks in New York, with the excep- 
tion of one in Poughkeepsie, one in Rochester, and one in Can- 
andaigua, not included : 

Dec. 31st, 1839. Dec. 31st, 1844. 
Number of institutions reported, 8 9 

Number of depositors, about 39,000 ■ 

Amount of deposits, $4,641,284 $8,030,375 



526 



ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN, 



Savings^ Banks in Massachusetts. 

1843. 1846. 1850. 

Number of banks and branches, 38 45 

Number of depositors, 42,587 62,893 78.823 

Amount of deposits, $6,900,451 $10,680,933 $13,660,024 

The average annual per cent, of dividends of the five years 
ending with 1850, was 6J, and the whole expense of managing 
them m 1850, but $41,680 57. See Amer. Al. for 1852. 

The savings' banks in Massachusetts in 1843, were located in 
thirty cities, towns and villages, embracing a population in 1840 
of 284,086 ; the depositors comprising nearly one-sixth part of 
the entire population of those places. Four of the savings' 
banks in New York were located in the city of New York, and 
the others reported, were all in commercial cities. 

The deposits in these institutions are mostly made in small 
sums, by mechanical and manufacturing laborers, females, clerks, 
and servants. They are either vested in government stocks of 
some kind, or loaned out to be employed in manufactures or 
commerce. Many of the manufacturing laborers in the United 
States have saved enough from their earnings to buy lots, and 
build very comfortable houses for their families, and to furnish 
their houses better, and to enjoy more of the comforts of life, 
than were enjoyed by the nobility of England three centuries 
since. They have also loaned considerable sums of money to 
their employers, and toother manufacturers and commercial men ; 
many of them own a portion of the stock of the establishments 
in which they labor. 

The amount deposited in savings' banks by the laborers of 
Great Britain, is more than the value of all the personal property 
in the kingdom in the year 1600. It amounts to nearly one- 
sixth part as much as all the capital employed in Great Britain, 
in mining manufactures and the mechanic arts in 1841, and to 
about half as much as was employed in the United States in 
1840 in the same employments, (except milling.) I wish the 
reader to realize this great fact ; that the manufacturing laborers 
of Great Britain, in addition to furnishing their houses, buying 
great numbers of cottages for themselves, and loaning moneys to 
business men, have actually deposited in savings' banks an 
amount equal to half the capital invested in the United States in 
the mechanic arts, mining and manufactures of all kinds, except 
making flour, oil and lumber. 

We have heard the cry repeated year after year in this coun- 
try, that manufacturing tends to make the rich, richer, and the 
poor, poorer. These'facts should put to the blush all the dema- 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 527 

gogues who raise such a false cry, for partizan and selfish pur- 
poses. The truth is, agricultural laborers who have families arid 
work for hire, seldom save anything beyond the support of their 
families. They are poor in all countries, and have been so in all 
ages ; but they are much better off now in Great Britain, than 
they were two or three centuries ago. They are at this day 
better off in Great Britain, than they are in any of the agricul- 
tural countries of Europe. Their earnings are much greater 
than the earnings of the same classes in any country of either 
the new or the old world, with the single exception of the United 
States. Mining and manufactures tend to increase the produc- 
tiveness of labor ; to increase the demand for labor ; to increase 
the wages of labor ; to stimulate and increase the industry of a 
country ; to increase the population ; to increase the demand for 
food, and products of all kinds, and the ability to pay for and 
enjoy them ; and to increase the wealth, and the value of real 
estate, and property of every description. It is true that they 
make the capitalist richer ; but they improve the condition of 
the laborer also, in a much greater degree, than they do that of 
the capitalist. They make no man and no classes of men poorer. 
It is true that the income of the manufacturing classes is much 
greater in proportion to the capital employed, than that of the 
farmer ; but the income of the latter is much greater in manu- 
facturing States and countries, than it is in those countries which 
are devoted mostly to agriculture. 

Sec. 11. The independent order of Odd Fellows. 
The order of Odd Fellows originated in Great Britain about 
the beginning of the nineteenth century. It is a benefit society, 
having all the general characteristics of the class of societies 
known as friendly societies, with some of the features, secrets 
and ceremonies of free-masonry, engrafted upon them. It was 
first introduced into the United States at Baltimore in 1819. It 
has since spread through the United States, and the British pro- 
vinces of North America. On the 30th of June, 1851, the 
order numbered no less than 2,647 lodges, and 189,512 members 
in the United States, under the control of thirty-two Grand 
Lodges, or State jurisdictions. The revenues of the lodges, 
arising from initiations and weekly dues during the preceding 
year, amounted to $1,219,664. Of which there was expended, 
for the relief of sick and infirm members, $343,406 

for the relief of widows and distressed families, 55,438 

for burying the dead, 71,204 

and for educating orphans, 10,113 



Total for ihe above purposes, $480,161 



528 ON CASTES, ORDERS OP MEN 7 , 

There have been fourteen degrees instituted by the order, a# 
appears by their publications. A portion of the members who 
have taken the higher degrees, are organized into Encampments. 
On the 30th of June, 1851, there were 21,030 contributing 
members reported by the encampments. The revenues of the 
encampments for the previous year, were reported at $96,562, 
and the sums paid out for the relief of the sick, widows, orphans, 
and burying the dead, amounted to $31,044 ; which are in addi- 
tion to the sums heretofore stated. 

The order of Odd Fellows was at first a convivial society, and, 
in many instances, became a mere drinking and convivial club ; 
but it has been reformed, and its character changed in this coun- 
try, and it is now said, that temperance (not total abstinence 
from all intoxicating drinks) has become an attribute of the 
order. Each lodge has its committees to look after the sick, and 
disciplines its members for neglect of duty, and gross immoralities. 
From every appearance, the institution has become useful and salu- 
tary, and contributes to the good order and welfare of society. 

Sec. 12. Temperance Societies, and Sons of Temperance. 
Temperance societies originated in the State of Massachusetts 
about the year 1825. The State Temperance Society of New 
York was formed in 1827, or 1828. In a few years, county, 
town and village societies were formed in all parts of New York 
and New England ; some were formed in other States, and the 
subject was extensively agitated in all the Northern States, by 
public addresses, lectures, newspapers, and the distribution of 
tracts and reports. There was no bond of union among the 
members, except the common desire to promote the cause of tem- 
perance. They adopted a simple pledge, to abstain from the use 
and sale of distilled liquors as a beverage, and to discourage their 
use. They had no property in common, no mode of raising any 
revenues to promote the object, except by voluntary contributions, 
and no system of discipline. 

, It was at first supposed, that there was a material difference in 
principle, and in the necessary consequences, between the use of 
distilled and fermented liquors, and that if persons abstained 
wholly from the former, they could use the latter in moderate 
quantities with impunity. A few years' experience showed the 
fallacy of this distinction, and satisfied those who gave close at- 
tention to the subject, of the necessity of total abstinence from 
all intoxicating drinks. The most of the societies, after a few 
years, adopted the total abstinence pledge, which was too rigid to 
suit the tastes and opinions of a majority of those who had 
signed the old pledge, and the result was, that a very large pro- 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 599 

portion of the members abandoned the cause, and many of them 
relapsed into their former habits. The organization being defec- 
tive and feeble, without discipline, property, or regular meetings 
to hold the members together, everything depended on the ex- 
citement of the moment — tm the interest created by some public 
address, speech, or lecture. At times a powerful effect has been 
produced on the public mind, upon public opinion, upon the pub- 
lic tastes and habits, and upon legislation in all the Northern 
States ; and so far as the country and the farming population is 
concerned, the reformation has been very permanent ; but so far 
as concerns the cities and large villages, the influence was like a 
spasmodic excitement, which soon passed away, and the most of 
the people resumed their old habits. Temptations are more nu- 
merous in cities and large villages than in the country, and hence 
the necessity of a more efficient organization. Out of this ne- 
cessity, arose the order of the Sons of Temperance and the 
Rechabites. 

The order of the Sons of Temperance originated in the city of 
New York in the year 1842. It is a benefit society, modelled 
after the order of Odd Fellows, with the addition of a total ab- 
stinence pledge, and a system of discipline, adapted to it, with 
this exception, that there are fourteen degrees (as it is said) in 
the order of Odd Fellows, and but one in the society of the Sons 
of Temperance. The Sons of Temperance have no mysteries, 
ceremonies, or secrets, with which every member is not made ac- 
quainted when he is initiated. Meetings are held weekly, and 
the officers elected for only three months. The members pay 
weekly or quarterly dues, and are paid a weekly allowance or 
benefit when sick or infirm, provided their sickness or infirmity is 
not produced by misconduct after they become members. They 
have standing committees to attend to the sick, and a regular 
system of discipline. The amount of their quarterly dues, the 
amount of benefits, and the sum appropriated for funeral expenses 
on the decease of a member, depends on the by-laws of each 
division, subject to certain limitations. 

The order has spread throughout the United States, and into 
Great Britain and the British provinces of Canada, New Bruns- 
wick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward's Island. There are two 
grand divisions in the State of New York, one in each of the 
other States, except California, one in the District of Columbia, 
and four in the British provinces ; all of which are united in the 
National Division of the Sons of Temperance of North America. 
At the last annual meeting, held in June, 1851, there were re- 
ports from all but two of the grand divisions, showing on the 1st 
day of April, 1851, 6,069 divisions, 237,984 contributing mem- 
23* 



530 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN, 

bers,; receipts during the previous year amounting to $718,726, 
and payments of benefits amounting to $194,605. 

Though the order is very new, yet many of the divisions are 
accumulating considerable amounts of funds and property. In 
this age of the world, not much can be effected without money, 
or without organization. The property, organization, frequent 
meetings, and the prospect of sympathy and assistance in case of 
need, all operate to strengthen the bonds of union among the 
members. The general organization of local, grand, and national 
divisions, facilitates the collection of information, and the dissemi- 
nation of information and sound principles, by means of reports, 
tracts, temperance newspapers, and public addresses. Its organ- 
ization, revenues, benefits, benevolence, discipline, numerous 
meetings, vigilance, and system of operations, make its influence 
regular, constant and permanent ; and render it the most efficient 
society for promoting the cause of temperance, which has ever 
been devised, unless the order of the Rechabites is equally so. 

Some have classed the Sons of Temperance with the Free- 
masons and Odd Fellows, as a secret society, and taken excep- 
tions to the order on that account. Though its organization is 
modelled in many of its features after the order of Odd Fellows, 
yet it differs materially from that order, and has scarcely a fea- 
ture in common with Free-masonry. The Sons of Temperance 
confer no degrees, and have but one class of members. They 
have no secret ends to attain, no secret principles, no secret ob- 
jects or purposes ; they take no oaths, and no secret pledges. 
Their principles, purposes, and the substance of their pledges, are 
all public. They have no secret signs or symbols by which to 
know each other. Nothing is secret, but their forms and cere- 
monies, private business, and pass-words, to enable the members 
only to gain access to their meetings. 

The Kechabites is an order of temperance men very similar (as 
I suppose) to the Sons of Temperance ; but I have no definite 
information in relation to their organization, numbers, or pro- 
gress. 

It is desirable that all these societies should have libraries, to 
increase their attractions and usefulness, and to disseminate use- 
ful knowledge, as well as to occupy the leisure hours of the mem- 
bers, and keep them out of the paths of temptation. 

Sec. 13. Effect of independent associations and churches, on civil 
liberty, and civilization. 
Large standing armies, and societies under the control of 
ecclesiastical hierarchies, have always been instruments of despot- 
ism, and inconsistent with civil liberty. On the contrary, asso' 



ASSOCIATIONS AND CORPORATIONS. 531 

ciations independent of the government, and of any clerical 
hierarchy, and municipal corporations, have been favorable to 
liberty. It has been the policy of absolute monarchs to keep 
their subjects isolated, disunited, and without association as far 
as possible, in order to keep them weak and helpless, and desti- 
tute of the means of communication, combination, and self-de- 
fence. They are well aware that, in association and union, there 
is strength. All the associations allowed by them have been de- 
pendent on the government. The priesthood, and the teachers 
and professors of colleges and seminaries of learning, are all de- 
pendent on the government, and made agents and instruments of 
the monarch, to teach the people, and impress upon the minds of 
children and youth, the principles of absolutism, and the duty of 
passive obedience and submission to the government. Russia 
furnishes a striking example of this policy. The Czar is the 
head of the Church ; and he and his councils control the appoint- 
ment of all the higher orders of the clergy. Napoleon adop ted 
the same policy, and reestablished the Catholic Church in France, 
as the religion of his empire. 

All the members participate, more or less, in the government 
of voluntary associations ; nearly all the private corporations of 
this country have a popular form of government ; in municipal 
corporations and the state governments, all, or a very numerous 
class of the people, participate ; and hence these associations and 
institutions are schools of freedom, and bulwarks of civil and po- 
litical liberty.* But large associations and corporations governed 
by a central board or couucil, or by an aristocratic class or order, 
are liable to the same objections as the centralization of the 
powers of civil government ; they may be used by the leaders and 
master spirits as instruments of ambition and despotism. 

In large associations, the masses have no means of expressing 
their opinions, except through their leaders, who manage the pro- 
ceedings, and mould into form the public declaration of their 
opinions and principles, to which they become committed. Direc- 
tion and uniformity, in some measure, are thus given to their 
opinions ; freedom of thought is checked and restrained, and 
freedom of will is surrendered to the leaders. The case is very 
different in small independent associations, were a greater pro- 
portion of the members can participate in the deliberations and 
government. 

The mind is improved and developed by activity, competition, 
comparing different things, and observing the workings and effects 
of different and independent institutions. Hence the division of 

* See on this subject numbers 46 and 51 of the Federalist. 



532 ON CASTES, ORDERS OF MEN. 

Protestant Christians into several sects, has contributed to the 
freedom, activity, and development of the minds of the people, 
and overbalanced (perhaps ten-fold) all the disadvantages arising 
from numerous sects. The same reasoning applies to all associa- 
tions of men. I do not think it desirable that a majority of the 
people of any one nation, State, city, town or village, should belong 
to any church or denomination of Christians, or to any one asso- 
ciation, or order of men. On the contrary, I believe that 
different churches, different institutions, associations, and orders 
of men, and corporations for different purposes, all independent 
of each other, contribute to diffuse knowledge, to encourage free- 
dom of thought and inquiry, to develope and improve the human 
mind, and to promote the cause of liberty, and the general wel- 
fare of man. Churches and associations, which comprise only a 
minority of the people, influence public opinion and governments 
by reason only, and leave the reason of others free to combat 
their errors ; while churches and associations, which comprise a 
large majority of the people, are so powerful as to control public 
opinion as by authority, and have such an influence over the gov- 
ernment as to be able to put down their opponents, and silence 
opposition. The church and the government, in many Catholic 
countries, prohibit all associations, even for benevolent and moral 
purposes, except such as are connected with, and subject to, the 
Church. 

The division of Christendom into several different churches in 
the sixteenth century, was not only the dawn of religious and 
civil liberty, but the era from which we may date the causes of a 
great change in the progress of civilization. G-od has so consti- 
tuted man, that, while he is subjected to despotic rules, and his 
mind is enslaved, his mental faculties remain weak, and only par- 
tially developed, and he continues to be a comparatively ineffi- 
cient being. Countries having despotic governments, have not 
usually more than half as much productive industry and power 
as free nations, in proportion to the population. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

ON THE ART OF DISTILLATION, AND ON THE MANUFACTURE, 

CONSUMPTION, PROPERTIES AND EFFECTS OF FERMENTED 
AND DISTILLED LIQUORS. 

Sec. 1. On fermented liquors, and the art of distillation. 

In order to give a correct view of the progress of nations, it is 
important to treat of the customs, institutions, principles and 
causes which retard, as well as those which promote it. Dis- 
tilled liquors should be ranked among the greatest scourges which 
ever afflicted the human family ; and hence their history, charac- 
ter and effects, legitimately form a part of the general subject of 
these essays 

Alcohoi is produced by the process of fermentation ; but in a 
state of combination with water and other liquid substances, from 
which it can be separated and procured in a pure state, only by 
distillation. We read that Xoah planted a vineyard, drank of the 
juice of the vine, and became drunk. Fermented liquors have 
been in use among the nations of Europe and western Asia, from 
a period anterior to authentic profane history ; but the art of 
distillation is a comparatively modern invention, as late as the 
eleventh or twelfth eentui-y. Alcohol is composed of atoms of 
carbon, oxygen, and hydrogen, in a state of chemical combination 
produced by fermentation ; but when so produced, it is so much 
diluted with water and other substances in solution, that it will 
not resist the action of heat and of the atmosphere upon it, and 
will soon undergo a second fermentation, and be converted into 
vinegar, unless it is separated from the water and other foreign 
substances by distillation. Alcohol in a pure state, or any thing 
approximating to a pure state, is never produced by any process 
of nature, but by a highly artificial process invented by man. 

Sec. 2. Chemical properties and component parts of Alcohol, 
Ether, and several other gases and substances. 
All the component parts of Alcohol, like many other compound 
substances, are useful to man in certain combinations and circum- 
stances, and destructive to life in others. 



,34 



ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 



Statement of the component parts, and the relative number of 
the ultimate atoms, of which the undermentioned substances, 
liquids and gases are composed. 





Carbon. 


Oxygen. 


Hydrogen. 


Nitrogen. 


Water 




1 atom 


1 atom. 




Vinegar 


4 atoms 


3 ''■ 


3 " 




Sugar 


9 " 


8 " 


8 " 




Starch 


24 " 


20 " 


20 " 




Alcohol 


2 " 


1 " 


3 « 




Ether 


4 " 


1 " 


5 " 




Quinine 


20 " 


2 « 


12 " 


1 atom. 


Camphor - 


10 " 


1 " 


8 " 




Carbonic acid gas 


1 « 


2 " 






Nitrous oxyd 




1 " 




1 " 


Ammonia, or salts 










of hartshorn 






3 " 


1 " 



Chloroform is very similar in its effects to ether ; it consists of 
two parts carbon, to one of hydrogen, united with chlorine gas. 
The most of the volatile oils and essences consist of carbon, 
hydrogen, and a little oxygen. 

The reader will observe that the relative number of atoms of 
oxygen and hydrogen is the same in the composition of water, 
vinegar, sugar, and starch ; and such is the case with nearly all 
the food which is conducive to the health of man. He will ob- 
serve also, that, with the exception of alcohol, all those substances 
which contain large proportions of hydrogen and carbon combined 
with a very little oxygen, are used for medicines only ; and why 
should alcohol form an. exception to the general rule ? 

All the above substances constitute chemical combinations ; 
atmospheric air, on the contrary, is a mere mechanical mixture 
of over three parts nitrogen to one of oxygen. Though nitrogen 
is taken into the lungs in the air we breathe, yet forming a mere 
mechanical mixture with oxygen, it is easily separated from it 
and expelled, and the oxygen only retained, which is the only air 
that will support respiration and animal life. Carbonic acid gas, 
on the contrary, is over two-thirds oxygen, yet in as much as the 
carbon forms a chemical union with the oxygen, the lungs cannot 
separate them, and when the gas is taken into the lungs in mines 
and stagnant wells where it collects, life is destroyed in a few 
minutes. When nitrogen is taken into the lungs in a chemical 
combination with oxygen in nitrous oxyd, the lungs do not possess 
the power to separate them ; immediate intoxication is produced, 



ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 535 

and the powers of reason entirely suspended for a few moments, 
until the lungs are again filled with pure oxygen from the atmo- 
sphere. 

Hydrogen is a very light, subtle, and highly inflammable sub- 
stance, only one-sixteenth part as heavy in proportion to its volume 
as oxygen. When chemically combined with oxygen in water, 
vinegar, sugar, and starch, the number of atoms of oxygen and 
hydrogen are equal ; but in alcohol there are three atoms of hydro- 
gen to one of oxygen. It is the extra quantity and proportion of 
hydrogen in alcohol, which gives it a burning taste ; and when 
taken into the stomach, and the component parts separated by 
the process of digestion, the extra quantity of hydrogen passes into 
the blood-vessels, and with the blood into the brain, and not 
being required for the purposes of nutrition, it acts only as a burn- 
ing and powerful stimulant to the brain, nervous system, and the 
circulation of the blood, until it is thrown off in the perspiration, 
or in some other mode. 

Carbon is also inflammable, though in a very slight degree, 
when compared with hydrogen. The facts seem to be well 
established, that several persons, long addicted to the excessive 
use of distilled spirits, have been actually consumed by internal 
combustion. Can there be any reasonable doubt that such sad 
occurrences were occasioned by the sufferers becoming perfectly 
saturated with these inflammable substances, the quantity being 
so great, that it could neither be thrown off by the system, nor 
assimilated to it ? 

Sec 3. Effect of ether, chloroform, nitrous oxyd gas, and al- 
cohol on sensation, and on the mental faculties . 

Hydrogen taken into the lungs in sulphuric ether or chloro- 
form, operates almost instantaneously, and suspends the powers 
of sensation ; and the nitrogen contained in nitrous oxyd gas, 
when inhaled into the lungs, produces intoxication in less than a 
minute. 

The first effect of alcohol, is the same as that of tea, coffee, 
vinegar, or any other active stimulant, taken into the stomach. 
It operates as a stimulant to the nerves of the stomach, which 
communicate with the brain, and thus stimulate the whole 
nervous system. Tea and coffee are soon assimilated to, and 
combined with the elements of nutrition ; but when alcohol is 
resolved into its original elements, the oxygen, carbon, and a 
portion of the hydrogen become assimilated with the elements of 
nutrition, and the extra quantity of hydrogen, which cannot be 
assimilated, passes into the chyle, and from thence into the blood, 
and through the heart. Being an extremely subtle and inflam- 



536 ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 

mable fluid, it increases the action of the heart and the circula 
tion of the blood, and generally throws the blood with great 
violence into the arteries and to the head. When the tendency 
of the blood to the brain is so rapid that the capillaries cannot 
pass it to the veins as fast as it comes, the arteries of the brain 
soon become unnaturally full and distended, so that they press 
upon the soft and pulpy part of the brain, and upon the nerves 
contained in it ; and thus they compress the nerves, and derange 
the action of the mental faculties, which constitutes intoxication. 
This is proven by the fact that, when a man dies in a fit of 
intoxication, the immediate cause of death is generally appo- 
plexy; that is, a congestion or accumulation of blood in the 
brain. It is also confirmed by the fact, that many persons are 
deranged by congestion, or accumulation of blood in the brain, 
produced by fever ; so that they are insane or partially so, during 
the paroxysms of fever, and sanity is again restored as soon as 
the fever passes off for the day, and the equilibrium of the 
system is restored. 

Tea and Coffee operate directly on the nervous system, increase 
its action, and (as is supposed by some) increase, also, the 
nervous substance or fluid.* Though they have no direct influ- 
ence on the heart or the circulation of the blood, yet they do 
slightly increase the action of the heart, and quicken the circula- 
tion of the blood by means of their action on the nervous system, 
and its influence on the heart. But the extra quantity of hydro- 
gen contained in alcohol passes very soon into the blood, and acts 
directly upon the heart and the circulation of the blood, as well 
as upon the nervous system. 

The hydrogen of ether or chloroform taken into the lungs, com- 
ing in immediate contact with the blood, acts directly upon the 
blood aud heart, and suspends the powers of sensation and voli- 
tion almost instantly ; but taken into the stomach, it acts indi- 
rectly and slowly, produces a congestion of the brain, obstructs 
and deranges the action of the nervous system, suspends, par- 
tially, the powers of sensation and volition, and all the powers of 
the intellect. When a man is intoxicated, both sensation and 
perception are imperfect, and he neither perceives nor remem- 
bers distinctly any thing that he does, or any thing that occurs 
in his presence. When the increase of blood in the brain is so 
small as to produce only partial intoxication, the circulation of 
the blood is unnatural, the pressure upon the nerves irregular, 
and the effect upon the nervous system is often so great as to ex- 
cite images in the mind, and trains of thought which pass through 
the mind rapidly and involuntarily. 

* See on this point, Section 17 of Chapter IX. 



ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 537 

Alcohol tends to derange the functions of the human system ; 
to produce disease ; to stupefy the mind, and particularly the rea- 
soning faculties ; to blunt the moral faculties and feelings ; to 
excite the passions, and the involuntary and habitual action of 
some of the mental faculties, and cause them to predominate 
over the powers of reason, and to control the will. This ten- 
dency is the same, whether the quantity taken be great or small, 
though if it be very small, the powers of the system may so far 
overcome it that its effects may not be perceptible. Small quan- 
tities of arsenic, or any other poison, may also be taken from day 
to day, without producing any immediately perceptible effect. 

Public speakers often drink to produce an excitement of mind, 
a greater flow of ideas, and of animal spirits ; but the ideas 
thus excited arise from physical, and not from intellectual causes, 
from fancy and the imagination, and not from the judgment or 
the reasoning faculties, and are often more or less wild and in- 
coherent. They are generally images and trains of thought pre- 
viously existing- in the mind, involuntarily reproduced by habit 
and the association of ideas. Alcohol never yet aided any per- 
son either to judge or reason more correctly than he could with- 
out it. It may make him a better social boon companion of the 
hour, but a less safe adviser, and a less trusty friend or agent. 
The flow of animal spirits, and the agreeable sensations excited 
by a moderate quantity of alcohol, have contributed to create and 
keep up the delusion, that it is a cure for every ill, both mental 
and physical ; that it is useful to drink when fatigued, and to 
prevent fatigue ; to drink when cold to warm the body, and when 
warm to prevent the bad influences of the heat ; and to drink to 
protect the system from winds, storms, damp air, malaria, fevers, 
and even contagious diseases. 

intoxicating drinks have been made in the United States, and 
also in many countries of Europe, the means of popularity, as 
well as the medium of social intercourse. Thousands seem anx- 
ious to be called liberal and generous, and to attain that reputa- 
tion, they strive to drink themselves into favor. Merchants, 
lawyers, physicians, mechanics, farmers, tavern keepers, and 
laborers, as well as politicians and gentlemen, nearly all have 
thought that they must treat their friends and acquaintances with 
intoxicating drinks, as an evidence of friendship and social feel- 
ing ; to avoid the reputation of being mean and illiberal ; and to 
acquire the character of being liberal and generous. The tem- 
perance reformation has, however, made a great change in pub- 
lic sentiment on this subject, in the greater portion of the free 
states, within the last twenty years ; but the quantity of intoxi- 
cating drinks still consumed in the United States, is very large. 
23* 



538 OX INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 

Sec. 4. On 'poisons , and their operation. 

Dr* Braride says :* Poisons have been divided by Orfila and 
Christison into irritants, narcotics, and narcotic-acids ; the first 
class including those whose sole or predominating symptoms are 
those of irritation, or inflammation ; the second those which produce 
stupor, delirium, and other affections of the brain and nervous 
system ; and the third, those of a mixed character. 

The chief effects of irritants are upon the alimentary canal ; 
exciting inflammation, and sometimes ulceration, nausea, vomiting, 
and heat and pain of the stomach. 

Narcotic poisons induce a train of symptoms of a very different 
character ; their direct influence is upon the nervous system, and 
the leading effects produced, are headache, vertigo, confused 
vision, stupor, convulsions, paralysis and coma. The symptoms 
of the narcotic-acrid poisons usually consist of those of the two 
former classes blended. In large doses, narcotism predominates ; 
in smaller, irritation. 

1st, Irritant poisons. Dr. Christison puts in this class mineral 
acids, mineral salts, fixed alkalies, alkaline and earthy chlorides, 
lime, nitre, ammonia and its salts, arsenic and its compounds, 
mercurial compounds, vegetable acids, &c. 2nd, Narcotic poisons ; 
among which he classes opium, poisonous gases, several acids and 
some other substances. 3rd, Narcotic-acrid poisons, among which 
he enumerates tobacco, hemlock, strychnia, cocculus indicus, 
alcohol, ether, and several other substances. 

Almost all the medicines used in the old system of medical 
practice are poisons ; and if taken in too large doses will soon 
destroy life ; taken in small doses, the narcotic poisons are, in cer- 
tain conditions of the system, extremely effective and useful, to 
allay unnatural excitability ; and the irritant poisons are in some 
instances equally useful and necessary, to aid the powers of nature 
to resist and overcome the obstructions of the system, and the 
causes of disease. Health depends on a proper balance and 
equilibrium of all the functions of life ; and when the equilibrium 
is destroyed by disease, a powerful counteracting agent (like an 
active poison) is often necessary to restore it. But to use such 
agents when the functions of life are well balanced and acting 
harmoniously, tends to give an unnatural activity or want of 
activity to some of them, to derange their action, destroy the 
equilibrium of the system, and cause disease. There is no reason 
to doubt, that alcohol, like opium and calomel, is useful as a 
medicine taken in a proper manner, in certain conditions of the 
system ; but like laudanum and other preparations of opium, it is 

* See Brande's Encyclopaedia of Science and Art, title Toxicology. 



ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 539 

ptrictly a poison, and will soon destroy life, if taken in large quan- 
tities. It would be as rational to take opium or calomel daily 
through the year when in health, as to take alcohol daily as a 
beverage, or to take it at any time in health. In either case, the 
natural tendency is to derange the system, and produce disease. 

Sec. 5. Is it, or is it not immoral, to use intoxicating drinks as a 

leverage. 

The principal test of the morality or immorality of human 
action, is its tendency to produce good or evil. Acts, habits, and 
customs, which tend to produce evil, are not in accordance with 
the moral laws of nature ; and hence they are not moral, but 
immoral and vicious.* Men do not become drunkards at once ; 
they commence by drinking small quantities of mixed liquors, 
usually sweetened and diluted with water, and made weak. Their 
moderately stimulating effects being agreeable, a taste for them is 
formed, which is strengthened by use, until their use becomes 
habitual. In process of time, the taste and appetite for them 
increases, the quantity used is increased, and the result often is, 
confirmed habits of intemperance. Though the same effects are 
not produced in every individual, yet the ordinary and natural 
tendency of their use, is to disturb the proper action of the brain 
and nervous system, to produce bad habits, indolence, poverty, 
distress, vice, crime, disease, and premature death. Even when 
taken by persons capable of resisting this tendency in themselves, 
in too small quantities to produce intoxication, or to affect the 
health, their consumption being expensive, without producing any 
good, is a loss to the consumer, and to the community ; which is 
an evil of itself. Their use by such persons in small quantities, 
tends also to encourage their general use, and to encourage em- 
ployments which produce a multitude of evils, and in their best 
aspect, effect no good. 

Men are led into temptation by example, and can be delivered 
from evil, only by being turned from the path which leadeth to it. 
We are taught in the Holy Scriptures to pray '"'lead us not into temp- 
tation, but deliver us from evil.'''' Were those words intended as 
a mere form of speech ; or were they designed to announce a gen- 
eral rule of action for the whole human family, through all future 
time ? To what do they apply ? Do they refer to any particular 
evil, or to all the evils, physical, social, moral and political, to which 
man is subject ? Do they not refer to every actand habit of man, 
which tends to produce evil in its consequences ? To what do 
they refer more clearly, than to the use as a beverage, of intoxi- 
cating drinks ; which tends to produce such a multitude of evils ? 

* See on this point sections 4 and 5 of Chapter I. 



540 ON INTOXrCATIXG LIQUORS. 

Are not the words of the prayer equivalent to a divine injunction, 
declaratory of the moral law — that it is the duty of man to avoid 
temptation and evil of every character and description ? These 
are questions which every Christian and moralist should examine 
and determine for himself. 

Many Christian churches have come to the conclusion, that the 
use of intoxicating drinks as a beverage, is immoral, and hence 
they condemn it as sinful, and make it a matter of discipline. 
When every Christian church shall have come to the same con- 
clusion, and adopted the same practice ; when a dozen or more of 
the passages of scripture on the subject shall have been poetized, 
made into divine songs, inserted in hymn books, and occasionally 
sung in churches, and by children at Sabbath schools ; when the 
subject shall have been poetized in the form of soul-stirring songs, 
adapted to music for the drawing-room, for concerts, and other 
places of fashionable amusement ; and when the unfermented juice 
of the grape shall be generally used at the communion table ; then 
the principles and practice of total abstinence will soon become 
general. 

Sec. 6. Consitmption of Intoxicating Liquors in the United 
States, in 1810, 1S40, and. 1850. 

It appears from the returns of the marshals with the census 
of 1810, that there were then 14,191 distilleries in the United 
States; that 22,977,167 gallons of spirits were distilled during 
the year previous, from fruits and grain, and 2,827,625 gallons 
from molasses ; making an annual product of 25,804,892 gallons, 
valued at 15,580,040 dollars. In the same year, only 608,843 
gallons were exported from the United States, leaving for con- 
sumption of that distilled, during the year, 25,10^049 gallons. 
On the average often years from 1803 to 1S12 inclusive, 7,512,- 
415 gallons of foreign distilled spirits were annually imported 
into the United States, and but 679,322 gallons re-exported. 

By the returns of the marshals with the census of 1840, it ap- 
pears that in 1839 there were distilled in the United States, 
41,402,627 gallons of spirits, and that 23,267,730 gallons of beer 
were brewed. The quantity of spirits imported during the year 
ending September 30th, "1839, was 3,792,718 gallons; exported 
884,992 gallons; excess of imports over exports 2,907,726. 
The wines imported during the same year amounted to 6,577,219 
gallons ; of which 348,219 gallons were re-exported, and the bal- 
ance of 6,229,000 gallons were retained for consumption. There 
is about two-fifths as much alcohol in a gallon of wine, on an 
average, of light and heavy wines, as in one of brandy or rum ; 



ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 541 

and there is generally about one-eighth part as much alcohol in 
strong beer as in distilled spirits. 

The returns of the census of 1850 show that the products of 
the distilleries and breweries of trie United States, and the ma- 
terials consumed, during the previous year, were as follows : 
Whiskey and high wines made, gallons, . . 42,133,955 

Bum distilled, gallons, 6,500,500 

Ale and Porter brewed, barrels, . . . 1,177,924 

Bushels of Indian corn used, .... 11,067,761 

Bushels of rye used, 2,143,927 

Bushels of barley used, .... 3,787,195 

Bushels of oats, ...... 56,517 

Bushels of apples, 526,840 

Hogsheads of molasses, ..... 61,675 

The average quantity of distilled spirits annu- 
ally imported into the United States during 
the two fiscal years ending June 30th, 1850, 
was reported at 4,319,501 gallons 

And the average quantity exported, 



Excess of imports over exports annually, 2,958,338 " - 

The average quantity of wine annually imported 

in casks, during those years, was 5,573,558 " 

And the quantity imported in bottles did not vary much from 
the whole quantity exported. 

Intoxicating liquors are not usually furnished for slaves. Es- 
timating ten gallons of wine, or a barrel of ale, as equal to four 
gallons of distilled spirits ; and estimating the quantity of alcohol 
and other spirits used for compounding medicines, making var- 
nish, and other mechanical purposes, as equal to half a gallon for 
each free person, the comparison of the consumption in the United 
States, at different periods, will be as follows : . 

Free population in millions, 

Spirits distilled, in millions of gallons, 

Spirits imported, excess of, over ex- 
ports, in millions of gallons, 

Beer brewed, equal in spirits to 

Wines consumed, equal in spirits to 

Making in all, in millions of gallons, 

Used for medicinal and mechanical pur- 
poses, 

Consumed as a beverage, 

Equal for each person in gallons to 



1810. 


1S40. 


1550. 


6 


14.57 


20.1 


25.S 


41.4 


48.63 


6.22 


2.9 


2.95 


73 


2.9 


4.7 


55 


2.5 


2.22 


33.3 


49.7 


58.5 


3 


7.27 


10 


30.3 


42.43 


48.5 


5 


2.9 


2.4 



542 ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 

Ill 1845 the Detroit City Temperance Society appointed a 
committee to ascertain and report the amount of crime, pauper- 
ism and expenditures arising from the use of intoxicating liquors 
in that city, during the previous year. A sub- committee was 
appointed for each ward, to ascertain and report to the general 
committee, the number of places where liquors were sold in small 
quantities, and the quantities sold and consumed in the respec- 
tive wards. Much attention was given to the subject, and great 
care taken to ascertain, with as much accuracy as was practica- 
ble, the quantity sold at each tavern, store, and grocery, in each 
ward. The following is an abstract or summary statement of the 
facts and estimates reported by the committee : 

Number of places of sale, 171. Quantity sold. Amount of sales 

Gallons of distilled liquors sold, 79,850 $93,178 

Gallons of wine, 10,000 15,000 

Barrels of strong beer, 2,158 25,528 



Total amount of sales as estimated, $133, 706 

Two-thirds of the distilled liquors, and three-fourths of the 
beer, are estimated as sold by the glass. The estimate includes 
the amount sold at retail, by the quart and gallon, by about 
twenty retail grocery stores, but does not include any sales at 
wholesale. The population of the city was then about 12,000 ; 
and if two-thirds of that quantity was consumed by the citizens, 
(which is quite probable,) it was equal to over 60,000 gallons of 
distilled spirits, and exceeded five gallons to each person 

The average annual consumption of intoxicating liquors by the 
whole free population of the United States in 1810, and from 
that time until 1825, was equal to five gallons of distilled spirits 
to each person. Being more accessible to all classes of persons, 
at all hours of the day, in cities and villages, than in the country, 
we may reasonably estimate that the average quantity then con- 
sumed in cities and villages was from six to seven gallons, and in 
the country, from four to four and an half gallons to each person. 
The temperance reform produced but little effect in the slave 
states, until since the year 1840. The reformation among the 
farming population of New England, New York, Ohio, Michi- 
gan, and some other portions of the free states, is now nearly 
complete ; the average quantity of intoxicating drinks consumed 
by the inhabitants of the cities and villages, and all the other 
portions of the northern states, has been reduced perhaps about 
one-third part ; some reduction has also taken place in the slave 
states ; and the average quantity to each person consumed in the 



ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 



543 



whole United States, is less than half as great as it was previous 
to the year 1825. 

Sec. 7. Consumption of intoxicating liquors in Great Britain 
and Ireland, Prussia, and Sweden. 
Statement made from extracts taken from Porter's Progress 
of the Nation, of the quantities, in millions of gallons, of domestic 
and foreign distilled liquors consumed in England and Wales, 
Scotland, and Ireland, during the undermentioned years ; and 
the average quantity to each person. 





England &Wales. 


Scotland. 


Ireland. 


TJ. Kingdom. 


Gallons to 




Millions of 


Millions of 


Millions of 


Millions of 


each person. 




gallons. 


gallons. 


gallons. . 


gallons. 




1802 


7.65 


2. 


5.44 


15. 


nearly 1 . 


1812 


7. 


1.88 


4.28 


13.1 


.7 


1821 


7.26 


2.56 


3.4 


13.2 


.62 


1831 


12.1 


5.86 


8.74 


26.7 


1.1 


1838 


12.1 


6.38 


12.32 


30.8 


1.1 


1841 


11.5 


6. 


6.5 


34. 


.9 


1849 


9.1 


6.9 


6.98 


23. * ) 


1.03 


1849, f( 


>reign distille 


d liquors con 


sumed, 


5.2 \ 



Statement of the number of barrels of strong beer, and of 
table and small beer consumed in England and Wales on which 
the duty was paid, during the undermentioned years. 

Strong Beer. Table and Small Beer. 

1801 4,735,574 1,691,955 

1811 5,902,903 1,649,564 

1821 5,575,830 

1829 



1,439,970 
1,530,419 



This statement does not include the beer brewed in private 
families, on which no duties are paid ; the duties being charged, 
and the account taken, only with reference to the beer brewed 
for sale. The quantity of malt made at different periods, is stated 
in section 5 of Chapter IX., from which the reader can estimate 
the quantity of beer brewed and consumed in each division of the 
United Kingdom, with a reasonable approximation to accuracy. It 
requires from three to five bushels of malt, to make a barrel of 
beer or porter, averaging about three and a half bushels to the 
barrel ; each bushel of malt producing about as much alcohol as 
is contained in a gallon of rum, and perhaps more. 

* There were consumed in 1849, about 23 millions of domestic, and over 

5 millions of foreign distilled liquors. 



544 ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 

The average quantity of intoxicating drinks consumed by the 
inhabitants of Scotland appears to be greater in proportion to the 
population than it is in the United States ; but in England it is 
less. There is no reason to doubt, however, that the quantity 
consumed in the cities of England is as great as it is in the cities 
of the United States ; but it is much less among the agricultural 
population and the mechanics in the country, and in villages, 
than it was in the United States prior to the organization of tem- 
perance societies. 

Mr. Porter says it was given in evidence before a Committee 
of the House of Commons in 1743, that the quantity of spirituous 
liquors made for consumption in England and Wales in 1740, 
was 15,250,000 gallons, in 1741 — 17,000,000; and in 1742— 
19,000,000 gallons. These quantities, besides beer and wine, 
were consumed by a population of about 6,600,000 ; there being 
then about 20,000 houses and shops in London, in which intoxi- 
cating drinks were sold at retail. Great changes have taken 
place in the habits and manners of the people since that time. 
Porter remarks ; " It is at once a consequence of the sobriety of 
the age, and a help to its continuance, that great numbers of 
houses have been opened for the sale of cups of coffee and tea at 
low prices. It is said that there are from 1,600 to 1,800 of these 
coffee-houses in the metropolis (London) alone, and that they are 
established and rapidly increasing all over the country." " The 
charge made at these houses for a cup of excellent coffee, with 
sugar and milk, varies from one penny up to three pence. There 
are many houses where the lowest of these charges is made, and 
which are frequented by 700 to 800 persons daily. 

One house in Sherrard street, Haymarket, is mentioned, where 
the charge is three half pence (three cents,) and the daily cus- 
tomers average from 1,500 to 1,600 persons, of all classes, from 
hackney coachmen and porters, to the most respectable classes." 
" The proprietor of another house stated to the committee that 
he had paid £400 a year for newspapers, magazines, and binding. 
He said I have, upon the average, 400 to 450 persons that fre- 
quent my house daily ; they are mostly lawyers' clerks, and com- 
mercial men ; some of them are managing clerks ; and there are 
many solicitors, likewise highly respectable gentlemen, who take 
coffee in the middle of the day in preference to more stimulating 
drink." 

Most men desire stimulants of some kind, and the moderately 
stimulating properties of tea and coffee, which make the mind 
more active and never tend to derange it, are good substitutes 
for intoxicating drinks ; and have aided greatly to promote sobri- 
ety and the cause of temperance. The coffee-houses of England 



ON INTOXICATING LIQUORS. 545 

are worthy of imitation in the United States, and it is to be hoped 
that the time is not far distant, when tea and coffee will be sub- 
stituted for intoxicating drinks, in all the eating houses and oys- 
ter cellars, as well as in the taverns of our cities and villages. 

Mr. McCulloch states the population of the Prussian monarchy, 
in 1837, at 14,157,573 ; the consumption of spirits annually at 
from 40,000,000 to 45,000,000 gallons ; and that beer and spirits 
are extensively produced and consumed in all parts of the king- 
dom. He remarks, " If we take Prussia for a standard, the peo- 
ple of the United Kingdom may be said to be temperate in the 
extreme ; for while the consumption of spirits in Prussia amounts 
at an average to about three gallons to each individual, the con- 
sumption in Great Britain and Ireland is only about three-fourths 
of a gallon ; and we believe that the consumption of beer in Prus- 
sia exceeds its consumption in the United Kingdom in a corres- 
ponding proportion. " 

The consumption of distilled spirits is perhaps greater in Swe- 
den, in proportion to the population, than in any other country 
in the world. The following is extracted from McCulloch's Ga- 
zetteer : 

" The Swedes are great consumers of ardent spirits ; every 
proprietor and occupier of land has a right to distil spirits ; the 
size of the still, and the amount of the duty, depending on the 
value of the property. Mr. Stevens states that, in 1S29, there 
were 167,744 stills going, which were calculated to make within 
the year about 30,000,000 gallons, worth as many rix dollars, 
and paying a duty of 434,396 dollars." " "We understand that 
but little change has taken place during the last ten years ; but 
taking the consumption at only 25,000,000, and the population 
at 3,000,000, it gives an average annual supply of eight and a 
third gallons to every individual, young and old, being about 
three times the average consumption of the people of Scotland." 

Who can number the victims of alcohol ? Who can calculate 
how much it has done to destroy, as well as to debase mankind, 
and to retard the progress of nations ? 



CHAPTER XIX. 

ON THE GENERAL LAWS WHICH GOVERN THE PROGRESS OF POPU- 
LATION ; AND ON THE POPULATION OF THE OLD WORLD. 

Sec. 1. On the general laws which govern the progress of popula- 
tion. 

The remark has been frequently made by writers on population 
that as a general rule, when population is not affected by war or 
pestilence, it increases as fast as food increases. It appears to 
me this rule is not correct; that it attaches quite too much 
importance to food, to say that human life, the health, strength, 
activity and longevity of man, depend on food alone. It 
attaches too much importance also to agriculture, to say that 
human life depends entirely on food ; on the means of subsistence, 
provided by one branch of industry ; and that the products of all 
others, which we are accustomed to rank as necessaries and com- 
forts of life, do not tend to sustain and promote human life, and 
to increase population. Such a position is disproved by the whole 
history of man. The truth is, that in all countries below the 60th 
degree of latitude, it has generally been more difficult for mankind 
to provide themselves with clothing, dwellings and lodging of 
such kind and description as are the best adapted to promote and 
secure the greatest degree of health, strength and longevity, 
consistent with the climate in which they resided, than to procure 
a sufficient supply of such food as is necessary to attain that object. 
Though food constitutes the most indispensable means of sup- 
porting human life, yet food alone comprises but a small part of 
the means necessary to promote life to such a degree, as to cause 
a rapid increase of population. The other means necessary have 
been exhibited in chapter XL 

The increase of population has been more or less checked in 
almost every country, by considerations of prudence, and by vice, 
as well as by natural causes. "When not affected by wars, popu- 



ON POPULATION. 547 

lation generally increases above the 35th degree of latitude, about 
as fast as the aggregate amount of the comforts of life increases. 
The increase, however, cannot exceed, or never has yet exceeded, 
about three per cent, annually, or thirty-three per cent, in ten 
years. The ratio of increase is very much affected by early 
marriages, which are promoted by the frugal and simple habits of 
an agricultural people ; and particularly those settled in a new 
country.- Population is influenced much more by climate, below 
the 35th decree of latitude, than it is above. Though good and 
comfortable dwellings, clothing and lodging adapted to the climate, 
together with a sufficient supply of fuel, have a very great 
influence upon health, longevity and the increase of population in 
warm countries ; and the progress of population is to some extent 
in proportion to the increase of the comforts of life in the aggre- 
gate ; yet no amount of comforts can guard against many of the 
diseases incident to the decay of vegetation in hot climates, and 
in the vicinity of marshy lands and stagnant waters. No general 
rule can be given with accuracy in relation to the causes of the 
progress of population where the climate has a preponderating 
influence over all other causes in producing disease. In such 
countries, like the delta of the river Ganges, and the countries 
bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, or lying in the valleys of rivers 
like the Mississippi and Amazon, where the soil is mostly alluvial 
and very rieh and productive, and vegetation abundant, so far as 
food is concerned, the means of supporting human life are almost 
unlimited. It is therefore evident that in such countries the sup- 
ply of food has very little influence upon the increase of popula- 
tion ; and though an increase of the comforts of life, and the aid 
of the medical sciences, may enable man to guard against and 
resist the influence of the climate to some extent, and may have 
great influence upon health and the progress of population, yet 
after all, the influence of climate seems to preponderate over all 
other causes. 

Famines are almost unknown in the present age of the world ; 
and the failure of crops, short crops, and dearths, are much less 
common than they were in ancient times, or even two or three 
centuries ago. Modern science and industry have not only 
increased the products of agriculture, but rendered crops more 
uniform and certain. The drainage and sewerage of cities, 
as well as the drainage of countries, is generally much better than 
it was a century since ; and greater attention is paid to cleanliness, 
and to a sufficient supply of good water. Dwellings are generally 
better and more comfortable, and cellars better drained. All 
these causes have tended to check the influence and spread of 
pestilences and epidemics, to promote health, and produce greater 



548 ON POPULATION. 

uniformity in the ratio of mortality, and the increase of population, 
in all civilized countries. 

Sec. 2. Population of the Roman Empire, and of the Roman 
Provinces, and countries of .Europe, at different periods. 

The increase of the population of Italy, Spain and Portugal 
during the two centuries next before the Christian era, and the 
two centuries next after it, was probably about twenty-five or 
thirty per cent, each century ; and the ratio of mortality was 
greater than it is at present ; ranging from twenty-five to forty 
per cent, every ten years, of all the inhabitants above five years 
of age. The increase of the population of the island of Great 
Britain at that time, could not have been over ten or twelve per 
cent, in a century, in time of peace ; and the mortality, including 
periods of famine and pestilence, nearly three times as great as it 
is now. The decennial increase of the population of Great Britain 
is now greater than the centennial increase was at any time prior to 
the Crusades of the twelfth century. From the twelfth to the 
middle of the eighteenth century, the general ratio of increase of 
the population of Europe, was only from fifteen to thirty per cent, 
in a century. These facts will be illustrated by statistics of 
population. 

The Roman Empire, when the greatest in extent, and the most 
populous, during the third century after the Christian era, has 
been estimated by Gibbon to have had a population of 120,000,- 
000 ; about half of whom were slaves. M. A. Moreau de Jonnes, 
a learned statistician of France, with all the lights of modern 
science, has recently estimated it at only about 83,000,000, (in 
his Statistiques des Peuples de l'Antiquite.) The Empire then 
comprised all southern Europe, western Asia, and northern Af- 
rica ; and when we take into consideration the vast extent of ter- 
ritory, much of which was very productive ; the mild climate of 
the countries bordering on the Mediterranean Sea, of all others 
the best adapted to supply the wants of man in a low state of civ- 
ilization, and enable mankind to multiply and increase in num- 
bers ; together with the state of agriculture, and the mechanic 
arts, and the degree of civilization, which the Romans had attained, 
it does not seem improbable, that the population was an hundred 
millions, and perhaps more. 

An enumeration of the adult male citizens of Rome was made 
several times ; but no census of any kind was ever taken of the 
whole Empire, or of the provinces, during the existence of the 
Republic ; nor was there a complete census at any time taken of 
the whole population of the city of Rome The population of 
the Republic, and of the Empire at different periods, is the subject 



ON POPULATION. 549 

of conjecture, and of estimates, founded on the condition and 
extent of the provinces, and other evidence of a slight character. 
We have no reliable evidence that the population of the provinces 
materially declined, until after the government interfered with the 
religious freedom of the people, attempted to enforce uniformity 
of opinion, and to suppress heresy as well as paganism, in the 
fourth century. 

Severe edicts were enacted not only against the pagan worship, 
but also against all heretical sects, including the Manicheans, 
Arians, Donatists, Nestorians, Pelagians, Entychians or Mono- 
physites, Monothelites, and Panplicians ; all of whom were con- 
demned as heretics, subjected to various penalties and punishments, 
many of their bishops banished, and great numbers of the people 
persecuted and compelled to flee their country. The schisms 
and dissensions among the different sects and factions, and the 
violence, persecutions and despotism of the government in reli- 
gious matters, excited tumults, riots, rebellions, civil wars, assas- 
sinations, and shocking massacres ; which distracted the whole 
Empire ; disturbed industry induced great numbers to emigrate 
to Persia and other countries for protection ; made all the 
proscribed and persecuted sects enemies to the Roman Govern- 
ment ; destroyed the unity of feeling, the martial spirit, and the 
national pride, which previously existed among the Roman people ; 
and exhausted the empire to such a degree, that it was unable to 
defend its provinces against either the barbarians, or the Saracens. 

The pagans, Donatists and Arians of Africa sought the protection 
of the Vandals, and aided them in conquering that province in 
the fifth century. The Arians and pagans also took refuge 
among the Goths, Burgundians and other barbarians, and aided 
them in subduing Italy and other European provinces of the 
empire, in the 5th and 6th centuries ; and the Nestorians and 
Monophysites sought the protection of the Saracens, and assisted 
them in conquering several of the Asiatic provinces of the 
empire, in the 7th century.* Before the end of the seventh 
century, all the Roman provinces of Africa, and the most of the 
Asiatic provinces, were taken by the Saracens. All the provinces 
of the Western empire were conquered and devastated by the 
Northern barbarians, and reduced to the lowest point of popula- 
tion, degradation and poverty. The heretical sects had been 
mostly extirpated and driven to the Saracens ; the doctrines of 
the Greek Church prevailed in all the provinces of the eastern 
empire ; and the Catholic faith was triumphant in nearly all the 

* See on this subject Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, Harper's ed., vol. 
I. pages 99 to 190, and page 232— and particularly pages 132, 134, 141, 170, 
176, 183, 184, and 190— See also ante section 1, chapter IV. 



550 ON POPULATION. 

countries of western Europe ; but with few exceptions, all the 
countries of Europe remained in nearly the same condition of 
poverty and exhaustion, until after the Crusades, of the 11th 
century. From that time the mechanic arts, commerce and agri- 
culture began to revive, and population to increase. The increase 
of population in many countries must have been very large, 
between the end of the 11th and the end of the 15th century. 

From the best evidences we can derive from history, we have no 
reason to believe that the Roman provinces conquered by the Sara- 
cens, declined very much in population, wealth, or productive indus- 
try, under their dominion ; or that Egypt, the northern provinces of 
Africa, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia, were much 
less populous at the time of the Crusades in the twelfth, than they 
were in the seventh century. But from the moment those coun- 
tries, Greece, and Turkey in Europe, fell under the dominion and 
the blighting influence of the indolent, haughty and barbarous 
Turks, they began to decline rapidly, and have been sinking ever 
since. 

The culture and manufacture of cotton, and many other useful 
arts, were introduced into Spain and northern Africa by the 
Saracens ; it is said that the mechanic arts and agriculture 
revived in those countries, and it is supposed that the population 
increased. 

The countries contained in the following table comprise about 
the same territory as the Roman Empire did. Their extent 
in English square miles, and population in 1840, are taken from 
McCulloch's Gazetteer, to which is added an estimate of their 
population in the 3d, and also at the close of the 7th and 15 th 
centuries : 



Italy, and the Italian Islands, 
Spain and Portugal, 
Switzerland, 
France, 

Belgium and Holland, - 
England and Wales, 
Turkey in Europe, and Greece 
Turkey in Asia,or AsiaMinor, > 
Syria,Palestine, Mesopotamia, ) 
Egypt has arable lands, - 
Morocco, Algiers, Tunis 
and Tripoli, 



Square 
Miles. 


Millions of inhabitants ill the y'r 
200 to 300. 700. 1500. 1840. 


119,555 


14 


8 


15 


22.4 


219,268 
15,233 


16 
.5 


10 
.5 


14 
1 


15.8 
2.2 


203,736 
26,814 


8 
1 


5 

.8 


12 
1.6 


34.1 
7.1 


57,812 


2 


1.2 


3.2 


15.9 


225,000 


15 


12 


13 


10 


450,000 


24 


18 


15 


12 


19-,000 


4.5 


3.5 


3 


2 


450,000 


15 


10 


12 


12 



1100 I 69 I89.8U33.5 



ON POPULATION, 



551 



Area of the countries of Europe since the fall of Napoleon in 
1S15, and estimates of the population contained within their 
present limits at different periods, from the year 1500 to 1S50. 
Lombardy and Venice are included with Italy and its islands. 
The square miles are stated in thousands, and the population in 
millions. 



Italy and Islands 

Spain and Portugal 

France - . - 

England and Wales - 

Scotland 

Ireland 

Holland, or Netherlands 

Belgium 

Prussia 

Denmark 

Sweden and Norway 

Germany 

Switzerland - 

Austria and Hungary 

Poland 

Russia 

Turkey 

Greece and 

Ionian Islands 



Sq. Wiles. 



119.5 

219-3 

203.7 
57.8 
29.6 
31-8 
13.6 
13.2 

107.9 
21.8 

292. 
90.7 
15.2 

240. 
50.7 
1.950. 

210.6 

17.9 

1 



1500. ' 1600. 



15. 
14. 
12. 

3.2 
.6 

1.5 
.6 

1. 

5. 
.8 

1.6 

6. 
' 1. 
12. 

2.5 
12. 

13. 



16.5 

14. 

15. 

4.3 
.8 

1.8 

1.1 
.9 

6. 

1. 

2. 

7. 

1.2 
14.5 

3. 
14. 

13. 



1700. 



18. 

13.5 

20.5 
5.6 
1. 
2.4 
1.6 
1.4 
7.5 
1.2 
2.4 
8.5 
1.5 

18. 
3.5 

17. 

12. 



3.686.3 101.8 116.1135.6 180. 241.2 256.9 



1S00. 



20. 

13.5 

27.3 

9.1 

1.6 

5. 

2. 

3. 
10. 

1.5 

3. 
11. 

2. 
23. 

4. 
33. 

11. 



1840. 



22.4 
15.8 
34.1 
15.9 

2.6 

8.1 

3. 

4.1 
14.9 

2.1 

4.3 
14.5 

2.2 
31. 
4.5 
51.6 

9. 
.9 
.2 



1S50. 



24. 

16. 

35.8 

17.8 
2.8 
6.5 
3.3 
4.4 

16.5 
2.3 
4.6 

15.5 
2.3 

33. 
5. 

57. 
9. 
.9 
.2 



The military power and prosperity of the Turks was the 
greatest, the latter part of the sixteenth century, and began to 
decline soon after. France was disturbed with religious wars and 
persecutions, during much of the 16th century ; but after the 
passage of the edict of Nantes, in 159S, that kingdom enjoyed 
tranquillity and prosperity, until its repeal in 1685. The religious 
wars in Germany, from about the year 1530 to the peace of 
Westphalia in 1648, partially devastated many portions of the 
country, and checked the increase of population, in nearly all the 
kingdoms and states of Germany. The treaty of Westphalia not 
only secured the blessings of peace, but also the religious rights 
and privileges of the Protestants in the northern kingdoms. 
From that period they began to improve, and to increase more 
and more rapidly, in industry and population. Holland began to 
flourish soon after the Union of Utrecht in 1579 ; Great Britain 
and Ireland, after the revolution of 168S ; and Kussia, after 
Peter the G-reat ascended the throne, in 1689. 



552 ON POPULATION. 



Sec. 3. Population of Italy at different periods . 

The population of Italy, until within a few years past, is more 
uncertain than that of either France or England. Dr. Morse, in 
the edition of his Geography published in 1793, says : " Some 
doubts have arisen whether Italy is as populous now as it was in 
the time of Pliny, when it contained 14,000,000. It is, however, 
believed that the present inhabitants exceed that number." "It 
may not perhaps be extravagant, if we assign to Italy 20,000,000 
of inhabitants ; but some calculations greatly exceed that num- 
ber." Mr. McCulloch states it in 1838 at 22,478,192. 

Italy and the Italian islands, including Sicily and Sardinia, 
contain about 119,555 English square miles. It is about twice 
as large as England and Wales ; and being situated in a very 
mild climate, like all the countries bordering on the Medi- 
terranean Sea, it was much more favorable to health and an 
increase of population in a comparatively low state of the me- 
chanic arts and of civilization, than England, the north of 
France, or any other country in a high latitude. The popula- 
tion of Italy in the third and fourth centuries, was perhaps four 
times as dense, and eight times as great, as that of England and 
Wales. The Romans lived by agriculture, and subsisted on 
grain and vegetables ; while the Britons were yet in the pastoral 
state, subsisting on the milk and flesh of their flocks, agriculture 
being almost unknown among them. Italy was in a state of 
peace the most of the time for more than two centuries before 
the Christian era, and more than four centuries afterwards, and 
yet we have no reason to believe that it increased in population 
more than thirty per cent, in a century, or doubled in less than 
about three centuries, during the most flourishing period of the 
Koman government, either under the Republic or the Empire. 

Italy was overrun by numerous hordes of barbarians at several 
different periods in the fifth century ; ravaged, desolated, most of 
the arts and improvements of civilization destroyed, and the 
country depopulated, and reduced probably to less than eight 
millions of inhabitants, or about half its former number. This 
instance of rapid decline is not without a parallel. The Island 
of Hayti or St. Domingo, which is about one-fourth part as large 
as Italy, was estimated to contain a million of inhabitants when 
discovered by Columbus in 1495 ; but in consequence of the 
butchery and oppressions of the Spaniards, who made slaves of 
the natives, compelled them to labor incessantly in the mines 
without any regard to their wants and comforts, and without sup- 
plying them with sufficient food, the native inhabitants in a.single 
generation declined to less than one hundred thousand. Disease 



ON POPULATION. 5j3 

of mind soon preys upon the body, and it often happens that 
persons accustomed to freedom, or affluence, pine away, and find 
a premature death, when reduced to poverty, or restrained of 
their liberty. When nearly all the inhabitants of a country are 
despoiled of their property, and reduced from a state of comfort 
to poverty and want, like the Romans in the fifth century, all the 
objects of life seem to have perished ; all the energies of the body, 
as well as the mind, are soon paralyzed, so that few persons under 
such circumstances have sufficient energy to provide themselves 
with the necessaries of life apparently within their power ; disap- 
pointment and disease of mind, as well as want of food, prey 
upon them ; they become feeble, nervous, and emaciated, and 
disease sweeps them off by thousands. 

Slaves have not the muscular power to labor like freemen. 
Muscular power depends much on the mind, on the will ; and the 
will is seldom if ever firm, energetic, and powerful, when the 
person is conscious that some individual, other than himself or 
his children, will reap the reward of his exertions. Productive 
industry and security of rights and of property are as necessary 
to cheer up, encourage and invigorate the mind, as they are to 
feed and clothe the body, and strengthen it by exercise. Hence 
the decline of the population of Italy in the fifth century. Com- 
paratively few perished by the sword; few adults perished by 
positive starvation. Millions, depressed in mind and emaciated 
in body, perished by disease, and millions of children perished 
from neglect and want. 

Though Italy remained in a very depressed condition until the 
beginning of the crusades, and recovered very slowly previous to 
that time, yet it was much more advanced in civilization and all 
the arts of peace, and more densely populated during the dark 
ages than either France or England. Perhaps it had 9,000,000 
of inhabitants at the commencement of the 12th century, or about 
five times as many as England and Wales. During the crusades, 
and shortly after them, many of the arts and products of the east 
were introduced into Italy, and more particularly into Venice, 
Genoa, Pisa, Florence and Sicily. The culture and manufacture 
of silk was introduced in the 12th century, and of cotton in the 
early part of the 14th century.* From the time of the crusades 
until some time after the discovery of America, the Italian 
republics were in the most prosperous and flourishing condition 
of any part of Europe, with the exception of Flanders, which was 
perhaps equally so, by reason of the woollen manufacture. During 
the 12th, 13th, 14th and 15th centuries, the population of Venice, 
Genoa, Florence and some other parts of Italy, perhaps doubled, 

* See Baine's history of the cotton manufacture, chapter IV. 



554 ON POPULATION. 

and the population of the whole of Italy increased from about 
9.000,000 to 15,000,000. 

The discovery of a passage to India and China around the Cape 
of Good Hope and Africa, diverted much of the trade from the 
Italian cities, and affected their prosperity very much ; and this, 
together with the religious wars growing out of the reformation, 
checked the increase of the population during the 16th, 17th and 
18th centuries, so that it did not perhaps exceed 20,000,000, as 
estimated by Dr. Morse, at the close of the 18th century. Since 
the feudal system was overturned by Napoleon, and the revival 
of commerce at the close of the wars growing out of the French 
revolution, there has been a very perceptible increase in the pop- 
ulation of nearly all the Italian States ; amounting to about 
2,500,000, or 12 J per cent, during the first forty years of the 
present century, making the population in 1840 about 22,400,000. 

Sec. 4. Population of Spam and Portugal. 

The population of Spain prior to the present century was much 
more uncertain than that of England or France. Mr. McCulloch 
says, " In 1787 the population amounted to 10,268,150, or per- 
haps 10,500,000, as it is believed on apparently good grounds, 
that the official returns were below the mark; and since then 
it has increased nearly two millions." He gives the area at 
182, 75S square miles, and the population at 12,168,774 

The climate of Spain is warm, mild and favorable to an in- 
crease of population with a small amount of comforts ; some of it 
is very productive, and the Spaniards, during the 15th and first 
half of the 16th century, were, next to the Italian States and the 
Netherlands, the most enterprising of any people in Europe, and 
quite as much advanced in the mechanic arts and manufactures. 
It is probable that at the close of the career of Charles V., in 
the middle of the 16th century, the population of Spain was 
nearly as dense as that of France, and amounted to from eleven 
to twelve millions ; that the swarms of priests and monks during 
the despotic reigns of Philip II., Philip III., Philip IV., Charles 
II., and their successors, together with the combined tyranny of 
the government and of the Popish Inquisition, reduced the pop- 
ulation ; that it amounted to about 10,500,000 in 1787, as esti- 
mated by Mr. McCulloch ; and that since the iron reign of the 
inquisition and of feudalism was broken by Napoleon, it has in- 
creased during the last half century nearly two millions, or about 
eighteen per cent. 

Some have supposed the emigration to America has been the 
principal cause of the decline of the population of Spain ; but 
this supposition is not correct. According to the statements of 
McCulloch in his Gazetteer, the whole population of the West 



ON POPULATION. .555 

Indies and the continent of America of Spanish descent in 1840, 
was less than 4,500,000 ; though those of English and Scotch 
descent then numbered over 12,500,000. 

1550. 1840. 

Inhabitants of Spain, estimated at 11,500,000 

Do. in America of Spanish descent, 100,000 



Total of Spanish descent, 11,600,000 17,200,000 

Inhabitants of Great Britain, 4,400,000 18,000,000 

Do. in America of British descent, 10,000,000 



Total of British descent, 28,000,000 

What a contrast between the relative increase of the two peo- 
ple ! 

3Ir. McCulloch says that, according to the official returns of 
the census of 1787, the ecclesiastics of all descriptions, including 
61,617 monks, 32,500 nuns, and 2,705 inquisitors, amounted to 
188.625 individuals, and that in 1S33 they amounted to 175,574 
individuals, of whom 61,727 were monks, and 24,007 nuns In- 
dependent of the depressing influence of the tyranny of the In- 
quisition, what country could flourish with such an immense army 
of priests, inquisitors, monks and nuns, devouring their substance ? 
Spain, Mexico, and all the Spanish American states and colonies, 
have been ruled for centuries by a clerical, landed, and military 
aristocracy ; and no country ever yet flourished under such a 
dominion, no matter what the form of the government, whether 
republican, democratic, or monarchical. In the Islands of Cuba 
and Porto Rico, a more commercial and manufacturing spirit 
prevails, and predominates over the priesthood and the military ; 
1 say manufacturing, because the expense of making sugar, mo- 
lasses and rum, from the cane, is about as great as the culture 
of the cane. 

Portugal has been depressed by nearly the same causes as 
Spain. ^McCulloch states its area at 36,510 square miles, and 
its population, in 1S3S, at 3,549,420; the American Almanac 
for 1S52 states the population at the last enumeration in 1841, 
at 3,4i2,500. It probably had, during the 16th, 17th, and 18th 
centuries, from 2,500,000 to 3,000,000 of inhabitants. 

Sec. 5. Progress of the population of France. 

The population of France has been estimated in the table of 

population of the Roman Empire, and of the countries comprising 

the Roman provinces, at eight millions in the third century ; but 

five millions at the end of the seventh century, and twelve 



556 ON POPULATION. 

millions at the end of the fifteenth century ; those estimates are 
intended for the present territory of France, including Corsica. 

The province of Lorraine was annexed to France in 1766, with 
nearly a million of inhabitants, and Corsica in 1768, with about 
180,000. The population of France was estimated by the gov- 
ernment, on partial enumerations, at 19,669,320 in the year 
1700, previous to those annexations ; it was subsequently estimated 
in 1773 at 23,531,000. Several annexations were made during 
the revolution, and at the peace of 1815, France was allowed to 
retain Avignon and Venaison on the Rhone, and several other 
small parcels of territory, with a population of about 700,000. 

Mr. McCulloch remarks, " The information with respect to the 
population of France previously to 1784 is extremely imperfect. 
But according to the best attainable information, it amounted in 
1700 to 19,669,000, and in 1762 to 21,769,000. In 1784 it was 
estimated by M. Necker at 24,800,000." By the first census, 
taken in 1801, France, with its increased territory, (comprising 
203,736 square miles,) had a population of 27,349,003 ; and by 
the official census, taken in 1836, it had increased to 33,540,910. 

The climate of France being much colder than that of Italy 
and Spain, and the country less populous, flourishing and wealthy, 
was less inviting to the barbarians who ravaged the provinces of 
the western Roman Empire in the fifth and sixth centuries ; and 
though the decline of the population of France (then G-aul) was 
very great, it must have suffered much less from the barbarians 
than Italy and Spain. We have less certain and accurate infor- 
mation in relation to the population of France prior to the 
eighteenth century, than we have in relation to England. We 
have reason to believe, however, that while a Roman province, and 
also in the time of Charlemagne, France was more flourishing, 
more advanced in civilization, and more populous in proportion to 
its territory, than England ; but from the end of the eleventh 
to the end of the sixteenth century, there was no great difference 
in the condition of the two countries, and the population in pro- 
portion to the territory was probably very nearly the same. During 
the reign of Louis XIV., up to the revocation of the edict of 
]N T antes in 1685, France was more flourishing and advanced in 
civilization than England. 

It has been estimated that about 70,000 Huguenots, or French 
Protestants, were massacred in France, by virtue of secret orders 
from the king, in 1572. The massacre occurred at the festival 
of St. Bartholomew, and is known in history, as the Massacre of 
St. Bartholomew. During the religious persecutions of the first 
ten years after the revocation of the edict of Nantes, it has been 
generally estimated that from 500,000 to 700,000 Protestants 



ON POPULATION. 



557 



were massacred and driven out of the kingdom . The Protest- 
ants were mostly mechanics, and comprised a very large propor- 
tion of the best mechanics in the kingdom. Those persecutions 
had a very depressing influence upon the industry and business 
of the nation, and checked the increase of the population. 

Population in 1700 as generally estimated, 19,669,000 

Increase in 70 years nearly 15 per cent., 2,831,000 

Estimated population of Lorraine, annexed in 1766, 

and of Corsica, 1,000,000 

Estimated population in 1770, 23,500,000 

Increase in 14 years nearly 6 per cent., 1,300,000 

Population in 1784, as estimated by the government, 24,800,000 
Increase in 17 years nearly 1\ per cent., 1,849,000 

Population of Avignon, Venaison, and other scraps of 

territory annexed, about 700,000 



In 1801, population by the first census, 27,349,000 

Statement of the population of France according to the official, 
returns of the census taken in the undermentioned years, with 
the per cent, of increase, and the total increase during the inter- 
mediate periods. 









Increase during previous period. 


Years. 


Population. 


No. of 











Years. 


Per cent. 


Total increase. 


1801 


27,349,000 








1806 


29,107,425 


5 


6 


1,758,425 


1816 


29,217,465 


10 




110,040 


1821 


30,461,875 


5 


over 4 


1,244,410 


1826 


31,858,937 


5 


4§ 


1,397,062 


1831 


32,569,223 


5 


2J 


710,286 


1836 


33,540,910 


5 


3 


971,687 


1S41 


34,194,875 


5 


2 


653,965 


1846 


35,401,761 


5 


H 


1,206,886 


1S51 


35,781,628 


5 


1 


379,867 



The reader will see that the increase of the population was 
checked during the wars of Napoleon, from 1806 to 1815. This 
was caused by the conscription, to supply troops for the Empe- 
ror, which drained the country of great numbers of its young and 
middle-aged men. During the previous years, from 1S01 to 
1806, (which was mostly a period of peace,) the population in- 



558 ON POPULATION. 

creased more rapidly than it ever did before ; since 1816 the in- 
crease has been very regular ; and even during the revolutionary 
period, from 1789 to 1S01, the increase seems to have been more 
rapid than it ever was during any previous period. 

The victims of the .revolution, from 1789 to 1795, are stated 
by Alison in a note to the fourteenth chapter of his History of 
Europe, as follows : 

Guillotined by sentence of the revolutionary tribunals : 

Nobles, 1,278 

Noble women, 750 

Priests, 1,135 

All other persons, 15,440 



Total guillotined, 18,603 

"Women died of premature childbirth, estimated at 3,400 

Women died in childbirth of grief, 348 

Victims under Carrier, at Nantes, estimated at 32,000 

Victims at Lyons, estimated at 31,000 
Men slain in the civil wars of La Vendee, estimated at 900,000 

Women killed in La Vendee, estimated at 15,000 

Children killed in La Vendee, estimated at 22,000 



Total as above stated and estimated, 1,022,351 

This number does not include the massacres at Versailles and 
several other places, and at the prisons ; nor those shot at Toulon 
and Marseilles. It should be borne in mind, however, that the 
numbers stated as killed at Nantes, Lyons, and in La Vendee, are 
but vague and uncertain estimates, which are most likely greatly 
exaggerated ; and that the destruction of human life in La Vendee, 
was not the direct and necessary effect of the revolution, but was 
caused by the civil wars excited by the priests, nobles, and other 
opponents of the revolution, in opposition to the government 
established by it. When these things are taken into considera- 
tion, it appears probable that the real victims of the revolution 
did not exceed fifty or sixty thousand ; that they were less nu- 
merous than the victims of the religious persecutions, in 1572, 
known as the massacre of St. Bartholomew ; and that the destruc- 
tion of human life during the wars of Napoleon was from twenty 
to fifty times as great. 

The revolution broke the shackles of the feudal nobility and 
of the Catholic priesthood ; it set free the human mind, and the in- 
dustry of the people ; and from that time the energies of the peo- 
ple were aroused ; they began to improve and to increase in num- 
bers, and nothing but the iron rule and the exhausting wars of 
Napoleon checked their increase from 1806 to 1816. The policy 



OX POPULATION". 550 

of the government of encouraging industry, by securing its mar- 
kets to its own citizens, and the partial freedom enjoyed by the 
people under the comparatively mild reign of Louis Philippe, ena- 
bled France to increase in productive industry and population. * 
It remains to be seen whether it can increase under the despotic 
rule of the Dictator, Louis Napoleon. 

Sec. 6. Progress of the population of England and Wales, Scot- 
land and Ireland, and the emigration. 

The population of England according to the official returns, at 
the time of mating Doomsday book after the Norman conquest, 
about the year 1075, consisted of 300,785 families, estimated by 
Turner in his history of the Anglo-Saxons, at 1,700,000. This 
estimate has been adopted by Sir James Mcintosh in his history 
of England, and by other eminent British authors. It is probable 
that the population of "Wales at that time, bore about the same 
proportion to that of England, as it does now ; which would give 
about 100,000 for Wales, and 1,800,000 foy England and Wales. 
McCulloch in his Gazetteer estimates the population of England 
and Wales, at that period, at 2,150,000 ; in 1377 at 2,350,000 ; in 
1575 at 4,500,000 ; and adopts the estimate of Gregory King, of 
5,500,000 in 1696. Hajlam in his History of the Middle Ages, 
says the whole population in 1377 did not much exceed 2,300,000. 
Murray in his Encyclopaedia of Geography estimates the popula- 
tion in 1377 at 2,300,000 ; in 1575 at 4,500,000 ; and in 1688 at 
5,500,000. 

The estimates for the year 1377 are founded on the returns 
of a poll tax, levied on all laymen over fourteen years of age ; 
and those for 1696, are founded on the returns of a hearth tax. 
The census of the United States, taken in 1790, was the first 
enumeration ever taken by a nation of all its inhabitants. The 
first complete census ever taken of the population of Great 
Britain, was in 1801 ; and the same year, the first census was 
taken of all the inhabitants of France. Other nations of Europe, 
at later periods, followed the example of the United States, in 
enumerating all their inhabitants. All previous enumerations 
were of families, of males capable of bearing arms, of adults, or 
houses, for purposes of taxation ; from which estimates were made 
of the whole number of inhabitants. 

England and Wales contain 57,812 square miles. The 
Norman conquest in 1066 was easily effected, and was not very 
destructive to human life. The number of Normans who came 
into the country during the first nine years after the conquest 
(up to 1075) perhaps equalled the decrease of the Anglo-Saxon 
population, by reason of the conquest. 

* See Chapter XIII., Section 15, and Chapter XIV.. Section 9. 



ON POPULATION. 



Estimates of the population of England and "Wales, at the 
undermentioned dates ; with the per cent, of increase, and the 
total increase, during the intermediate periods. 







No. of 


Increase during previous period. 


5Tears. 


Population. 


Years. 










Per Cent. 


Total Increase. 


1075 


1,800,000 








1200 


t 2,000,000 


125 


About 11 


200,000 


1300 


2,200,000 


100 


„ 10 


200,000 


1400 


2,600,000 


100 


Nearly 20 


400,000 


1500 


3,250,000 


100 


„ 25 


650,000 


1600 


4,300,000 


100 


„ 33 


1,050,000 


1700 


5,600,000 


100 


About 30 


1,300,000 


1750 


6,700,000 


50 


„ 20 


1,100,000 


1775 


7,500,000 


25 


„ 12 


800,000 


1790 


S,325,00(f 


15 


» 11 


825,000 


1801 


9,225,000 


11 


Nearly 1 1 


900,000 



There were over thirty years civil war during the fifteenth 
century, which checked the increase of the population. It was 
lessened also during the seventeenth century by civil wars and 
emigration. The number stated for 1801 includes about three- 
fourths of the 470,598 employed in the army and navy in the 
United Kingdom. 

Scotland had 1,050,000 inhabitants in 1696 ; # 1,265,380 in 
1755 ; and 1,599,068 by the first complete census taken in 1801. 

Estimates of the population of Scotland at the undermentioned 
dates, and its progressive increase. 







No. of 


Increase during 


previous period. 


Years. 


Population. 


Years. 
















Per cent. 


Total increase. 


1200 


400,000 








1500 


600,000 


300 


50 


200,000 


1600 


780,000 


100 


30 


180,000 


1700 


1,040,000 


100 


33J 


260,000 


1750 


1,248,000 


50 


20 


208,000 


1775 


1,373,000 


25 


10 


125,000 


1790 


1,508,000 


15 


nearly 10 


135,000 


1801 


1,658,068 


11 


„ 10 


150,068 



The number stated for 1801 includes 59,000 for the Scotch 
* See McCulloch's Gazetteer. 



OX POPULATION. 561 

employed in the army and navy, or about one eighth of the whole 
number in the United Kingdom. 

Ireland is said by Mr. McCulloch to contain an area of 
31,874 square miles, of which 711| are covered with water. The 
population was estimated in 1672 at but 1,100,000 ; in 1731 at 
but 2,010,221; in 1754 at 2,372,634; and in 1785 at only 
2,845,932. But it is impossible, considering the number at sub- 
sequent periods, for it to have been so low at those dates. Those 
estimates are founded on the returns of the hearth money collect- 
ors of the number of houses, and they estimated six persons for 
each house counted in the returns. Their fallacy is shown by 
the fact that the number in 17S5 was estimated at but 2.S45.932, 
and in 1788, 3,900,000 ; showing an increase of nearly forty per 
cent, in three years. Dr. Morse estimated the population of Ire- 
land in 1792 at 4,000,000 ; and Dr. Newenham estimated it in 
1805 at 5,375,456. The hearth money collectors returned the 
number of houses in 1785 at only 474,322 ; in 1788 at 650,000 ; 
and in 1791 at 701,102, which, allowing an average of six persons 
to each house, would show a population, in 1791, of 4,206,612. 
The returns for the year 1785, and all prior years, must have 
been very imperfect. An imperfect census was taken in 1812, 
from which the population was computed at 5,937,856. The 
first complete census was taken in 1S21, showing a population of 
6,801,827. 

It is probable that the population of Ireland was less per square 
mile than that of England and Wales, at the time of its conquest 
by Henry II. of England in the year 1172, and did not amount 
in the year 1200 to more than 900,000 ; in the year 1300 to 
1,000,000 ; in the year 1400 to 1,140,000 ; in the year 1500 to 
1,400,000; and in the year 1600 to 1,750,000. Ireland was 
mostly a grazing country, without much agriculture, manufactures, 
commerce or enterprise, until the rise of manufactures in Great 
Britain the latter part of the 18th century. The Irish were very 
little affected by the European wars, and very few emigrated 
until since the close of the wars in 1815. Though a few thousand 
Protestants were massacred in the rebellion in 1640, yet as emi- 
gration from England during the civil wars was great, and none 
from Ireland, the increase of the population of Ireland during the 
17th century was perhaps much greater than that of England, or 
about 40 per cent. ; amounting to 700,000 ; making the popula- 
tion in 1700 about 2,450,000. 



562 



ON POPULATION. 



Statements of the population of Ireland, according to the re- 
turns of the censuses of 1821 to 1851, and estimates for the pre- 
vious undermentioned periods, and its progressive increase. 







No of 


Increase during 


previous period. 




Population. 


Years. 


















Per cent. 


Total increase. 


1700 


2,450,000 








■1750 


3,100,000 


50 


25 


650,000 


1775 


3,600,000 


25 


16§ 


500,000 


1790 


4,300,000 


15 


nearly 20 


700,000 


1801 


5,000,000 


11 


16f 


700,000 


1811 


5,830,000 


10 


about 16§ 


830,000 


1821 


6,801,827 


10 


16^ 


971,827 


1831 


7,767,401 


10 


over 14 


965,574 


1841 


8,175,124 


10 


about 5| 


407,783 


1851 


6,515,784 


10 


decrease 20 


1,659,340 



Statement of the population of England and Wales, Scotland 
and Ireland respectively, and of the Channel Islands of Jersey, 
Guernsey, Man, &c, according to the returns of the censuses 
from 1801 to 1851 ; being estimated for Ireland and the Channel 
Islands for 1801 and 1811. Also the per cent, of increase during 
each intervening period, and the emigration. 





Population 
in 1801. 




Population 
in 1811. 


9 -|J 
3g 


Population 
in 1821. 


England - 
Wales - 
Scotland 


8,331,434 

541,546 

1,599,068 


14.5 

13. 

12.9 


9,538,827 

611,788 

1,805,688 


18. 

17.3 

15.9 


U.261,437 

717,438 

2,093,456 


Army and Navy 
Ireland - 
Channel Islands 


10,472.048 

470,598 

5,000,000 

60.000 


14.2 
18. 


11.956,303 

640,500 

5,830,000 

74,000 


17.6 
16.6 


14,072,331- 

319,300 

6,801,827 

89,508 


Total 
Emigration partly esti- ) 

mated ) 
Natural increase of the 1 

emigrants ) 


16,002,646 


15f 


18,500,803 
80,000 

6,000 


15i 


21,282,966 
159,465 

12,500 








16,002,646 


16. 


18,586,803 


16. 


21,454.931 



ON POPULATION. 



503 





go 

►5 p. 


Population 
in 1831. 


If 

II 


Population 
in 1S41. 

15,000,154 ) 
911.603 J 
2,620,184 


g 


Population 
in 1851. 


England - 
\V ales 
Scotland - 


161: 

12* 

13. 


13,091,005 

806,182 

2,365,114 


14,6 
13. 

10.8 


\ 12i 
10.8 


17,905,831 
2,870.784 


Army and Navy- 
Ireland 
Channel Islands 


I5i 

131 


16.262,301 

277,017 

7,767.017 

103,710 


13.9 

si' 


18,531,941 

209.926 

8,175,124 

124,040 


12.1 
abo't 


20,776,615 

6.515,784 
142,916 


Total 
Emigrated 
Incr'se of emi'gnts 
Convicts trans- ) 
ported, about ) 


14-6 


24,410,429 

253.676 

18,000 

25,000 


10.7 


27,041.031 

703^130 

49,000 

30,160 


27,435,315 

1,684,894 

85,000 

33,000 




16. 


24,707,105 


14. 


27,823,321 


8.129.238,209 



It is a remarkable circumstance, illustrating the great pros- 
perity and productive energy of every part of Great Britain, that 
every county of England and Wales increased in population be- 
tween each decennial period from 1801 to 1841 ; that every 
county in Scotland increased in population between the census of 
1821 and that of 1831, while seven counties declined in popula- 
tion between the years 1831 and 1841 ; that England increased 
from 1801 to 1811 about 14| per cent.; from 1811 to 1821 
nearly 18 per cent. ; from 1821 to 1831 about 16 per cent. ; and 
from 1831 to 1841 141 per cent. Ireland increased from 1790 
to 1831 about as fast as England, being from 14 to 20 per cent, 
every ten years every county but one increasing from the census 
of 1821 to that of 1831, when the rapid increase is suddenly 
checked and reduced from 14J per cent, in ten years, to about 5| 
per cent, from 1831 to 1841. Though there was a large emigra- 
tion from Ireland from 1830 to 1845, yet there is no reason to 
believe that the population declined prior to the year 1846. Then 
commenced the great dearth, excessive mortality, and immense 
emigration, which reduced the population in five years nearly two 
millions. There is reason to believe from the reports of the time, 
and the returns of. the census of 1851, that the mortality caused 
in Ireland, during the years 1846 and 1847, by a want of suffi- 
cient food, clothing, fuel, lodging, and other comforts, was from a 
quarter to half a million. 

During the first half of the 18th century, England was an 
agricultural country, and exported considerable quantities of 
grain ; and during that period, Ireland was a grazing country. 



564 ON POPULATION. 

About the year 1767, England began to import grain, and since 
the year 1780, has imported large quantities annually from 
Ireland ; which furnished employment and the means of procuring 
the comforts of life to some extent to the Irish, and occasioned a 
very rapid increase of the population of Ireland from 1780 to 
1831. It should be borne in mind, however, that the English 
market for the agricultural products of Ireland, which furnished 
employment to the Irish, and was very advantageous to them, 
and caused them to increase in numbers, after all, only enabled 
them to subsist, and to breed. While the English have been 
accumulating immense wealth during the last sixty years, by 
mining, manufactures, agriculture and commerce, combined ; the 
Irish have been confined mostly to agriculture, and the manu- 
facture of linen ; and though they have had all the advantages of 
free trade with England, and got British goods free of duty 
in payment for their agricultural products, yet the British have 
got all the profits, and three-fourths of the inhabitants of Ireland 
may be ranked among the poorest and most miserable of any 
people on the earth, having any claims to civilization. 

The miseries of the mass of the people of Ireland arise from 
causes which have been operating for ages, whose influences may 
be classed in proportion to their magnitude, as follows : First, 
Catholicism, with its machinery of ecclesiastical government, 
which keeps the most of the people in ignorance, and unfits them 
for business, and for all the higher stations and branches of 
industry. Secondly, the policy of the British Government, in 
discouraging manufacturing industry in Ireland, and encouraging 
free trade with Great Britain ; whereby the British manufacturer 
is enabled to supply the markets of Ireland, and to deprive the 
Irish producer and laborer, of the field of employment and 
industry, which justly belong to them. Thirdly, a superabundant 
population ; greater than the extent, resources and condition of 
the country will warrant. Fourthly, absentee-landlords, whose 
rents being taken from, and spent out of, the country, serve to 
drain it of the means of supporting its inhabitants, without an 
equivalent. Fifthly, Episcopacy, with its burthens and oppress- 
ing influences. Sixthly, and lastly, the indebtedness of the 
people to Great Britain, and the constant drain of the means of 
supporting its inhabitants, to pay for British goods, and the 
interest on their debts. Though this is put down as a cause, it 
is only a secondary, not a primary cause ; being an effect produced 
mostly by free trade with Great Britain. The cause assigned as 
the third, is also greatly aggravated by the causes classed as the 
first, second and fourth. 

The decline of the population of Ireland, between the middle 



ON POPULATION. 565 

of the year 1846, and the time of taking the census, in March, 
1851, must have been over a million and a half. The dearth of 
1846 and partial famine of 1847, which produced an excessive 
mortality, were caused by the partial failure of the potatoe crop. 
The establishment of free trade in grain in 1S46, has reduced the 
prices of grain and flour in Great Britain about twenty per cent, 
greatly depressed agricultural industry in Ireland, and rendered it 
impossible for a large portion of the Irish tenants to pay their 
rents. These causes have driven them out of the country, and 
they have emigrated in pursuit of employment, and the means of 
subsistence, at the rate of about three hundred thousand a year, 
for some -years past. The emigrants are mostly Catholics, of 
Celtic origin. The greatest part of them come to America, but 
many of them go to Great Britain, to dig their canals and 
cellars, grade their rail-roads, and perform the lowest grade of 
labor. The places of many of them in Ireland, have been sup- 
plied by Protestant peasants from England and Scotland, who 
make more thrifty and better tenants. This will contribute also, 
to drive out the poor Catholics, and the probability is, that the 
emigration will continue, until nearly all the Catholic tenants of 
farming lands have left the country. Very likely, (if the present 
policy of the government is pursued) the population of Ireland 
may continue to decline, for ten or fifteen years to come, and 
until it is reduced to four and a half, or five millions. That is 
about as many as can find sufficient employment under the present 
condition of things, and the system of measures adopted by the 
government. We shall soon have in the United States, a larger 
population of Celtic Irish descent, than will remain in Ireland. 

Emigration. — The emigration from Great Britain and Ireland 
from 1812 to 1S21, inclusive, is stated in the Encyclopaedia 
Americana, on the authority of official reports, ordered to be 
printed by the House of Commons, as follows : 

To the British Colonies 
To the United States. in America. 

From England, 33,608 23,783 

" Scotland, 4,727 19,471 

" Ireland, x 30,653 47,223 

68,988 r 90,477 

68,988 



Total, - 159,465 



566 



ON POPULATION. 



Emigration from Great Britain and Ireland.* 





British N. Amer- 


United States. 


Other Coun- | 


Total. 




ican Colonies 




tries & Colon's, 




1821 


12,470 


5,000 


2,496 


19,966 


1822 


11,282 


, 5,000 


2,490 


18,772 


1823 


8,133 


5,000 


2,638 


15,771 


1824 


7,311 


5,000 


2,252 


14,563 


1825 


8,741 


5,551 


1,6S1 


15,973 


1826 


12,818 


7,063 


2,932 


22,813 


1827 


12,648 


14,526 


1,985 


29,159 


1828 


12,084 


12,817 


2,402 


27,303 


1829 


13,307 


15,678 


3,464 


32,449 


1830 


30 ; 574 


24,887 


1,446 


56,907 


Total 


129,368 


100,522 


23,786 


253,676 


1831 


58,067 


23,418 


1,675 


83,160 


1832 


66,339 


32,872 


3,929 


103,140 


1833 


28,808 


29,109 


4,610 


62,527 


1834 


40,060 


33,074 


3,088 


76,222 


1S35 


15,573 


26,720 


2,185 


44,478 


1S36 


34,226 


37,774 


3,417 


75,417 


1837 


29,884 


36,770 


5,380 


72,034 


1838 


4,557 


14,332 


14,313 


33,202 


1839 


12,658 


33,536 


16,013 


62,207 


1840 


32,293 


40,642 


17,808 


90,743 


Total 


322,465 


308,247 


72,418 


703,130 


1841 


38,164 


45,017 


35,411 


118,592 


1842 


54,123 


63,852 


10,369 


128,344 


1843 


23,518 


28,335 


5,359 


57,212 


1844 


22,924 


43,660 


4,102 


70,686 


1845 


31,803 


58,538 


3,160 


93,501 


1846 


43,439 


82,239 


4,173 


129,851 


1847 


109,680 


142,154 


6,436 


258,270 


1848 


31,065 


188,233 


28,791 


248,089 


1849 






1 


299,49S 


1850 


• 




i 


280,849 


Total 






| 


1,684,892 



* The numbers to the United States for 1821 to 1824 are estimated 
others are taken from the Com. Diet, and the British Almanac. 



the 



ON POPULATION*. oC7 

Convicts sent from the United Kingdom to New South 
Wales from 1825 to 1831, inclusive, (attested by 
Porter) - - - 18,652 

Do. from 1S32 to 1841, inclusive, " " 30,160 

Do. estimated from 1842 to 1850 inclusive, - 33,000 

The emigration since January, 1847, has greatly exceeded the 
natural increase of the population of the United Kingdom ; and 
the emigration to the United States has been about as great. 
The effect is, to diminish the number of laborers in Great Britain 
and increase them in the United States ; and the tendency is, to 
equalize the price of labor in the two countries, by raising the 
price of it in Great Britain and reducing it in this country. 

Sec. 7. The Netherlands, or Holland and Belgium. 

During the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries, and the first fifty 
years of the 16th century, the manufacture of wool was carried 
on more extensively in Flanders, now Belgium, than in any other 
country of Europe, and the manufacture of linen and lace was 
also very extensive. These manufactures, and commerce as 
their necessary attendant, sprang up in the Netherlands, (including 
Holland as well as Belgium,) during the time of the crusades in the 
12th century; and such were their effects upon the prosperity of 
the people, and their increase in numbers, wealth, revenues and 
power, that in the year 1550 the Netherlands was the most- 
flourishing, wealthy and populous, in proportion to its extent, of 
any country in Europe. Vide ante, section S of Chap. viii. 

The provinces now comprising the kingdom of Belgium were 
distracted, ravaged, and in some parts desolated, by the religious 
wars and persecutions of the Duke of Alva, under Philip II., of 
Spain, between the years 1566 and 1573. Their manufactures, 
commerce, productive industry, and the energies of the people 
were all prostrated, and their numbers greatly reduced ; but the 
seven United Provinces, generally known as Holland, were 
successful in throwing off the yoke of Spanish despotism, and 
maintaining their independence. Dr. Morse makes the following 
remarks in his geography: "In other countries, which are 
possessed of a variety of natural productions, we are not surprised 
to find manufactures employed in multiplying the riches which the 
bounty of the soil bestows. But to see in a country like Holland, 
large woollen manufactures, where there are scarcely any flocks ; 
numberless artists employed in metals, where there are no mines ; 
thousands of saw mills, where there is scarcely any forest ; an 
immense quantity of corn exported from a country where there is 
not agriculture enough to support one half of its inhabitants, 
is what must strike every attentive observer with admiration." 



568 ON POPULATION. 

The manufactures of the Hollanders, including ship building, 
furnished the principal materials and means of carrying on an 
immense commerce ; and their manufactures, fisheries and com- 
merce, with great frugality, were the causes of the accumulation 
of their great wealth and their increase in numbers ; until 
Holland, with a territory (including a part of Limburg and 
Luxemburgh, now attached to it,) of about 13,600 square miles, 
much of it a marsh redeemed from the sea, became by far the 
richest country in the world, in proportion to its extent and to 
the number of its inhabitants. The frugality and commercial 
policy of the Hollanders is vividly pictured by Sir Wm. Temple, 
(ante, section 16, of chapter xiii.) 

Though there were occasionally government as well as indi- 
vidual estimates of the population of Holland, yet I am not aware 
that there was any complete census ever taken of the population 
of either Holland or Belgium, until the year 1815. The popula- 
tion of the seven United Provinces, (Holland,) in 1620, is estimated 
at 1,200,000 in Mr. Grattan's history of the Netherlands, chap, 
xviii. ; and Dr. Morse says in his geography, that it was estimated 
by the government in 1785 at 2,758,632, but that it was then 
estimated by M. Pestel at only 2,000,000. But in either case, 
the population was nearly two centuries in doubling. Perhaps 
the population declined from 1790 to 1815, under the galling 
yoke of the French, and the continental system of Napoleon. 

The census of 1815 was incomplete. The population of 
Holland and Belgium and the parts of Luxemburgh and Limburg 
attached to them, have been stated as follows : 

In 1815. In 1825. 

Holland, 2,118,000 2,360,000 

Belgium, 3,424,502 3,653,476 



Total, 5,542,502 6,013,476 

In 1829, population of Belgium by the census, 9,757,866 
In 1846, Oct. 15, do. do. 4,337,196 

In Jan. 1838, population of Holland do. 2,913,396 

In do. 1848, do. do. do. 3,236,741 

In Dec, 1850, estimate for Holland and Belgium, 7,700,000 

It should be remembered, that this rapid increase has occurred 
in the most densely populated countries of Europe, and perhaps 
in the world ; and that the population is still increasing, as indus- 
try increases, and has not been checked, as it has in Ireland, for 
want of employment and the means of subsistence. Holland is 
increasing in population, with a very small territory, by means of 
manufactures, commerce and agriculture combined, having no 



ON POPULATION. 5G9 

mines. Belgium, with a territory of only 13,214 square miles, 
(less than one-fourth part as large as the State of Virginia,) by 
reason of its great mineral resources, has a more complete division 
of employments among its citizens than Holland ; and by means 
of mining, manufactures, agriculture and domestic commerce 
combined, with but a trifling amount of foreign commerce, has 
increased its population since the close of the wars in 1815, with 
a rapidity truly wonderful. The division of employments among 
them is so complete, that they produce almost every thing for 
themselves, and have no occasion to import much, except the 
products of warm climates ; which do not come in competition 
with, and do not displace and depress any of their own industry. 
They are not afflicted with the dogmas of free trade. The 
system of popular education, established in Holland, was extended 
over Belgium, during its connection with Holland; the most of 
the people have had a common school education ; and their 
Catholicism seems to sit very loosely upon them, and does not 
appear to have exercised much influence in depressing their spirit 
of independence, enterprise, or genius for manufactures, and 
other branches of productive industry. 

Sec. 8. Population of Prussia, Denmark^ Sioeden, Norway and 
Switzerland. 

In 1657, Prussia was acknowledged by Poland, to be a free 
and independent State ; after making some acquisitions, it was 
advanced to the dignity of a kingdom in 1700 ; and a part of 
Pomerania was not long after added to it. McCulloch remarks, 
when Frederick the Great ascended the throne in 1740, his dis- 
jointed dominions did not contain 2,500,000 inhabitants, who had 
made but little progress in the arts, or in the accumulation of 
wealth. In the early part of his reign, he wrested the province 
of Silesia from the house of Austria ; in the latter part of his 
reign, in conjunction with Russia and Austria, he planned, and 
partly carried into effect the partition of Poland, acquiring as his 
share, the western parts of it. By these different acquisitions, 
Prussia, at the death of Frederick in 17S6, had been increased in 
size nearly one-half ; while, owing to the fertility of the country, 
and the improvements effected in every part of his dominions, 
after the peace of 1763, the population had increased, according 
to the Prussian writers, to about 6,000,000. 

Prussia acquired by the subsequent partition of Poland, in 
1792, and its final dismemberment in 1795, a large extent of 
territory, and upwards of 2,000,000 of inhabitants. In addition 
to this, Prussia acquired some small districts of territory in Ger- 
many ; so that in 1805, according to estimates of Krug, the 



570 ON POPULATION. 

kingdom had a population of 9,640,000. No accurate census 
was taken until 1816. Her disastrous contest with Napoleon., in 
1806, and the exhausting wars in which she was involved much 
of the time from 1806 to the peace of 1815, checked, and very- 
likely entirely prevented, any increase of population, during that 
eventful period. Some additions were made to Prussia by the 
treaty of peace of 1815, which swelled the territory to 107,641 
English square miles. 

Population of Prussia, by the first census taken 
in 1816— 10,349,031 

Increase in 9 years to 1825 about 18J per cent. 1,907,694 

Population by the census of 1825, 12,256,725 

Increase in 15 years to 1840about21J per cent., 2,671,776 

Population by the census of 1840, 14,928,501 

Increase in 9 years, to 1849 about 91 per cent., 1,402,686 

Population by the census of 1849, 16,331,187 

Early marriages are less common in cities than in the country ; 
and less common also in old densely peopled countries, than in 
new ones. In proportion as the population becomes dense, 
marriages are generally contracted later in life, and the ratio with 
which the population increases becomes less, as is exhibited in 
the foregoing statement of the result of the censuses of Prussia. 

The census of 1849 shows that about five-eighths of the inhab- 
itants are Protestants, and three-eighths Catholics. The system 
of education of Prussia is the most complete, and the mass of the 
people the best educated, of any in Europe. Education and 
intelligence have stimulated and directed the industry of the 
people, made their labor more productive, contributed to increase 
the means of subsistence, and to increase the population and the 
prosperity of the nation. 

Denmark, with the Duchy of Schleswig Holstein, comprises an 
area of about 21,856 English square miles. 

In 1801, population by the census, 1,527,000 

Increase in 33 years, 32.4 per cent., 506,265 

In 1834, population by the census, 2,033,265 

Increase in 11 years over 10 per cent., 205,812 

In 1845, population, 2,239,077 

The result shows a regular increase of over- nine per cent., 
during each period of ten years, since 1801. 



ON POPULATION. 5*71 

Sweden. — Mr. McCulloch says there was a progressive dimi- 
nution of the population during the disastrous period, from 1800 
to 1810 ; that the population in 1820 amounted to 2,584,690 
Increase to 1839, ----- 525,082 

Amounting by the census to - 3,109,772 

Norway. — According to the returns of the census of Novem- 
ber 1826, the population of Norway amounted to 1,050,132 
In 1835, by the census, - - - - 1,194,827 

Switzerland, — Dr. Morse says, from the best accounts the 
cantons of Switzerland then (1793) contained about 2,000,000 
of inhabitants. McCulloch states the area at 15,233 square 
miles, and the population at the end of the year 
1837 at ------ 2,188,000 

The American Almanac states it for 1850, at 2,365,286 

Sec 9. Progress of the population of Russia. 

Russia has gained many accessions of territory and population 
within a century past ; authors sometimes include the whole 
Russian dominions under the term Russia ; at other times they 
include Poland and all the Russian dominions in Europe ; and at 
others they include only the ancient dominions of Russia in 
Europe, so that it is often difficult to determine, to what extent 
of territory their estimates apply. Dr. Morse, in the edition of 
his geography published in 1793, estimated the territory of 
European Russia, including the part of Poland then subject to 
Russia, at 1,194,976 square miles, and the population at 
20,000,000, and the population of Asiatic Russia at 4,000,000. 
Mr. Murray, in his Encyclopaedia of Geography, says, " the 
population of Russia, (meaning all the Russian dominions in 
Europe and Asia,) which, in 1722, was rated probably too low 
at 14,000,000, had risen in 1762, to 20,000,000 ; in 1795, to 
36,000,000 ; in 1818, to 45,500,000, and in 1824, to 50,000,000." 
But nuich of this increase was caused by accessions of territory ; 
and all the estimates for periods since 1763 are too high. 

Mr. McCulloch states the area of Russia in Europe, including 
Poland in 1839, at 2,000,000 English square miles, and the 
population at 49,000,000. It does not appear that a complete 
census of all the Russian provinces has ever been taken in any 
one year ; though several enumerations have been taken of the 
provinces, at different periods, and registries of births and deaths 
have been kept. From the official enumerations and reports at 
different periods, M. L. De Tegoborski, a privy councillor of the 
Empire, in a recent work, published during the present year 
(1852), has stated the population as follows : 



0*72 ON POPULATION. 

Russia in Europe, exclusive of Poland and Finland, in 1840, 
at 50,231,000; in 1848, at 54,334,000 ; and in 1850, at 55,500,000. 
He states the population of Finland, according to the official 
returns of 1849, at 1,524,000, and estimates them in 1850, at 
1,539,000. He states the population of Poland in 1844, accord- 
ing to official reports, at 4,770,000 
and estimates it in 1850, at ... 5,008,000 

Total for the Russian dominions in Europe, 

in 1850, 62,047,000 

He says the population of the Russian dominions in Asia, was 
estimated by M. Koeppen, in 1838, at 4,638,000; and he esti- 
mated it in 1850 at 5,200,000. 

The increase seems to have been about one per cent, annually, 
and over 1 1 per cent, in ten years, since the commencement of 
the present century. 

Peter the Grreat ascended the throne of Russia in 1689 ; and 
at that time the Russians were in a rude and barbarous state, 
with very little knowledge of the mechanic arts or agriculture ; 
scarcely any productive industry or employment, but war, hunting, 
and tending their flocks ; destitute of nearly all the comforts of 
life ; and the mortality necessarily so great, that it was impossible 
for the population to increase more than from ten to twenty per 
cent, in a century. This great prince did more for the real 
welfare of his country, than was ever done before by any 
monarch, in any age of the world. He traveled into Holland 
and England, spent some time as a laborer in their ship-yards, in 
learning the art of ship-building, and the mechanic arts of those 
countries, which he labored to introduce, and finally succeeded 
in introducing into his dominions ; and thereby laid the foundation 
of the advancement of his subjects in the mechanic arts, agricul- 
ture, mining, and commerce ; and of the rapid increase of his 
country in productive industry, the comforts of life, population, 
wealth and power. 

The present territory of European Russia, exclusive of Poland, 
perhaps contained a population from the beginning of the tenth 
to the end of the fifteenth century, of from 10,000,000 to 
12,000,000 of miserable barbarians. As the inhabitants were a 
hardy, robust race, without any ideas of luxury, they generally 
married young, and their simple habits were well adapted to a 
rapid increase of population, as soon as they acquired comfortable 
dwellings, and a sufficient supply of clothing and other comforts, 
to protect them from the severity of the climate. Estimated 
increase during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, twenty 



ON POPULATION. 5*73 

per cent., amounting in the year 1700 to 17,000,000. Increase 

in 50 years to 1750, about twenty-five per cent. 

In 1750, estimated population, 21,250,000 

Increase in 25 years, 20 per cent., 4,250,000 

In 1775, estimated population, 25,500,000 

Increase in 15 years, 15 per cent., 4,300,000 

In 1790, estimated population, 29,800,000 

Increase in ten years, 11 per cent. 3,200,000 

In 1800, estimated population, 33,000,000 

In 1840, 51,600,000 

and in 1850, 57,000,000 

Sec. 10. Austria, Germany, and Turkey. 
No census was ever taken of Turkey ; and no complete census 
was 1 ever taken of Germany, and the Austrian dominions, until 
since the peace of 1815. Germany and Austria have been 
subjected to so many changes, and consist of so many kingdoms 
and political divisions, the inhabitants of which have been 
enumerated at different times, that it is impossible to state the 
number with accuracy, at any particular period, until very 
recently. Their population at different periods is estimated in 
section 2. 

Sec. 11. Population of Asia. 
An estimate has been given in Section 2 of the population in 
the third century, and at several periods since, of Turkey in Asia, 
including Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine, and Mesopotamia. Mc- 
Culloch states the area of Persia at about 450,000 square miles, 
and estimates the population at from eight to ten-millions. There 
is no reason to doubt that Persia, the valleys of the rivers 
Euphrates and Tigris, and the countries lying between them, 
comprising the eastern part of Turkey, were more populous from 
five hundred to fifteen hundred years before the Christian era, 
than they have ever been since. Such was probably the case also 
with Hindostan. There is no reason to believe that there has 
been any substantial increase for many centuries in the productive 
industry and population of any of the countries of Asia, except 
China, the Islands of Japan, some other islands, and the Russian 
dominions. No census has ever been taken of the population of 
any country of Asia, and everything on the subject is mere con- 
jecture, and calculation based on very imperfect evidence. Mr. 
McCulloch has estimated the population of the continent of Asia, 
at 375,230,000 ; and the population of the islands, including 



574 ON POPULATION. 

Japan, at 54 370,000 — making in all, nearly 430,000,000. He 
has put down the Chinese Empire at 168,000,000, and the Islands 
of Japan at 25,000,000, which in my opinion are too low estimates, 
though they differ very little from the estimates of Balbi. The 
Weimar Almanack, for 1S40, states the population of Asia and 
its islands at over 608,000,000 ; putting down the Chinese Empire 
at 252,866,000. 

China. — The area of China proper has been generally esti- 
mated at about 1,300,000 square miles. Mr. McCulloch esti- 
mates it at 1,348,870. The population has been variously 
estimated at from 150,000,000 to 360,279,897. The latter is 
said to be the number according to the government census in 
1813. Very little credence should be given to any of the official 
statements, but all persons who have visited China agree that the 
population is exceedingly dense ; and as the whole country lies 
between the twentieth and forty-second degree of latitude, partly 
in a warm and partly in a temperate climate, and the territory is 
nearly half as large as that part of Europe lying below the sixty- 
second degree of latitude, there is reason to believe that the 
population is greater than that of Europe at the beginning of the 
present century, and probably amounts to 200,000,000, and 
perhaps more. Belgium has over three hundred inhabitants to 
the square mile ; England and Wales about as many ; and if we 
allow China an average of two hundred to the square mile, the 
population would amount to 260,000,000. 

The area of Japan is said to be about 266,000 square miles, 
or four and a half times as great as that of England and Wales, 
and the population has been variously estimated at from twenty 
to fifty millions. It is undoubtedly very great, and quite likely 
may amount to thirty millions, and perhaps more. Though the 
Chinese and Japanese have had very little commerce or inter- 
course with other nations, yet China, in particular, embraces so 
many degrees of latitude and grades of climate, and its produc- 
tions are so various and great, its internal improvements and 
domestic commerce so extensive, and the division of employments 
among the people so complete, that enough is produced in the 
country to supply nearly all the real wants of the people without 
the aid of foreign commerce. The density of the population of 
China is very conclusive evidence that the productive industry of 
the Chinese was greater, and the state of the mechanic arts, 
manufactures and agriculture more flourishing among them, than 
it was in any country of Europe a century since. 

Since the conquest of China by the Tartars, about two 
centuries since, the country has had almost uninterrupted peace ; 
the people have enjoyed freedom of opinion, and perfect liberty 



ON POPULATION. 575 

on all matters of religious exercise and worship ; and from the 
accounts of voyagers, travellers, merchants, and missionaries who 
have visited the country, as well as the official reports of the 
government, we have reason to believe that the population has 
increased much more rapidly than that of Europe, and has 
perhaps more than doubled during the last two centuries. Not- 
withstanding the impression which generally prevails in this coun- 
try and in England, that the people of hot climates are so much 
enervated by the heat as to be naturally feeble and indolent, and 
unfitted for mechanical and manufacturing labor, or a very high 
degree of productive industry, it is affirmed by M. Compte in La 
Traite de Legislation Liv. iii. Chap, xxxii. that the activity 
and productive industry of the Chinese is much greater in the 
southern part of the empire, below the twenty-fifth degree of 
latitude, than it is in the northern part, above the thirty-fifth 
parallel of latitude. 

The Turks first entered Europe about five centuries since, and 
took Constantinople in the year 1453. We have reason to 
believe, that the population of Turkey in Europe, including 
G-reece, has declined under their dominion, from 15,000,000 to 
about 10,000,000; and that the decline of the population of 
Turkey in Asia, and Egypt, has been still greater. 

McCulloch says " except in the article of provisions, no 
restriction on commerce ever existed in Turkey. All foreign 
articles may be imported into the Turkish ports, without let or 
hindrance of any kind, on payment of an import duty of three 
per cent, ad valorem ; and all articles of foreign and domestic 
growth or manufacture may be freely conveyed all over the 
empire." The result has been, that the country has been sup- 
plied with British goods to the full extent of the ability of the 
people to pay for them ; the domestic manufacturer and mechanic 
have been undersold, and mostly deprived of the benefits of their 
own markets ; industry has languished, the country is impov- 
erished, and the population has declined. 

The British have had dominion over a large portion of Hindos- 
tan, for about three-fourths of a century, during which time, the 
population of Great Britain has more than doubled, and the 
population of China, and of nearly all the countries of the civil- 
ized world, has greatly increased. What evidence have we that 
either the population or the wealth of Hindostan has increased at 
all ? Six enumerations have been made of the population of 
Great Britain, during the present century ; but no census has 
ever been taken of British India. Why has it been omitted I 
During the whole of the eighteenth century, and up to within 
thirty or forty years past, nearly all western Europe was supplied 



5*16 ON POPULATION. 

with cotton goods from Hindostan ; but now that country is 
filled with English goods ; prices are reduced so low that the natives 
can scarcely obtain a subsistence by spinning and weaving by 
hand ; and the consequence is, they are reduced to the most 
abject poverty and distress. Many branches of manufacturing 
industry have been almost entirely superceded and destroyed ; 
and there is no reason to doubt that the aggregate industry, 
wealth and population, have all declined. 

Sec. 12. Population of Africa. 
Less is known of Africa, than of Asia, and the population of 
the former is still more uncertain than that of the latter. It has 
been variously estimated at from sixty millions, to over an 
hundred millions. Balbi estimates it at 60,000,000, Malte-Brun 
at 70,000,000, and the Weimar Almanac at 101,000,000. 

Sec. 13. By ivhat causes, is population affected ? 

The mere form of government seems to have but little influ- 
ence upon population, though it is much influenced by the 
measures and policy of the government ; climate appears to have 
less influence upon it than religious bigotry and ecclesiastical 
dominion ; it may increase rapidly in the severe climate and under 
the stern despousni of the Czar of Russia, or the warm sun and 
milder dominion of the Emperor of China, and the principles of 
religious toleration ; though it has increased in China under the 
dominion of the Tartars, and perhaps increased under some of 
the successors of Mahomet, yet it has sunk under the combined 
influence of Mahometanism, and Tartaric indolence and stupidity 
in Turkey. It will increase either with or without slavery, and 
under any system of despotism, either of government or religion, 
or both combined, provided they concur in encouraging the 
mechanic arts, and productive industry ; but it will not increase 
much in the States of the Church, under the immediate civil and 
religious dominion of the Pope ; nor under the dominion of the 
ecclesiastical, military, and landed aristocracy of Mexico, who 
pursue a policy tending to discourage the mechanic arts, manu- 
factures and commerce, though all the people may be nominally 
free, and enjoy the blessings of a republican form of government. 

The causes which affect population directly are, first, climate ; 
secondly, the comforts enjoyed by the people ; thirdly, early 
marriages ; and lastly, war, pestilence and famine. Government 
and religion both exercise a great influence in stimulating or 
depressing industry, and encouraging or discouraging economy, 
and they thereby increase or diminish the comforts of life, and 
indirectly exert a powerful influence upon population. The 



ON POPULATION. 577 

history of the Catholic population of Ireland, and that of the 
French of Canada, show the effect of early marriages upon the 
increase of population, and that an increase of population is not a 
certain indication of the prosperity of a country 

As the increase of population depends much on an increase of 
the comforts of life, which are supplied by industry — it depends 
on the productiveness of industry — on the skill, intelligence and 
science of the people, and on public improvements, and the 
facilities of making exchanges. Though an agricultural people, 
without education, will increase for a time, as was the case in 
Ireland from 1750 to 1S40, yet a period is soon put to their 
increase. Agriculture alone cannot support a dense population. 
Russia has increased rapidly in population during the last 
hundred years ; but that increase will soon be checked, unless 
common school education is extended to a much larger proportion 
of the people, and the mechanical and manufacturing industry of 
the nation is increased. The truth is, there are but few nations 
whose people have sufficient education, skill and intelligence, for 
the higher grades of mechanical and manufacturing industry,* and 
hence they soon attain as dense a population as can be maintained 
by an uneducated people, depending on agriculture and a rude 
condition of the mechanic arts. 

* See on this subject. Section 8, of Chapter VI, 



CHAPTER XX. 

ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

Sec. 1. Population of the American colonies at different periods. 

The American Statistical Association has recently published a 
volume of collections of partial enumerations of the number of 
militia, and of white adult males, in the New England colonies, 
and estimates of the population at different periods ; which 
contains the most accurate and full evidence that has ever been 
collected of their population prior to the census of 1790. The 
following statements and estimates are mostly made on the 
authority of that collection. 

The Puritans landed on Plymouth rock, December 22d, 1620, 
made the first white settlement in New England, and founded the 
Plymouth Colony, which remained an independent colony until 
1691, when it was united with Massachusetts. 

The first settlements in the Massachusetts colony were made 
at Salem and Charlestown, in 1628 ; and at Boston in 1630. 

The first settlement in Connecticut was made at Windsor in 
1633, by colonists from Massachusetts. A settlement was made 
at Hartford in 1635, and one at New Haven in 1638, by emi- 
grants from England. 

Rhode Island was first settled at Providence by Roger Williams 
and his associates, who went from the colony of Massachusetts in 
1636. 

New Hampshire was first settled at Dover and Portsmouth, in 
1623. It came under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts in 1641, 
and did not become a separate colony until 1680, when it had but 
209 voters, which showed a population of about 1,250. 

Maine was purchased by Massachusetts in 1652, and remained 
subject to its jurisdiction, until it was admitted into the Union as 
a State in 1820. 

It is observed by Johnson, in his " Wonder-working Provi- 
dence," that in the period of fifteen years, up to 1643, there had 
been brought to Massachusetts, 21,200 passengers. More than 
half of them, it is said, went to other colonies and returned to 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 5*79 

Europe. The population of the colony of Massachusetts in 
1629 is estimated at only 506, in 1637 at 7,912, and in 1639 at 
S,592. The population of the Plymouth colony is estimated in 
1624 at 180, in 1033 at 396, and in 1637 at 549. 

ESTIMATES OF THE POPULATION OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. 

In 1654. 1665. 1673. 

Massachusetts, - - 16,026 23,467 35,644 

Plymouth, - - 2,941 5,310 9,410 

Connecticut, - - 3,186 ) OQ oao 

Rhode Island, - - 1,959 J 23,362 



Total, 24,112 68,416 

A census was commenced in 1763, and completed in 1765, 
which showed the population as follows : 

Massachusetts. Maine. Total. 

Whites, - - 221,329 23,661 244,990 

Negroes, - - 4,978 334 5,312 



Total, - - 226,307 23,995 250,302 

The population was estimated in 1776, by multiplying the 
number of polls or white males over sixteen years old, by four 
and a half, and the result was as follows : in 

Massachusetts, - - - 286,139 

Maine, - - - 47,279 

Total white inhabitants, - - 333,418 

The population of Rhode Island is stated in Dr. Morse's Uni- 
versal Geography, as follows : 

Whites. Blacks. Total. 

1730 15,352 2,633 17,985 

1748 29,755 4,373 34,128 

1761 35,939 4,697 40,636 

1774 54,435 5,243 59,678 

1783 48,538 3,361 51,899 

Statement of the population of Connecticut, according to the 
official returns of the censuses taken in 1756, and Jan. 1st, 1114. 

1756. 1774. 

Whites, - - 126,975 191,392 

Negroes, - - 3,019 6,464 
Indians, - - .617 



580 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

Statement of the number of inhabitants in the colony of New 
York, according to the official reports of enumerations taken in 
the undermentioned years, as published in the Documentary 
History of the State. 





Whites. 


Negroes. 


Total. 


1698 


15,897 


2,170 


18,067 


1723 


34,393 


6,171 


40,564 


1737 


51,496 


8,941 


60,437 


1749 


62,756 


10,692 


73,448 


1756 


83,223 


13,542 


96,765 


1771 


148,124 


19,883 


168,007 


The population 


of New Jersey 


is stated by Dr. 


Morse, as 


lows : 










Free inhabitants. 


Slaves. 


Total. 


1738 


43,388 


3,981 


47,369 


1745 


56,797 


4,606 


61,403 



fol- 



It is stated in Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, that in 1684 
the colony, including the territory now comprising the State of 
Delaware, was divided into twenty-two townships, containing 
seven thousand inhabitants, of whom two thousand and five hun- 
dred resided in Philadelphia ; and that the population, in 1776, 
was estimated at about 300,000. The city of Philadelphia, it is 
said had cause to complain of the great influx of strangers, 
many of them with families, having no means of support. The 
number of emigrants to the colony, that arrived during the year, 
from December, 1728, to December, 1729, is stated in a note at 
6,208. As the population is supposed to have increased between 
the years 1684 and 1776, from 7,000 to about 300,000, the 
immigration must have been very great. 

The first colony settled in Maryland in 1634, consisting of 
about 200 Roman Catholics. Dr. Morse states the population 
of Maryland as follows: in 1665 at about 16,000; taxable 
inhabitants in 1734 at about 36,000 ; and the whole population 
in 1755 at 153,564, — consisting of 55,319 free white males ; 
49,908 free white females; 1,981 white convicts; and 46,356 
mulattoes and negroes. 

Dr. Morse says the inhabitants of Virginia were estimated as 
follows : in 1618 at 600 ; in 1623 at 2,500 ; in 1640 at 20,000 ; 
in 1660 at 30,000 ; in 1671 at 38,000 whites and 2,000 blacks ; 
in 1681 at 14,000 titheable' inhabitants ; and in 1703 at 25,023 
titheable inhabitants. 

Professor Tucker says that according to an official communi- 
cation from the governor, Sir William Berkly, made in 1671, the 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 581 

population of the colony of Virginia was then 40,000 ; of whom 
2000 were slaves, and 6000 were white indented servants ; 
that the importation of slaves did not exceed two or three cargoes 
in seven years, but that of servants he estimated at 1500 annually, 
the most of whom were English, a few Scotch, and fewer Irish.* 

Professor Tucker says the population of Virginia in 1744 ex- 
ceeded 200,000 ; of which number, from a fourth to a third were 
slaves ; and that the population in 1781 was estimated at over 
500,000. 

Wheeler in his history of North Carolina states the number of 
militia in that colony in 1754, at 15,400 ; which would indicate 
a white population of about SO, 000. 

Dr. Morse gives the following numbers as the estimates made 
at the time, of the population of South Carolina. 



In 1700, . 


. Whites, 5,500 




1723, . 


. Whites, 14 ; 000 . 


. Blacks, 18,000. 


1765, . 


. Whites, 40,000 . 


. Blacks, 90,000. 



The most of the enumerations, as well as the estimates, made 
of the population of the several colonies and states at different 
periods, previous to the census of 1790, are more or less incon- 
sistent with each other, and imperfect ; and yet by comparing 
them together, they afford the most reliable information that is 
attainable. 

Pitkin says the white population of the American colonies 
(now the United States) were estimated in the year 1700 at 
262,000; in 1749 or 1750 at 981,000 ; and in 1775 at 2,243,- 
000 ; and that the slaves and free colored persons at the latter 
period, were estimated at about 500,000. Dr. Seybert says 
that in 1775 " the inhabitants of the United States were sup- 
posed to amount to 2,389,300 persons of every description." 
There was an obvious motive on the part of the government 
at the time of our revolutionary struggle, to magnify the po- 
pulation and strength of the country by large estimates. Many 
of the estimates of that period are too high to be consistent with 
the census of 1790, with the census taken in some of the colonies 
prior to that time, and with the estimates of the population in 
1700 and 1750. History attests that the hardships and priva- 
tions suffered by emigrants to new countries, produce an exces- 
sive degree of mortality, and that the ratio of mortality in nearly 
all the countries of Europe was much greater a century since 
than it is at present. The deaths exceeded the births annually, 
in the city of London, until about the year 1790 ; and such was 

* See Professor Tucker's Life of Mr. Jefferson, L, 14. 



582 ON THE POrULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

the case in all the great cities of Europe. The great increase in 
the comforts of life, the improvements in medical science, and 
the greater attention to cleanliness, drainage, sewerage, and a 
plentiful supply of wholesome water, have diminished the ratio of 
mortality, and accelerated the increase of population during the 
present century. 

With the immense emigration to the United States the most of 
the time since 1790, the white population has doubled in about 
twenty-three years, and doubled twice in forty-six years ; but the 
estimates of Mr. Pitkin and of some other writers do not mako 
it double twice in forty-nine years (from 1700 to 1749), though 
they calculate the increase at over one hundred and twenty per 
cent, in twenty-six years (from 1*749 to 1775), and reduce the 
increase to less than forty-two per cent, during the fifteen years 
from 1775 to 1790. Their estimates of the population at differ- 
ent periods are not consistent with each other. It may be said 
that the revolutionary war checked immigration and the ratio of 
increase ; very likely it did check the natural increase as well as 
immigration to some extent, and so did the French war (from 
1756 to 1763), and so did the Indian wars at an earlier period. 
If the white population doubled in twenty-six years (from 1749 
to 1775), and increased at the same ratio from 1700 to 1749, I 
see no reason to doubt that it increased about fifty per cent, from 
1775 to 1790. On this basis I estimate the increase of the po- 
pulation from 1700 to 1790, or rather deduce the aggregate from 
the returns of the census of 1790, and distribute the number 
among the several colonies, according to the several colonial cen- 
suses and ofiicial estimates, so far as they appear to be consist- 
ent and probable. 

A large proportion of the emigrants to the southern colonies 
consisted of indented servants, sent over as agricultural laborers, 
including some convicts. The emigration to Pennsylvania and 
the southern colonies was much greater, during the whole of the 
eighteenth century, than it was to New England and New York, 
and hence the population of the former increased the most 
rapidly. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



583 



Statement of the white population of the several States accord- 
ing to the census of 1790 ; estimates of it in the years 1700, 1750, 
and 1775 ; and Mr. Pitkin's statement of the estimates for 1749. 



States. 


1700 


1750 


Per Pitkin 
in 1749. 


P75 


1790 


Maine 


4.000 


16,000 


| 200,000 1 


45,000 


96,002 


Massachusetts - 


66.000 


190.000 


280.000 


373,234 


New Hampshire 


10,000 


30.000 


30,000 


90,000 


141,111 


Vermont - 




10.000 




40,000 


85,144 


Rhode Island 


10.000 


32.000 


35.000 


50.000 


64,6S9 


Connecticut 


30.000 


110,000 


80,000 


195,000 


232.5S1 


New York 


18.000 


72.000 


90.000 


175.000 


314.143 


New Jersey- 


15.000 


60.000 


50.000 


120,000 


169,954 


Pennsylvania 


15,000 


130.000 


230 000 


275,000 


424,099 




168,000 


650,000 


715,000 


1,270,000 


1,900,976 


Delaware 


5.000 


20.000 


20,000 


35,000 


46,310 


Maryland 


25,000 


90,000 


85 000 


160,000 


208,649 


Virginia - 


75.000 


200,000 


90,000 


360,000 


442,115 


Kentucky 










61,133 


North Carolina 


8,000 


80,000 


35,000 


200,000 


288.204 


Tennessee 










32,013 


South Carolina 


7,000 


50,000 


30.000 


90,000 


140,178 


Georgia 




10,000 


6,000 


25,000 


52,8S6 




120.000 


450,000 


266,000 


870,000 


1,271,458 


Total Whites - 


288.000 


1,100,000 


981,000 


2,140,000 


3,172,464 


Free colored, and ) 
Slaves - J 


32,000 


220,000 




500,000 


( 59,466 
1 697,897 


Total 


320,000 


4,320,000 




2,640.000 


3,929,827 



Sec. 2. Population of the several States at each census , from 
1800 to 1850. 
The free States, with the exception of California, lie almost 
entirely north of the thirty-ninth, and mostly north of the fortieth 
degree of latitude. Slavery forms a clearly defined dividing lino 
across the Union, from east to west. The cultivation of sugar 
and rice is confined, and that of cotton nearly so, to the 
southern slave States, lying south of the thirty-fifth degree of 
latitude ; while the cultivation of tobacco is mostly confined to 
slave States lying north of the thirty-fifth degree of latitude. . On 
account of the difference in climate as well as in the productions 
of the several latitudes, and in order to ascertain and show the 
influence of the climate, productions, and local policy and pur- 
suits of different States upon their prosperity and increase in 
population, I have arranged and classified the States as follows : 
first, the free States and territories east of the Rocky Mountains ; 
secondly, the slave states lying north of the thirty-fifth degree of 



584 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



latitude, including Arkansas ; thirdly, the slave States lying south 
of the thirty-fifth degree of latitude ; and lastly, the States and ter- 
ritories lying west of the Rocky Mountains, including the adjoin- 
ing territory of New Mexico. 

Statement of the white population of each of the States and 
Territories at each enumeration, from 1800 to 1S50. 



Free States. 


1800. 


1810. 


1820. 


1830. 


1840. 


1850. 


Maine 


150,901 


227,736 


297,406 


89S,263 


500,438 


581,868 


New Hampshire 


1S2,898 


213,390 


243,375 


26S,721 


284,036 


317,4S9 


Vermont 


153,908 


216,963 


284,861 


279,771 


291,218 


313,411 


Massachusetts 


416,793 


465,303 


516,547 


603,359 


729.080 


985,704 


Rhode Island 


65,437 


73.320 


79,457 


93, 6 J4 


105,587 


144,000 


< onnecticut 


244,721 


255,279 


267,261 


289,603 


301,S56 


363,305 


New York 


556,039 


918,699 


1,383,445 


1,868,061 


2,378,890 


3,049,457 


New Jersey 


195,125 


226,861 


257,45S 


300,266 


351,588 


466,240 


Pennsylvania 


5S6,098 


786,804 


1,019,045 


1,309,900 


1,676,115 


2,258,463 


Ohio 


45.02S 


228,861 


576,711 


928,359 


1,502,122 


1,956,108 


Indiana 


4,£77 


23,890 


145,758 


339,399 


678,702 


977,628 


Illinois 




11,501 


53,837 


155,061 


472,253 


846,104 


Michigan - 




4,618 


8,722 


31,846 


211,560 


395,097 


Wisconsin 










30,749 


304.565 


Iowa 










42,924 


191,879 


Minnesota 


2,601,525 










6,038 


Total 


3,653,225 


5,033,883 


6,865.730 


9,557,06S 


13,157,351 


Under 10 years old 


866,4S6 


1,226,314 


1,632,427 


2,150,712 


2,S92,742 




Per cent, under 10 


33.30 


33.57 


32.43 


31.33 


30.26S 




Nokth'n Slave States. 














Delaware 


49.<n52 


55,361 


55.2S2 


57,601 


58.561 


71.289 


Maryland 


216.826 


235,117 


260.222 


291,108 


31S.204 


418,590 


District of Columbia 


10,066 


16,079 


22,014 


27,563 


30.657 


3S,027 


Virginia 


514.2S0 


551.534 


603.337 


694.300 


740,968 


895,304 


North Carolina - 


337. 7(54 


376,410 


419.200 


472,818 


484,870 


553,295 


Tennessee 


91,709 


215.S75 


339.979 


535,746 


640,627 


756,893 


Kentucky 


179,871 


324,237 


434,S26 


517.7S7 


590.253 


761.6S8 


Missouri 




17,227 


56.017 


114,795 


823, SSS 


592,077 


Arkansas 






12,597 


25,671 


77,174 


162,068 


Total 


1,899,868 


1,791.840 


2.204,074 


2,737,334 


3,265,202 


4,249,231 


Under 10 years old 


500 544 


639.254 


771.077 


943,562 


1,107.521 




Per cent, under 10 


35.756 


35.70 


35.00 


34 44 


33.93 




Sottth'S Slave States. 














South Carolina 


196,255 


214,196 


237,440 


257.863 


259,084 


274,623 


Georgia 


101,678 


145,424 


189,568 


296,806 


407.695 


521,438 


Florida 








18,385 


27,940 


47.167 


Alabama - 






85,451 


190,406 


335,185 


426,507 


Mississippi 


5,179 


23.024 


42,176 


70.443 


179,074 


295,758 


Louisiana 




34,311 


73,867 


89,231 


158,457 


255,416 


Texas 












154,100 


Total 


303.112 


416,955 


62S.502 


923.134 


1,367.435 


1,975,009 


Under 10 years old 


112,285 


150,913 


222,286 


833,450 


4S4,789 




Per cent, under 10 


37.00 


36 20 


35.40 


36.17 


35.558 




Total Slave States 


1,702,9S0 


2,20S,795 


2,S32,576 


3,660,51S 


4,632,637 


6,224,240 


California (estimated in ) 
part in census) ) 












163,200 














Oregon 












13,087 


Utah 












11.330 


New Mexico 












61,530 


Total United States 


4,304,505 


5,862,020 


7,866,459 


10,526,248 


14,189,705 


19,630,738 


Increase per cent, in ) 
the Slave States j 


33.94 


29.70 


28.24 


29.23 


26.56 


3456 


Do. in the Free States 


36.85 


4C.37 


37.79 


36.39 


39.21 


37.67 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



585 



Statement of the number of square miles, and of the number 
of free colored persons, in each of the States and Territories. 



Fkf.e States & Teh's. 



Maine 

New Hampshire 

Vermont 

Massachusetts - 

It bode Island 

Connecticut 

New York 

New Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Ohio * - 

Indiana - - * 

Illinois - 

Michigan 

Wisconsin 

Iowa 

Minnesota 

Total 

Noetit. Slave States. 

Delaware 

Maryland 

District of Columbia 

Virginia 

North Carolina 

Tennessee 

Kentucky 

Missouri 

Arkansas' 

Total 

Socth Slate States, 

South Carolina - 

Georgia 

Florida 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Texas - 

Total 

California 

Oregon 

Utah 

New Mexico 

Total of United States 
Increase per cent. 



Sq. miles. 


1S00. 


1810. 


1820. 


1S30. 


1840. 


1850, 


32,000 


818 


900 


929 


1,190 


1,355 


1.325 


9,200 


856 


97o 


786 


604 


537 


475 


9,800 


557 


750 


903 


SSI 


730 


7o9 


8,250 


6.452 


6,806 


6,740 


7,048 


S.669 


B,795 


i;3oo 


3,304 


3.609 


3.554 


3.561 


3.23S 


8.544 


5,100 


5,330 


6.453 


7. 844 


-.047 


8,105 


7.4S6 


49,000 


10.374 


25.333 


29 279 


44,870 


50.027 


47.937 


7,500 


4,402 


7.>43 


12.460 


18,303 


21.o44 


23.093 


47.500 


14.561 


22.452 


30,202 


37.930 


47,854 


53.323 


89.750 


337 


LS99 


4.723 


9,538 


17.342 


24.300 


36,000 


163 


393 


1,230 


3.629 


7,165 


10,788 


57.000 




613 


457 


1.087 


3.59S 


5.366 


59,000 




220 


174 


261 


707 


2.557 


54,000 










185 


626 


51.000 










172 


335 


- 












39 


549,400 


47.1-54 


7-.241 


99.2-1 


137.499 


170.72S 


190,693 


2.200 


8.26S 


18.136 


12.95S 


15,855 


16.919 


17.957 


11,150 


19.5-7 


38.927 


39.73o 


52,938 


62,078 


74.o77 


60 


783 


2.549 


4.04S 


6.152 


S.361 


9.973 


66.620 


20.124 


30.570 


36,889 


47,348 


49,842 


53.>29 


49.500 


7.048 


10.266 


14612 


19,543 


22 73-1 


27.196 


40.200 


309 


1,317 


2.727 


4.555 


5.524 


6.271 


40,500 


741 


1,713 


2.759 


4.917 


7.317 


9.736 


65,500 




607 


347 


569 


1.574 


2.544 


55,000 






59 


141 


465 


5S9 


830,730 


56.S55 


94,085 


114.129 


152,018 


174,812 


202.172 


31.750 


3,185 


4.554 


6.826 


7,921 


S.276 


8.900 


61.500 


1,019 


1,S01 


1.763 


2,486 


2.753 


2.-0 


55,680 








-44 


817 


925 


52,900 






571 


1.572 


2.039 


2 oj2 


47,680 


182 


240 


45S 


519 


1.366 


"'-99 


49,380 




7,585 


10,476 


16,710 


25,502 


17.537 


237,000 












831 


535.S10 


4,386 


14,180 


20,094 


80,052 


40,753 


33,744 


190.000 












1,800 


341,000 












206 


188,000 












24 


200,000 












17 




108,395 


1S6.506 


233,504 


] 819.569 


; 3S6,293 


42S,661 






72.2 


| 25.2 


| 36.6 


1 21. 


| 10.9 



586 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



Statement of the number of slaves in the different States and 
Territories, at seven enumerations, from 1790 to 1850. 



Fbee States. 


1790. 


1800. 


1S10. 


1820. 


1830. 


1840. 


1850. 


Maine 










2 






New Hampshire 


158 


8 






3 


1 




Vermont 


17 








1 






Massachusetts 
















Khode Island . - 


952 


381 


108 


48 


17 


5 




Connecticut 


2,759 


951 


310 


97 


25 


17 




New York 


21,324 


20,343 


15,017 


10,088 


75 


4 




New Jersey 


11,423 


12,422 


10,851 


7,557 


2,254 


674 


222 


Pennsylvania 


3,737 


1,706 


795 


211 


403 


64 




Ohio 










6 


3 




Indiana - 




135 


237 


190 


3 


3 




Illinois 






168 


917 


747 


331 




Michigan 






24 




32 






Wisconsin 












11 




Iowa 












16 




Utah 














26 


Total 


40,370 


35,946 


27.510 


19,108 


3,568 


1,129 


24S 


North'!* Slave States. 
















Delaware 


8,887 


6,153 


4,177 


4,509 


3,292 


2,605 


2,289 


Maryland 


103,036 


105 635 


111,502 


107,398 


102,994 


89,737 


90,368 


District of Columbia 




3,244 


5,395 


6,377 


6,119 


4,694 


3,687 


Virginia 


293,427 


345,796 


392,518 


425,153 


469,757 


448,987 


472,528 


North Carolina - 


100,572 


133,296 


_63,824 


205,017 


245,601 


245,817 


288,412 


Tennessee 


3,417 


13,584 


44,535 


80,097 


141,603 


183,059 


239,461 


Kentucky 
Missouri 


11,830 


40,343 


80,561 
3,011 


126,732 
10,222 


165,213 
25,091 


182,258 
58,240 


210,9S1 

87,422 


Arkansas 








1,617 


4,576 


19,935 


46,9S2 


Total 


521,169 


648,051 


810,523 


967,122 


1,164,246 


1,235,332 


1,442,130 


Soutii'n Slave States. 
South Carolina 


107,094 


146,151 


196,365 


258,475 


315,401 


327,038 


384,984 


Georgia - 
Florida 


29,264 


59,404 


105,218 


149,656 


217,531 
15,501 


280,944 
25,717 


381,681 
39,309 


Alabama - • 








41,879 


117,549 


253,532 


342,892 


Mississippi 
Louisiana 
Texas - 




3,489 


17,088 


32,S14 


65,659 


195,211 


309,89S 






34,660 


69,064 


109,588 


168,452 


244,786 
58,161 


Total 


136,358 


209,044 


353,331 


551,888 


841,229 


t l,250,894 


1,761,711 


Total United States. 
Increase per cent. 


697,897 


893,041 
| 28. 


1,191,364 
| 33.4 


1,538,118 
29.1 


2,009,043 
30.6 


2,487,35E 
| 23.8 


'3,204,089 
| 28.8* 



* The increase of slaves from 1840to 1850 was about 26i per cent, in 
the States, exclusive of Texas. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



587 



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588 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

Sec. 3. Emigration to the United States. 

Official records were not kept regularly of the number of 
emigrants to the United States, prior to the year 1820. Since 
that time, the collectors of the customs have been required to 
make quarterly returns of passengers arriving by sea, in their 
respective districts ; but the returns were often very defective, 
until since the close of the year 1832. Hutchinson states in his 
" History of the settlement of the New England Colonies," that 
the number of Puritans who came over to New England in ten 
years, next prior to 1640 was about 21,000 ; but this must have 
been a mere estimate, and was probably too high. 

The first settlement was made in Virginia in 1607, at Plymouth 
in Massachusetts in 1620, in New York and New Jersey about 
the year 1620; in Delaware in 1630, and in Maryland in 1634. 
"We may reasonably estimate the emigration to the colonies up 
to 1640, at thirty-six or thirty-eight thousand; and though the 
mortality was very great, there is reason to believe, that 
taking the whole period, the births exceeded the deaths, and that 
the white population in 1640 was about 40,000 ; about half of 
which was in Virginia* The natural increase of the white 
population from births alone, independent of immigration, has 
been on an average about 30 per cent, every ten years, during 
the present century ; doubling in twenty-seven years, and by the 
aid of immigration, doubling in twenty-three years. The priva- 
tions and sufferings of the early immigrants being very great, and 
the mortality among them great, it is not probable that they 
doubled during the 17th century by natural increase only, short 
of about forty years. 
In 1640, estimated white population - - 40,000 

Natural increase in 40 years, to 1680 - - 40,000 
immigrants estimated at 1,500 annually - - 60,000 

natural increase of the immigrants - 28,000 



1680, estimated white population - 168,000 

Natural increase in 20 years, at 50 per cent. - 84,000 

immigrants estimated at 1,500 annually - - 30,000 

natural increase of the immigrants about _ _ 6,000 



1700, estimated white population - 288,000 

Natural increase 100 per cent, in 35 years - 288,000 

immigrants in 35 years, at 2,500 annually - 105,000 

natural increase of the immigrants about - - 45,000 



1735, estimated white population - 726,000 

* See section 1 of this Chapter. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



589 



Natural increase in 15 years, about 44 per cent. 320,000 

immigrants estimated at 3,000 per year - - 45,000 

natural increase of the immigrants, about - 9,000 

1750, estimated white population - 1,100,000 

Natural increase in 25 years 84 per cent - 924,000 

immigrants estimated at 3,500 annually - - 87,000 

natural increase of immigrants, about - - 30,000 



1775, estimated white population - 2,141,000 

Increase to the census of 1790 over 4S per cent. 1,031,464 



1790, white population by the first census - 3,172,464 

Dr. Seybert, in his statistical annals of the United States, 
gives a statement showing that 22,240 passengers arrived in ten 
of the principal ports of the United States during the year 1817. 
He estimated the number of foreign emigrants to the United 
States from 1790 to 1810 at 6,000 annually, on an average. 
Professor Tucker, in his work on the progress of the United 
States, concurred in that estimate, and estimated the number 
arriving from 1810 to 1820, at 114,000. 

Statement of the number of emigrants and passengers who 
arrived in the United States from foreign countries, by sea, 
during the undermentioned years ; distinguishing Americans, or 
citizens of the United States, from foreigners.* 



Tears. 


Americans. 


Foreigners. 


Years. 


Americans. 


Foreigners. 


1832 


2.405 


9,224 


1S31 


977 


£42,100 


1822 


1.564 


7.008 


1832 


1,155 


t60.000 


1823 


1.904 


6.262 


1833 


1.279 


58.234 


1824 


1.699 


7.S61 


1834 


2,114 


64.916 


1825 


2.670 


9.691 


1835 


3.320 


45.444 


1826 


3.060 


10,370 


1836 


4,029 


76.923 


1827 


2,897 


18.756 


1S37 


3.813 


79.205 


1S2S 


2.749 


27,268 


1838 


3,964 


42,731 


1829 


1,993 


1*5,303 


1S39 


4.171 


70.494 


1830 


1,515 


$39,692 


1840 


5,810 


S6,338 




122,456 


151,435 


30.654 


626,392 



* The time is for fiscal years, ending September 30th. from 1821 to 1831, 
for fifteen months, ending December 31st, 1832; for calendar years, ending 
December 31st, from 1833 to 1842; for nine months, ending September 30th, 
1843 ; and for years ending September 30th, from 1844 to 1850. 

t See Force's National Calendar for 1831, p. 156. 

i The returns being defective for the years 1830, 1831, and 1832, the 
numbers for these years are partly estimated, and corrected by the reports 
of the number arriving at New York. See Hunt ; s Mag. for December 1849, 
p. 657. 



590 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW "WORLD. 



Years. 


Americans. 


Foreigners. 




Americans. 


Foreigners. 


1841 


5.811 


80,642 


3 months to 


) 




1842 


4.968 


106,016 


Dec. 31st, 


[ 5,594 


59,976 


1843 


3,429 


53,100 


1850 


) 




1844 


8,858 


75,906 


year 1851 


29,367 


379,461 


1845 


4.216 


115,6*68 








1846 


4,239 


154,409 








1847 


4,514 


234,966 








1848 


2,968 


226,5 L5 








1849 


2,665 


296.945 








1850 


36,501. 


278,832 










78,169 


1,622,999 





Forming my own opinion from all the facts which I have 
collected, and the calculations I have made, and calculating the 
natural increase of the immigrants during the decennial period in 
which they arrive, the increase of the white population of the 
United States from one census to another, by means of immigra- 
tion and accessions of territory, would be as follows : 
1790 to 1800 immigrants estimated by Dr. Seybert 60,000 
natural increase to 1800 at 15 per cent. - 9,000 



Total from 1790 to 1800 - 69,000 

1800 to 1810 immigrants estimated at 65,000 

natural increase ______ 10,000 

increase by the purchase of Louisiana - - 35,000 

Total from 1800 to 1810 - 110,000 

1810 to 1820, immigrants by sea - 114,000 

natural increase -__-__ 15,000 

immigrants by way of Canada - 12,000 

Total from 1810 to 1820 - - - 141,000 

The censuses of 1790 — 1800—1810 — and 1820 were taken as 
of the first day of August ; those of 1830 — 1840 and 1850 were 
taken as of the first day of June of each year. 

Deduct those arriving between the first day of June and the 
30th of September 1830, and it would leave only about 130,000 
between the census of 1820 and that of 1830 ; but the records and 
returns are so defective that I estimate them at 150,000 
natural increase about - - - - 18,000 

immigrants by way of Canada - 19,000 

Spanish inhabitants of Florida, first included - 15,000 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 591 

Total from 1820 to 1830 - - - - 202,000 

1830 to 1840 foreign passengers about - - 626,000 

add half of those that arrived in 1830, about - 20,000 

making 646,000 

Perhaps two-thirds of those that came in 1840, 

arrived after the census of June 1st. - - 58,000 

when they are deducted, it leaves - 588,000 

increase after their arrival about 10 per cent. - 60,000 
excess of immigrants from Canada, over and above 

those to Canada, as shown in section 5 - 128,000 

Total 776,000 

Deduct for emigration to Texas, about - - 60,000 
leaving an increase of - 716,000 

1841 to 1850, foreign passengers - 1,623,000 

add for last part of 1840 - 58,000 

add on account of the acquisition of Texas, Cali- 
fornia, and New-Mexico - 160,000 
natural increase of immigrants - 165,000 
immigrants by way of Canada - 124,000 

Total - 2,130,000 

Deduct half that came in 1850 - 140,000 

and for those that returned - 50,000 

and it leaves the increase from June 1st 1840 to 
June 1st 1850 by means of immigration and the 

acquisition of territory - 1,940,000 

Sec. 4. Ratio of the mortality , and of the natural increase of the 
white population of the United States. 

It must be apparent to the reader on reflection, that the 
proportion of children in any two countries, where the mortality 
and averao-e length of human life is the same, is an exact index 
of the relative increase of the population of each. The proportion 
of children in countries of about or nearly the same density of 
population, is also a pretty certain index of the ratio of mortality; 
for the greater the mortality among adults, the greater will be 
the per centage of children in the community. Where a census 
is taken every ten years, the children under ten years old at each 
enumeration, supply the places of all who have died and constitute 
the increase during the preceding ten years. 

The following table exhibits the aggregate number, and the 
per centage of children among the white population, at the 
several periods of taking the census, an estimate of the per cent- 
age of deaths, and a statement of the per centage of domestic 
increase corresponding with such ratio of deaths, during each 



Per cent, of 


Per cent. 


deaths for 


of decen. 


the previous 


increase. 


ten years. 




12.4 


33.4 


12.3 


33.66 


12.2 


31.79 


11.5 


31.25 


12.4 


28. 



592 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

period of ten years from 1790 to 1840. In these calculations, 
the deaths of children, which happened between the time of their 
births and the first census thereafter, are not taken into the 
account ; but when they died after having been once enumerated, 
their deaths are included in the calculations. 

CHILDREN UNDER TEN YEARS OLD. 



Number. Per cent. 

In 1800 1,479,315 34.366 

1810 2,016,479 34.399 

1820 2,625,790 33.380 

1830 3,427,730 32.563 

1840 4,485,052 31.607 

This illustration shows a gradual decrease in the proportion of 
children, and also in the natural or domestic increase of the 
population. The natural decennial increase from 1790 to 1810 
was over 33 per cent. ; from 1830 to 1840 only 28 per cent. ; and 
from 1840 to 1850 it was only about 25 per cent. This is owing 
to the fact that, as the country grows older and luxury increases, 
early marriages are not so common. The ratio of mortality 
decreased considerably from 1790 to 1830, and was not percep- 
tibly increased by the war of 1812 to 1815; but from 1830 to 
1840 it was increased by the Asiatic cholera, by an increased 
proportion of destitute people from abroad, and by extensive 
emigrations to very new portions of the country. 

The ratio of deaths is found with tolerable accuracy, by 
numerous calculations founded on- supposed ratios of mortality, 
and approximating to the facts and results shown by the census 
and reports of immigration ; and the ratio of domestic increase 
and the immigration is adapted to the ratio of mortality with 
mathematical accuracy, as shown in the following examples. 

I. Children under 10 years old by the 

census of 1800, 34.3667 per cent. 



Over ten, 65,6333 

If of 100 persons in 1790, there have died 
12.4 as estimated, leaving 87. 6 alive, — 
then as 87.6 : 12.4 : : 65.633 to 9.29 dead, 

of the original stock of 74.923 alive in 1790 

which taken from 100 shows an increase of 25.077 
As 74.923 increase 25.077 : : 100 will increase 33.4 • 
Whites in the United States in 1790, 3,172,464 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 593 

Whites over ten years old in 1800, 2,825,190 

Deaths from 1790 to 1800, at 12.4 per cent., 393,385 



Total, 3,218,575 

Deduct those enumerated in 1790, 3,172,464 

Leaving for emigrants over 10 years old, 46,111 

Total in 1790, 3,172,464 

Domestic increase at 33.4 per cent. 1,059,602 

Foreign emigrants and their children neces- 
sary to make the number in 1800, 72,439 



Total by the census of 1S00, 4,304,505 

Children of emigrants under 10 years old, 26,328 

All the calculations to ascertain the ratio of domestic increase 
and the number of foreign emigrants and their children under 
ten years old, are made in the same manner. Only those 
enumerated at the census next after their arrival, including their 
children, are included in these calculations as emigrants ; those 
who die before the first census after their arrival are not taken 
into the account ; and at the second and all subsequent enumera- 
tions of the people, they are reckoned as citizens, and their 
children as domestic increase. 

II. To determine the ratio of increase from 1830 to 1840, and 
the increase of our population during that period by means of 
immigration, estimating the mortality at 12.4 per cent. 

Children under 10 by the census of 1840, 31.60 per cent. 



Over 10 years old, 68.40 

Deaths at 12.4 per cent., 9.68 

of the original stock of 78.08alive in 1S30 

Which taken from 100 shows an increase of 21.92 
As 7S.0S increase 21.92 : : so 100 will 

increase 28. .28 

White population of the United States in 1830 1 0,526, 24S 



Do. over ten years old in 1S40, 9,704,653 

Deaths from 1830 to 1840 at 12.4 per cent., 1,305,254 



Total, 11,009,907 

Deduct those enumerated in 1830, 10,526,248 



594 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

and it leaves for immigrants over 10 years old, 483,659 

1830, white population, 10,526,248 

natural increase at 28 per cent., 2,947,349 

increase by means of immigration, 716,108 



1840, white population by the census, 14,189,705 

In 1800, white population by the census, 4,304,505 

natural increase at 33.66 per cent., 1,447,797 
increase by means of immigrants and their 

children, and the purchase of Louisiana, 109,718 



1810, white population by the census, 5,862,020 

Domestic increase at 31.79 per cent., 1,863,536 

Increase by means of foreign immigration, 140,903 



1820, white population, 7,866,459 

Domestic increase at 31.25 per cent., 2,458,267 

Increase by means of foreign immigration, 201,522 



1830, white population by the census, 10,526,248 

1840, white population, 14,189,705 

Domestic increase about 24f- per cent., 3,501,033 
Estimated increase by means of immigration 

and increase of territory. 1,940,000 

1850, white population by the census, 19,630,738 

Sec. 5. The British Provinces of North America. 
The country now known as Canada was discovered, colonized, 
and settled by the French, by the name of the " Province of 
Quebec ;" conquered by the British in 1759 ; divided into the 
two Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada by the British Par- 
liament in 1791 ; and re-united into one province in 1843. The 
inhabitants, at the time of the conquest in 1759, exclusive of the 
native Indians, were entirely French, and are estimated by Mr. 
McCulloch, in his G-azetteer, as amounting to about 70,000 ; and 
that the descendants of these 70,000 French amounted in 1831 
to upwards of 400,000 ; which, he remarks, " is the most rapid 
increase, probably, of any on record, from births alone." And it 
undoubtedly is so, if we except our free states, and the case of the 
Israelites while in the land of Egypt. The Canadian French are 
almost all plain, frugal, and moderately industrious peasants ; of 
very little intelligence, enterprise, avarice, ambition, or energy of 
character ; mostly possessing a little property ; far removed from 
the vices and luxuries of wealth, and of large cities ; contented, 
cheerful, honest, hospitable and happy. They cling with uncom- 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 595 

mon tenacity to their ancient prejudices and customs. They are 
in that condition of all others, best calculated to promote a rapid 
increase of population. The vices, luxuries, corruptions and ex- 
citements of large cities, not only undermine the health and 
weaken the constitution of man, but contribute to shorten human 
life, to discourage, and diminish marriages and births, and 
to check the increase of population. The increase from births is 
greater in every country among its peasantry or yeomanry, than 
in its cities ; and much of the increase of its cities is by reason 
of inhabitants from the country, and young men in particular, 
constantly removing from the country into villages, and from vil- 
lages into cities. 

The Province of Quebec contained in 1783, by enumeration, 
113,000 inhabitants, French and English, exclusive of about 10,- 
000 or 12,000 loyalist refugees from the United States, who went 
to the province during the war of the American revolution. Call 
the population in 1783, 125,000 ; of these, probably 110,000 
were of French descent, and but 15,000 of English, Scotch, and 
Irish descent. According to this calculation, the French popula- 
tion increased the first ten years after the conquest, twenty per 
cent., to 84,000, twenty per cent, the next ten years to 101,000, 
and at the same rate the last four years to 110,000 in the year 
1783. The French population of Canada must have increased 
nearly twenty per cent, in seven years, amounting in 1790 to 
130,000, and at the rate of thirty per cent, each ten years from 
that time, up to the year 1840; amounting in 1800 to 169,000; 
in 1810 to 220,000; in 1820 to 286,000; in 1830 to 370,000; 
in 1840 to 481,000 ; and in 1844 to 534,000, of whom 518,565 
were in Lower Canada. These astonishing results were produced 
by early marriages, and plain, frugal habits. 

Of the 693,649 inhabitants of Lower Canada, according to the 
census of 1844, 518,565 are stated to be natives of Canada of 
French origin ; 85,075 natives of British origin ; 11,886 natives 
of England ; 44,002 natives of Ireland ; 13,341 natives of Scot- 
land : 11,943 natives of the United States; 2,353 natives of 
Continental Europe ; and the nativity of the others, 6,484, is not 
given. There are also several thousand Canadian French in Up- 
per Canada. 

Mr. J. D. Andrews, United States consul at St. John, New 
Brunswick, in his report to the Secretary of the Treasury, bear- 
ing date December 10th, 1850, stated the population of Canada 
as follows : 



196 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 





Upper Canada. 


Lower Canada 


In the year 1676, 


— 


8,415 


1700, 


— 


15,000 


1750, 


— 


65,000 


1784, 


— 


113,000 


1825, 


158,027 


423,630 


1831, 


*235,000 


511,922 


1841, 


465,357 


*640,000 


1848, 


723,292 


770,000 



The population of Upper and Lower Canada is stated by 
Porter in his Progress of the Nation, at 270,718 in 1806, and at 
580,450 in 1824. The population is stated in McGregor's Sta- 
tistics, 



s, as follows : 






In Upper Canada. 


Lower Canada. 


Total. 


1800 10,000 


220,000 


230,000 


1831 234,865 


511,922 


746,787 


1836 372,502 


572,827 


945,329 


1842 486,055 


— 


— 


1848 723,087 


768,334 


1,491,421 



A census was taken in 1831, 1836, 1844 and 1848, and the 
official returns showed the population as above stated. 

The immigration from Europe was comparatively small until 
after the close of the war in 1815, and was but about 40,000, or a 
little over 13,000 annually, for three years ending in 1828. It is 
stated in McCulloch's Gazetteer, title Canada, that " The num- 
ber of immigrants from the United Kingdom, which landed at 
Quebec in the nine years ending in 1838, amounted to 263,089 ; 
of these 165,000 proceeded to the Upper Province; but of the 
whole number from fifty to sixty per cent, re-emigrated, after a 
short residence, to the United States. The greatest number 
which emigrated in any one year was in 1832, when 51,746 
arrived at Quebec ; the smallest number was in 1838, when 4992 
only reached that port. Within the period spoken of, there were 
50,000 estimated to have reached the provinces by way of New 
York and the Erie Canal ; a like proportion of whom also re- 
emigrated. (Lord Durham's Rep. pp. 76 and 77.") 

* The statements for Upper Canada in 1831 and Lower Canada in 1841, 
are my estimates from the official returns of other years. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



597 



Statements of the population of the undermentioned British 
Provinces of North America, made on the authority of Mr. An- 
drews' Report to the Secretary of the Treasury, and McGregor's 
statistics; some of which are official estimates only, some of them 
reports of official enumerations, and some of them, at the inter- 
mediate periods, are my estimates : 





Nova 


Cape 


NewBruns- 


Newfound- 


P.Edwards 


Total. 




Scotia. 


Breton. 


■wick. 


land. 


Island. 


1764 




— 


— 


— 


— 


13,000 


1784 


— 


— 


12,000 


— 





32,000 


1800 


50.000 


2,000 


25,000 


— 


— 


100,000 


1806 


60JOOO 


2.515 


32,000 


26 505 


9,000 


135,000 


1816 


83,000 


. 7,000 


— 


52,672 


— 


— . 


1827 


123.878 


18,700 


81,000 


56.000 


20 ; 651 


300,000 


1840 


188,000 


33.000 


156,152 


84,000 


45,000 


506,000 


1848 


230,200 


49^600 


200,000 


108,000 


62,678 


650^000 



800 


230,000 


810 


330,000 


820 


490,000 


831 


746,787 


841 


1,105,000 


848 


1,493,000 



Estimates deduced from the foregoing statements and authori- 
ties of the population of Upper and Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, 
New Brunswick, and other British Provinces of North America, 
at the undermentioned periods : 

U. and L. Canada. Nova Scotia and other Prov. Total. 

100,000 330,000 

155,000 485,000 

230,000 720,000 

340,000 1,086,000 

520,000 1,625,000 

650,000 2,143,000 

The enumerations were generally made in the spring of each 
year, and do not include many of the immigrants of the years in 
which they were taken. 

Estimated population of Upper and Lower Canada, and the 
other British Provinces of North America in April, 

1800, - - - - - - 330,000 

Domestic increase at 30 per cent, to 1810, - 99,000 

Increase by means of immigration, - - 56,000 

1810, estimated population, - 485,000 

Domestic increase at 30 per cent, to 1820, - 145,000 

Increase by means of immigration, - - 90,000 

1820, estimated population, - 720,000 

Domestic increase at 33 per cent, to 1831, - 237,000 

Increase by means of immigration, - - 129,000 

1831 estimated population/ - - 1,086,000 

Domestic increase at 28 per cent, to 1841 - 304,000 

Increase by means of immigration, - - 235,000 



598 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



1841, estimated population, 

Domestic increase in 7 years, to April, 1848, at 18 per 

cent. - - - - - 292,000 

Increase by means of immigration, - - 226,000 

1S48, estimated population, - 2,143,000 

Estimating the natural increase of the immigrants between the 
time of their arrival and the end of the decennial period, at about 
1 per cent. , and the result would be as follows : 



Immigrants about, 



In 10 years. 
1810 to 1819. 



In 11 years. 
lS20tol830. 



90,000 
12,000 



18,682 



102,000 148,000 
90,000 129,000 
12,000! 19,000 



In 10 years. 
1830 to 1840. 



322,465 
40,535 



235,000 



In 7 years. 
1841 to 184T. 



323,651 



Natural increase. 

Total - 102,000| 148,000 365,000 350,000 

Remained in the Brit. Pro. 

Re-emigrated to U. States, 

The great emigration to Canada during the eighteen years 
(from 1830 to 1847 inclusive,) was induced in a great measure by 
the expenditure of large sums of money by corporations, and by 
the British Government, in making canals and other public im- 
provements, which furnished employment to great numbers of la- 
borers, and gave unusual life and activity to business and enterprise 
in that country. The Canadians also imported large quantities of 
wheat during some of those years, from the North- Western States, 
and sent it to England as Colonial produce, subject to only a no- 
minal duty. The abolition of the corn laws has enabled the 
Continent of Europe to supply the English markets with wheat, 
and cut off that trade ; the public improvements in Canada are 
mostly completed; and both of these sources of prosperity to the 
Canadians are nearly dried up ; and they are in a very depressed 
condition, for want of sufficient markets for their products, and 
sufficient mechanical and manufacturing industry to supply their 
own wants. 

They import from Great Britain almost everything they use 
and wear, including much ready-made clothing, boots and shoes ; 
and, under such circumstances, it is impossible that they should 
be otherwise than poor. Free trade with Great Britain prevents 
them from manufacturing for themselves ; deranges the division 
of employments ; discourages and depresses industry ; and hangs 
upon them like an incubus, exhausting their money, and the pro- 
ceeds of all their products that will sell, to enrich the manufac- 
turers of England. The lumbering, fur, and fishing business, as 
well as the expenditure of the public moneys, are of immense 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 599 

consequence to the Canadians ; and were it not fox these sources 
of prosperity, they would be nearly as poor as the Irish. 
Though the ratio of increase of the population has been greater in 
Canada than in the United States, yet their increase of wealth 
has barely kept pace with the population, and they are as poor 
as they were half a century since. They have enjoyed the bless- 
ings of free trade with England all the time ; we have only a 
part of the time. Whenever we have attempted to supply our- 
selves by our own industry, with the comforts and necessaries of 
life, we have improved our condition as a people ; and during the 
intervals of free trade and large importations of foreign goods, we 
have relapsed again into a condition bordering on bankruptcy ; 
while the Canadians have been constantly exhausted, and kept so 
poor by free trade, as to be unable to get sufficient credit to have 
even the ups and downs of prosperity and bankruptcy in 
succession 

Sec. 6. Population of Cuba, and Porto Rico. 
Mr. Murray states the population of Cuba in 1775 and 1827, 
in his geography, (which very nearly agrees with Mr. McCulloch,) 
as follows : 



Whites, 

Free mulattoes, 
Free blacks, 
Slaves, 


1775. 
96,440 
19,327 
11,520 
44 333 


1827. 

311,051 
57,514 
48,980 

286,942 


Total, 


171,620 


704,487 



Mr. McCulloch says that by a census in 1791, the population 
amounted to 272,140; and by the census of 1817, to 551,998, 
and he estimated it in 1839 at over 900,000. 

The culture of sugar and coffee has increased with wonderful 
rapidity, but has not much more than kept pace with the wants of 
the commercial world ; and therefore prices have kept up much 
better than the price of cotton. The most important manufac- 
tures of Cuba consist of making sugar, molasses, and rum, 'the 
preparation of coffee, the making of cigars, the bleaching of wax, 
and the manipulation of the minor staples of the island. These 
pursuits furnish profitable employment to great numbers of whites, 
as well as of slaves, and produced the rapid increase of the white 
population (partly by immigration, but mostly by natural increase,) 
indicated in the above table, of nearly twenty-five per cent, every 
ten years ; doubling in about thirty-two years. 

The population was about 1,200,000 in 1850. 



600 ON TEIE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

The area of. Porto Rico comprises 3,700 square miles. Mr. 
Murray says, in his geography, that in 1778 the population was 
but 70,278 ; and that it amounted, by the official census of 1830, 
to 323,838. Mr. McCulloch says that the population in 1788 
did not exceed 80,650 ; it amounted in 1836, according to the 
official returns, to 358,086. 

Statement of the number and classes of the population accord- 
ing to the censuses of the 



Years. 
Whites, 

Free mulattoes, ) 
Free blacks, \ 
Slaves, 


1830. 
162,311 

127,287 

34,240 


1836. 

188,869 

101,275 

26,124 

41,818 


Total, 


323,838 


35S,086 



Increase of the whites in six years, 26,558, equal to 16J per 
cent., and the increase of the slaves is over 20 per cent. ; while 
there is scarcely any increase of free colored persons. 

Sec. 7. Population of Mexico. 

Mr. Murray says : " The population of Mexico, which had 
previously been estimated on the most vague conjecture, has been 
computed by Humboldt with extraordinary care. He copied 
from the archives of the viceroy a statement containing the results 
of an enumeration made in 1793, by which the number was 
rated at 4,483,529. The census was taken, however, in opposi- 
tion to those popular apprehensions and prejudices with which 
such an enumeration is always viewed ; and the real amount 
might be at least a sixth more, or 5,200,000. After carefully 
comparing the numbers of births and deaths, and observing the 
progress of agriculture, the increased amount of duties on con- 
sumption, and the many new houses every where building, he 
considered that the population in 1823 might be safely estimated 
at 6,800,000." 

The government took a partial census in 1841, and estimated 
the population at 7,044,140. It was estimated by Mr. Poinsett 
in 1825 at 6,500,000 ; by Mr. Ward in 1827 at 8,000,000 ; 
and by M. Chevalier in 1835 at 7,000,000. 

M. Humboldt's estimates are entitled to great credit, but the 
census of 1841 shows that they were too high. 

In 1793, estimated population, - 4,700,000 

1800, do. do. - 5,000,000 

1820, do. do. - 6,000,000 

1841, according to official reports, 7,044,140 

1850, estimated population, 7,500,000 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 601 

M. Chevalier estimated the different classes of tne population 
in 1835 as follows : — 1st, the Chapetones, or puce Spaniards, 
24,000 ; 2d, the Creoles, or native whites of European descent, 
1,300,000 ; 3d, Indians, or native Mexicans, 3,S00,000 ; 4th, 
the mixed castes, comprising Mestizoes, Mulattoes, Zambos, 
Quadroons, and Quinteroons, 1,900,000. 

A chart of the population, resources, and condition of Mexico 
recently published in that country by MM. Lerdo de Tejeda, 
states the population in 1850 at 7,661,919, divided as follows : 

Two-fifteenths, about 1,000,000, of pure European descent. 

Four-fifteenths, about 2,000,000, of mixed European and 
Indian descent. 

Nine-fifteenths, or about 4,500,000, of pure Indian descent. 

Sec. 8. Population of the other Spanish American States and 
Nations. 
The population of the countries of South America is uncertain. 
A census was taken in Peru in 1803, and in New Grranada in 
1834. With those exceptions the statements of the population 
of each and every one of them is either an official or an individual 
estimate, founded on information more or less imperfect. Within 
the last twenty years, the population of Buenos Ayres, now the 
Argentine Republic, has been variously estimated at from 600,000 
to 1,600,000 ; that of Chili from 600,000 to 1,500,000 ; and 
that of Bolivia, or Upper Peru, at from about 1,000,000 to 
1,700,000. Dr. Morse says that in 1778 there were not more 
than 80,000 white inhabitants in Chili, and about 240,000 
negroes, including those of a mixed race. How can even an 
approximation to the truth be attained amidst such conflicting 
evidence 

Nature's laws are uniform, and the ratio of deaths and births 
are very nearly the same from year to year, in the same country, 
and under similar circumstances. The only method by which 
any safe conclusions on the subject can be arrived at, is to com- 
pare with each other the results of the different censuses, partial 
enumerations, official calculations, and individual estimates of the 
population of all these countries, at different periods, and endea- 
vor to deduce from the whole the general ratio of increase. By 
this method all the evidence can be compared and weighed, and 
the inconsistencies of different estimates and portions of the 
evidence can be ascertained. The ratio of the natural increase 
must be very nearly the same in all Spanish America, except 
Chili, and the countries lying south of the Torrid Zone, 
where it is greater than in the others. There has also been 
more emigration to Chili and Buenos Ayres than to other Spanish 



(302 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



American States. This is owing partly to their commercial 
advantages, and partly to the policy of the Government. 

Population of Peru in 1803, and of New Granada, Ecuador, 
and Venezuela in 1834, stated in millions, and classified according 
to their origin. 





Peru. 
Per census. 


New Granada. 
Per census. 


Ecuador. 

Estimate. 


Venezuela. 
Offic. statement. 


Whites, 
Indians, 

Mixed castes & ) 
Eree colored, ) 
Negro slaves, 


.136 
.609 
.244 
.041 
.04 


1.058 
.376 

.169 

.084 


.157 
.393 

.042 

.008 


.2 

.207 

.433 

.06 


Total, 


1.07 


1.6S7 


.6 


.9 



The evidence indicates that the natural increase of the whito 
population of Buenos Ayres and Chili is about one and a half 
per cent, annually, and one per cent, annually in Mexico and the 
other countries of Spanish America ; that the increase of the 
Mestizoes and other mixed races, is nearly as great ; and that 
the ratio of increase of the pure Indian population is only from 
one-fourth to half as great. There seems to be no reason to 
doubt that the aboriginal population of Peru, and of nearly all 
South America, declined during the first three centuries after the 
conquest of the country by the Spanish. An estimate of the 
population of each country is given in Section 12. 

Sec. 9. Population of Brazil. 

The population of Brazil at the beginning of the present cen- 
tury was very vaguely and variously estimated at from one to 
three millions. Mr. Murray estimated it at 3,000,000 : he says 
that according to an official report made in 1819, and different 
official statements furnished between the years 1816 and 1818, 
Brazil then contained 3,617,000 inhabitants. 

The importation of slaves has been very great since 1820, 
until recently. It has been variously estimated from 40,000 to 
80,000 annually ; and McCulloch says the immigration of whites 
had been as high some years, as from 8,000 to 9,000. 

Malte B?un estimated the population of Brazil for 1830 at 
5,340,000 ; Balbi at 5,300,000 ; and Murray at about 5,000,000 ; 
of which he said about one-fifth were whites, and three-fifths 
slaves. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



603 



Statement of the number of each class of the inhabitants of 
Brazil, according to the Government reports made from 1816 to 
1818, and M. Balbi's estimate for 1830. 





1816 to 1818. 


1830. 


Whites, - - - 
Mestizoes and Mulattoes, free, 

Do. do. slaves, 
Negro slaves, - 
Free Negroes, - 
Converted Indians, 
Independent Indians and Europeans, 


843,000 
426,000 
202,000 
1,728,000 
159,000 
259,000 


900,000 
600,000 
250,000 
2,920,000 
180,000 
300,000 
150,000 


Total, 


3,617,000 


5,300,000 



Mr. McCulloch estimated the population in 1839 at from 
6,500,000 to 7,000,000, and it is estimated in the American 
Almanac for 1851 at 7,500,000. The evidence indicates that 
the natural increase of all classes of the free population is about 
one per cent, annually, and that the slaves increase at nearly the 
same rate after they become acclimated and accustomed to the 
galling chains of slavery. 

Sec. 10. — Indian •population of the United States. 
Number of Indians in the United States according to the re- 
port of the Indian Bureau, prepared by Henry R. Schoolcraft, 
LL.D. ; a part of whom were enumerated from 1847 to 1850, 
and a part estimated from the returns of Indian agents. 

I. Iroquois group, per census in 



New York, Oneidas, 


- 


- 153 


Onondagas, - 


- 


- 376 


Cayugas, 


- 


150 


Senecas,* 


- 


- 2,776 


Tuscaroras, - 


- 


- 285 


St. Regis Tribe,f - 


- 


- 450 


Wisconsin, Oneidas at Green 


Bay, 


- 762 


West of Missouri, Wyandots 


~ 


- 687 


Missouri, Senecas and Shawnees, 


- 273 



Total Iroquois, 



5,912 



* This includes 55 Senecas at Conawanga, Pennsylvania, and 158 at 
Neosho, west of Arkansas. 

f The number of this tribe is put down in Schoolcraft's notes on the Iro- 
quois at only 260. ^ 



604 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

II. Algonquin group, per census — 

Michigan, 23 bands of Chippewas, - 2,005 

Indian Ter. West, 1 do., " 23 

On Lake Superior, 6 do., "- - - - -1,610 

St. Croix Valley, 5 do., " 487 

Chippewa Valley, 3 do., " 1,180 

Upper Mississippi, 10 do., " 2,706 

Rainy Lake, 3 do., ------ l ? 020 

Indian Ter. West, 1 do., Ottawas, - 236 

Michigan, 14 do., " 1,706 

Do. 1 do., Pottawatamies, - 63 
Ind. Ter. W., Western Algonquins, Sacs and Foxes, 
Miamies, Pottawatamies, Shawnees, Delawares, &c, 12 

tribes, --------- 6,538 

Wisconsin, Menomonies, - - - - - -416 



Total Algonquin group, ----- 17,990 

III. Dacota group, per census — 

West of Miss. River, Omahas, - * - - - - 1,349 

" " Ottoes, 2 bands, - - - - 903 

" " Winnebagoes, 20 bands, - - - 2,531. 

" " Iowas, - 744 

Minnesota Ter., Sioux, V bands, ----- 1,063 
Missouri, Quapaws, - - - - - - -271 



Total Dacota group, - - - - - - 6,861 

Fragments of tribes in other States 

Maine, Souriquois, Passamaquoddies, and Penobscots - 956 

Massachusetts — remnants of 12 tribes, - 847 

Rhode Island, Narragansetts, ----- 420 

Connecticut, Mohegans, ------ 400 

Virginia, Nottoways, mixed with negroes, 40 

North Carolina, Cherokees and Catawbas - - - 1,005 

South Carolina, Catawbas, ------ 200 

Florida, Seminoles and 4 other tribes, - 348 

Total in those eight States, ----- 4,216 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



00i 



Other tribes 
tains, north of 
Chickasaws, 
Cherokees, 
Creeks, 
Choctaws, - 
Arapahoes, 
Crows, 

Aurrickarees, 
Blackfeet, - 
Cheyennes, 
Caddoes, - 
Chippewas, 
Delawares, 



between the Mississippi and the Rocky Moun- 
Texas and New Mexico, officially estimated. 



9,260 
26,000 
25,000 
16,000 



1,500 

13,000 

2,500 




Brought up, - 
Foxes and Sacs, - 
Gros Ventres, - 
Kanzas, 
Menomonies, 
Minitarees, 
Pawnees, - 
Pottawatamies, - 
Sioux, 
Seminoles, 
Shawnees, - 
Tetans, 
About 20 other tribes, 

Total, 



In Texas, Camanches, - - 

" Apache bands, 
" Parts of 14 other tribes, - .- - 

Total in Texas as officially estimated, - 

In New Mexico, Pueblos, ------ 

" Apaches, 7,500, Camanches, 12,000, 
" Navajoes, 12,500, Utahs, 5,000, 
" Ancient Cibolos, north of Gila, 
u Umahs of the Colorado, - 
11 Other tribes, - - - - - 



105,760 

- 2,400 

- 3,000 

- 1,600 

- 2,500 

- 2,500 

- 17,000 

- 3,200 

- 14,500 

- 1,500 

- 1,600 

- 3,000 
11,976 

170,536 

■ 15,000 

3,500 

• 5,600 



11,180 
19,500 
17,500 
20,000 
6,500 
17,450 



Total in New Mexico as officially estimated, 



In Utah Territory, Utahs, - 
" Other tribes, 

Total in Utah Territory, 



7,000 



- 11,500 



In California, according to the returns of the Spanish 



missionaries at 18 missions, 
Mustees and Mulattoes, 
Wild mountain tribes officially estimated at, - 

Total in California as officially estimated, 
In Oregon, 59 small tribes estimated at, 



- 14,931 

- 1,300 

- 16,000 

- 32,231 

- 22,733 



Grand total in the United States and Territories, 388,229 



606 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

The numbers in New Mexico and north of New Mexico be- 
tween the Rocky Mountains and the Indian Territory, west of 
Arkansas Missouri and Iowa, according to the official estimates, 
seem quite too large to correspond with the numbers in Cali- 
fornia, Oregon, Texas, and east of the Mississippi River. The 
Pueblos are estimated at 11,180 ; the seventh census since taken 
shows that there were only 7,712. Judge Houghton and Mr. 
James L. Collins, who have resided in New Mexico many years, 
and have had good advantages for acquiring information, estimate 
the Camanches of New Mexico and Texas at only 12,000. 
They estimate the Indians of New Mexico, including the Ca- 
manches of Texas and the U tahs, who roam into Utah territory, 
at less than 54,000. Their estimate for New Mexico, Texas, 
and Utah Territory, is about 57,000 less than that of the In- 
dian Bureau. On comparing the area of the several States and 
Territories, their relative condition as hunting grounds, the 
various estimates of the Indian population, taking into consider- 
ation their wandering habits, and the liability to estimate the 
same persons two or three times over, my mind inclines to the 
conclusion, that the estimate of the Indian Bureau of those in 
New Mexico and Texas, is too high by more than 40,000 ; that 
the estimate for the open country, north of Texas and New 
Mexico, and east of the Rocky Mountains, is about as much too 
high ; and that the real number in the United States and Terri- 
tories, is about 300,000. 

The number contained in the most of the tribes west of the 
Mississippi, is mere conjecture ; and the number of Indians east 
of the Mississippi during the seventeenth and the early part of 
the eighteenth century, was equally uncertain. Many estimates 
of them have been excessively extravagant and vague. The 
fears of the early settlers, aided by public rumors, generally 
magnified the numbers from two to tenfold. It has been esti- 
mated that the number in Massachusetts, prior to a traditionary 
plague in 1617, exceeded 100,000, and that there were 37,000 
in the present State of Maine. Dr. Morse estimated that there 
were in Rhode Island in 1620, from 12 to 16,000 ; in 1670, 
about 8,000 ; and that there were from 35 to 40,000 in Con- 
necticut at the latter period. The number in Massachusetts in 
1698, is stated in Dr. Holmes's Annals at 4,168; the number 
reported by the census of 1765, was 1,569 ; and the number re- 
turned by a recent census, 847, as heretofore stated. 

The Indians designated by Mr. Schoolcraft as the Iroquois 
group, were mostly settled in the State of New York prior to 
the Revolutionary war, and were generally known as the Six 
Nations of Indians, and sometimes as the Five Nations. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 00*7 

the Mohawks, and a portion of the Cayugas, 
took sides in the war with the British against the United States, 
and removed to Grand River in Upper Canada. In 1779, the 
Rev. Mr. Kirkland, long a missionary among the Oneidas, esti- 
mated the Six Nations as containing 6,330 souls ; and said there 
were comparatively very few children among them. 

The most of the Iroquois constituted a confederacy of five 
tribes from some time in the seventeenth century, and afterwards 
of six tribes or nations. Mr. Schoolcraft, in his Notes on the 
Iroquois, published in 1847, says, that " at a conference with the 
five cantons at Albany, in 1677, the number of warriors was 
carefully made out at 2,150, giving a population of 10,750 ; 
that according to Smith's estimate of the warriors in 1756, the 
whole number of souls was only about 6,000 ; according to 
Douglass in 1760, only 7,500 ; and according to Colonel Boquet 
in 1764, about 7,750. Mr. Schoolcraft estimated the descend- 
ants of the Iroquois in Canada, at about 2,000. The Iroquois 
group has been heretofore stated as comprising (in 1848) about 
5,912 persons. Deduct 812 for the Wyandots, and the Shaw- 
nees included with them, and add the 2,000 in Canada, and it 
shows that the descendants of the Six Nations of New York In- 
dians, now number over 7000. From these statements it would 
seem that these Indians have decreased very little during nearly 
a century past. Mr. Schoolcraft thinks their numbers have been 
less, but that they have been slowly increasing for many years 
past, since they have ceased to be engaged in wars, and have 
turned their attention to agriculture. 



608 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



Statement of the condition and leading products during the 
previous year, of agricultural industry of the Iroquois group of 
Indians, according to the census of 1848, and of that portion of 
them in the State of New York, according to the census of 1845, 
as reported by Mr. Schoolcraft. The reports make nine sub- 
divisions in New York in 1845, and fifteen in all in 1848, ten of 
which were in New York. There were no reports from many 
of the subdivisions on some branches of industry in 1848. 













sl 




New York 




■a p. 


Iroquois 


Indians in 


p 1- 
m 


group in 1S4S 


1845. 


Whole number of persons, 


15 


5,912 


3,753 


Number in New York, . 




. 


10 


3,977 


3,753 


Marriages during the year, 




. 


8 


31 


36 


Births, ..... 




. 


13 


184 


121 


Deaths, .... 




. 


13 


139 


120 


Families living by agriculture, 






12 


768 


371 


Blacksmiths, . 




, 


6 


10) 

27 } 

8) 




Carpenters, .... 




. 


9 


20 


Shoemakers, .... 






5 




Number of children at school, 




. 


9 


613 


462 


Acres of improved land, . 






12 


30,838 


13,867 


Indian corn raised, bushels, 






12 


66,009 


35,499 


Wheat raised, " . 




. 


12 


13,192 


11,508 


Potatoes, " 






12 


16,676 


16,681 


Oats, " . 






12 


28,736 


28,866 


Beans and peas, " . 






12 


5,938 


954 


Butter made, pounds, 






11 


41,164 


20,341 


Milch cows, .... 






13 


1,303 


803 


Oxen, .... 






12 


774 ) 
2,546 J 


1,472 


Other neat cattle, . 




. . 


13 


Horses and mules, . 






13 


1,903 


948 


Sheep, .... 




. 


8 


832 


839 


Hogs, .... 






13 


7,115 


3,458 


Ploughs, ... 






13 


737 


381 


Saw-mills, 






7 


18 


no report 


Grist-mills, . 






3 


3 


no report 



Though the reports are incomplete so far as regards every- 
thing but population, yet so far as they go they show that those 
Indians have made, and are making, considerable progress in 
industry and civilization, and that they are increasing in num- 
bers. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



009 



Statement of the number, condition, and leading products of 
agricultural industry of the'previous year, of that portion of the 
Chickasaws which had been enumerated in 1849, and the re- 
turns published in Mr. Schoolcraft's work ; also of the Western 
Algonquins, with the exception of the Sacs, Foxes, and Meno- 
monies. 



Western 
Chickasaws. Algonquins. 



Number of Indians of full blood, 

Whites and those of mixed blood, white 

and Indian, 
African slaves, 

Marriages during the previous year, 
Births, ..... 
Deaths, ..... 
Families living by agriculture and grazing, 
Blacksmiths, carpenters, and shoemakers, 
Number of children at school, 
Indian corn raised, bushels, 
Wheat raised, do, . 

Potatoes, do, do, . 

Oats, do, do, . 

Beans, do, do, . 

Horses, .... 
Neat cattle, . 
Sheep, .... 
Hogs, . . . # . 

Value of agricultural implements, 



627 
2,264 



265,351 

4,252 

63,917 



5,789 
14,788 

1,148 
24,142 



4,813 

185 

191 

_ 230 

294 

773 

29 

417 

143,207 

3,202 

14,332 

17,117 

2,149 

4,946 

4,748 

302 

7,813 

$42,000 



Mr. Schoolcraft has estimated the Indians in North Carolina 
in 1708, at about 6,000 ; and those in South Carolina, when it 
was first settled by English colonists, at about 7,000.* 

It is said in the report of H. Knox, secretary of war, bear- 
ing date, June 15th, 1789, "The whole number of Indian war- 
riors south of the Ohio, and east of the Mississippi, may be 
estimated at 14,000. Those to the northward of the Ohio, and 
to the southward of the lakes, at about 5,000. In addition to 
these, the old men, women, and children, may be estimated at 
three for every warrior — the whole number amounting to 76,000 
souls. "| 

The secretary of war in his letter to the President, bearing 
date July 7th, 1789, in relation to a treaty made with the 

Notes on the Iroquois, p. 110 and 156. 



* See Schoolcraft's 
T See American State Papers, vol. 
and 659. 



IV., on Indian Affairs, pp. 13, 38, 39, 



610 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

Cherokees, says, " The frequent wars they had with the frontier 
people of the United States, have greatly diminished their num- 
bers. " The commissioners appointed to negotiate a treaty with 
them in 1785, in the report of Dec. 2d of that year, make the 
following statement: "We have for the information of Con- 
gress collected as near as may be, the number of Indians in the 
four southern States, and we find the gun men of the Chero- 

kees, 2 5 000 

The Upper and Lower Creek nations, from an agent who 

resided seven years in their towns, .... 5,400 
The Chickasaws, . . . ' . . . .800 
The Choctaws, - 6,000 



Total, 14,200 

There are also some remains of tribes settled among these, as 
Shawanees, Eutchees," &c, &c. 

The estimate of the secretary of war in June 1789, is evi- 
dently based mostly on the report of the commissioners of Dec. 
1785, just referred to, which, judging from the present estimates 
of those tribes, was too high for the Choctaws, and quite too 
low for the Chickasaws and Cherokees. The commissioners ap- 
pointed to negotiate with the Choctaws, in a communication to 
the secretary of war, bearing date Dec. 18th, 1801, say, " A 
very few families have commenced the culture of cotton ; it is 
not manufactured by more than twelve in the whole nation, 
whose population exceeds fifteen thousand. " 

The report of the secretary of war of June 1789, estimating 
the Indians at 76,000, did not include those in New England, 
New York, and other middle States, probably numbering about 
10,000, which were not under the jurisdiction of the United 
States, but were subject to the several States in which they re- 
sided. This would swell the whole number then east of the 
Mississippi Kiver, to about 86,000, the descendants of whom 
now number over 112,000, according to the enumerations and 
estimates of the Indian Bureau, as heretofore stated. 

The probability is, that the Cherokees and Chickasaws, and 
perhaps some of those in the northwestern territory, were under- 
estimated, and that there were nearly 100,000 Indians in the 
United States in 1789. Great numbers of them were destroyed 
in the various wars waged against them by the United States 
from 1790 to 1815, and many lives were lost in removing them 
west of the Mississippi ; but there is no reason to doubt that, 
with these exceptions, all the tribes which have turned their at- 
tention to agriculture, have been increasing during the last fifty 
years. 



ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 611 

The tendency of the savage, and particularly the hunter 
state, is to separate and individual exertion — to isolation and in- 
dividuality of character, and to produce petty independent 
tribes. Except for warlike purposes, they resist all efforts for 
association, union, and confederation of tribes. Hence the 
want of any regular institutions of government, of religion or 
education ; of any fixed laws, accurate conceptions of morals, of 
personal rights, and of tribunals to administer justice. Hence 
individuals and tribes have no conceptions of any remedies for 
wrongs and injustice, except retaliation, force, violence, and 
murder. Savage tribes coming in contact, have frequent wars 
with each other ; and after the country was colonized by Euro- 
peans, they had frequent wars with the whites. They are an 
isolated, austere, unsocial people, and have few children, as ap- 
pears by the works of Mr. Schoolcraft. As they are ignorant 
of medical science, and suffer great hardships, a very large pro- 
portion of their children die young. 

The principal causes of the decrease of the Indians in the 
United States, during the last two centuries, are as follows : 

1st. The introduction among them, and the use of intoxicat- 
ing liquors. 

2d. The frequent quarrels, murders, and bloody wars among 
themselves. 

3d. Their wars with the whites. 

4th. Frequent sufferings by reason of a want of the necessa- 
ries of life ; and, 

Lastly. Ignorance of medical science. 

All these causes, except the first and third, operated with 
greater force before the settlement of the country by the whites, 
than they do at present. Though their hunting grounds have 
been contracted, yet the increased value of their furs, deer and 
buffalo skins, and the use of agricultural implements and do- 
mestic animals, which they have learned from the whites, more 
than compensate for the loss. The second and third causes have 
ceased to operate with the colonized tribes, as well as those east 
of the Mississippi ; and the evils of the first, fourth, and fifth, 
have greatly diminished among those tribes which have fixed 
habitations, and give their attention to agriculture and grazing. 

I see no reason to believe that the number of Indians within 
the present limits of the United States, east of the Mississippi 
River, exceeded 200,000 when the European colonists first set- 
tled, in Virginia, New York, and New England ; nor that they 
exceeded 150,000 at the beginning of the eighteenth century ; 
nor do I see any reason to doubt that the descendants of those 



612 ON THE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 

Indians, now numbering about 112,000, may increase to 150,000, 
and perhaps more, before the close of the present century. It 
is to be hoped that the time is not far distant, when Congress 
will unite all the tribes colonized west of Arkansas and Missouri 
under one government, appoint a governor, judges, and mar- 
shals, or sheriffs, for them, and allow them a delegate in Con- 
gress, to look after their rights and interests. Union, and a re- 
gular system of government, would do more for them than any- 
thing else ; which their excessive tendency to independent action 
will probably prevent them from ever forming, without the aid 
of Congress. As to the Indians farther west, they must be 
chastised into submission to the government and laws of the 
country, and a just regard for the rights of others, before much 
can be done effectually to learn them habits of regular industry, 
and the arts of civilization. The missionary cannot effect much 
without law, the judge, the sheriff, and the soldier. 

Sec. 11. Indians of the British North American Provinces. 

Mr. Schoolcraft, in his Notes on the Iroquois, gives the num- 
ber of Indians in Canada, from a report of the Canadian par- 
liament, as follows: In Lower Canada, 3,301, and in Upper 
Canada, 8,862 — total, 12,163. This report, he remarks, "is at 
best but an estimate ; and in this respect, the Canadians, like 
ourselves, are apt to over-estimate." 

M. H. Perley, Esq., Indian Agent of the province of New 
Brunswick, gives the number in that province and Prince 
Edward's Island, according to a recent census, and estimates it 
for other provinces as follows : 

Indians in New Brunswick per census, - - ' - 1,427 

Bo. in Prince Edward's Island per census, - - 297 

Bo. in Nova Scotia, estimated at, - 1,200 

Bo. in Newfoundland, estimated at, - - - 900 

Bo. in Ter. of Labrador, estimated at, - - - 4,000 

Add for Canada, per Mr. Schoolcraft, - 12,163 

Making a total of, 19,987 

Mr. Perley estimates the Mo/avian missionaries, and other 
white settlers among the Labrador Indians, at 1,000. He says 
the migratory habits of the Indians render it difficult to esti- 
mate them, and cause the same persons, in many instances, to 
be reckoned two or three times over ; and that they have been 
generally greatly over-estimated. He says the government has 
no data for even estimating the Indians west of Canada and 
Hudson's Bay, which I shall put down as a mere conjecture at 
20 000. 



ON TEE POPULATION OF THE NEW WORLD. 



613 



Sec. 12. Population of America. 

The population of Patagonia has been estimated at 80,000, 
and the independent tribes of Indians of Mexico and South 
America at from 1,000,000, to 1,500,000. The probability is, 
that these estimates are too high. The enumerations made, 
and the more accurate information acquired, duriDg the pre- 
sent century, show that nearly all the estimates made of the 
savage tribes of America, have been entirely too high. 

Estimates of the population of America at the under-mentioned 
periods.* 









1800. 


1820. 


| 1840. 


1850. 




Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Mexico, 


. 5. 


6. 


7. 


7.5 


Guatemala, . 




■ 








.9 


San Salvador, 












.3 


Nicaragua, 




• 


1.25 


1.5 


1.8 


.3$ 


Honduras, 












.3 


Costa Rica, . 












.12 


Venezuela, 






.7 


.8 


.95 


1.05 


New Granada, 
Ecuador, 




t 


1.8 


2.1 


l.S 
.6 


2. 

.65 


Peru, 






1.05 


1.15 


1.3 


1.4 


Chili, . 






.65 


.8 


1.05 


1.2 


Bolivia, 




" 






1. 


1.1 


Argentine Republic 
Uruguay, 


3 5 


> 


1.4 


1.8 


1. 
.13 


1.14 
.14 


Paraguay, 










.2 


.22 


Cuba, . 




! 


.6 


.6 


.9 


1.2 


Porto Rico, . 




.3 


.38 


.4 


Total Spanish America, 


12.45 


15.05 


18.11 


20. 


Brazil, .... 


3. 


4.3 


0.3 


7.4 


Guiana, .... 


.12 


.14 


.14 


.14 


Other West India Islands, 


1.2 


1.5 


1.8 


2. 


British Prov. North America, 


.33 


.73 


1.6 


2.3 


United States, 


5.3 


9.53 


17.06 


23.25 


Indians in United States, 


.3 


.3 


.3 


.3 


Indians in Brit. Prov. and Ter 


.04 


.04 


.04 


.04 


Other Indians not includec 










above, 


1. 


1. 


1. 


1, 


Total in America, . 


23.74 


32.59 


46.35 


56.43 



* The estimates for the year 1800 are mostly in accordance with those 
of Baron Humboldt, in his History of New Spain 



CHAPTER XXI. 

On the Property and Productive Industry of the 
United States. — continued from chapter xiv. 

Sec. 1. On the wealth of the several States at different periods, 
and the amount of property to each person. 

I. Statement of the population of Massachusetts, the aggre- 
gate amount of taxable property according to the official valua- 
tions, and the average amount of property to each person, at the 
under-mentioned periods ; also the per cent, increase of the popu- 
lation, from one period to another. 



Years. 


Population. 


Increase 
per cent. 


Value of Property. 


Amount to 
each Person. 


1790 


378,717 




$44,024,349 


$116 


1800 


423,245 


11.7 


72,065,718 


170 


1810 


472,040 


11.5 


97,949,917 


207 


1820 


523,287 


10.9 


153,545,171 


293 


1830 


610,408 


16.6 


208,856,422 


642 


1840 


737,699 


20.8 


299,880,338 


406 


1850 


994,499 


34.8 


597,936,995 


601 



In 1820 Maine was admitted as a State. Prior to that time 
it was a District, subject to Massachusetts, but it is not included 
in the foregoing table. The valuation of the property in Mas- 
sachusetts and Maine, in 1792, and the amount to each person, 
was as follows :* 



Massachusetts; - 
Maine, 



Valuation. 
$44,487,266 



Amount to each 
Person. 

$115 

72 



* See American State papers on Finance, vol. I. pages 420, and 443 to 
541. 



PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



61, 



II. Summary statement of the valuation of lands, town and 
city lots, and dwelling houses, in the several States, made by the 
assessors of direct taxes levied by the United States, for the 
years 1798 and 1813 ;* and the amount to each person,! at each 
period. Also the valuation of slaves in several of the States in 
1813. 





Valuation 


Valuation 


Amount to each 
Person. 


Valuation of 




in Millions 
in 1798. 


in Millions 
in 1S13. 


Slaves in 




179S. 


1813. 


1813. 


New Hampshire 


$23.17 


$36.96 


$132 


$165 




Massachusetts - - ) 
Maine - - - J 


63.99 


149.25 


151 


204 




Rhode Island 


11.06 


21.56 


160 


274 




Connecticut 


4S.31 


S6.54 


194 


326 


$0,003 


Vermont 


16.72 


32.75 


120 


147 




New York 


100.8S 


265.22 


1S7 


245 


.842 


New Jersey 


36.44 


*98.61 


176 


376 




Pennsylvania 


102.14 


*846-68 


ISO 


370 




Delaware 


6.23 


14.22 


100 


195 


.142 


Maryland 


32.37 


106.49 


96 274 


14.526 


Virginia 


71.22 


no returns. 


S3 






North Carolina - 


30. S4 


5S.11 


67 


100 


34.082 


South Carolina - 


17.46 


no returns. 


54 






Georgia 


12.06 


u 


83 






Kentucky 


21.41 


u 


112 






Tennessee 


6.13 


2S.75 


63 


93 


9.663 


Ohio in 1815 




*61.35 




1S6 






$619.93 








$59,253 



* The States of New Jersey. Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and some others, 
assumed their taxes for 1813, and hence no valuations were made that year ; 
the sums stated as the valuations of those three States in 1813, were made 
in 1815. 

t As the slaves produce wealth by their labor, and consume the products 
of industry like other persons, for the purpose of instituting a fair compari- 
son of the condition of the several States, they are not treated as property, 
but as persons, by whose labor a portion of the wealth of the country has 
been produced. 



616 



ON THE PROPERTY AND 



III. Summary statement in millions of dollars, of the official 
valuations of taxable real estate in the State of Virginia, at the 
under-mentioned periods — 







In 1850. 


1st District — 6,178,716 acres of land and 






buildings - 




$49.61 


The buildings upon it were valued at 


$10.92 




Value of buildings on city and town 






lots - 


16.16 




Value of city and town lots, includ- 






ing buildings - 




28.35 


2d District — 9,945,362 acres of land 






and buildings 




73.28 


Value of buildings on the lands 


12.13 




Value of buildings on city and town 






lots - 


2.74 




Value of city and town lots, includ- 






ing buildings - 




4.5 


3d District — 6,527,368 acres of land and 






buildings - 




53.12 


Value of buildings on the lands 


8.04 




Value of buildings on city and town 






lots - 


2.88 




Value of city and town lots, includ- 






ing buildings - 




4.29 


4th District— 26,644,341 acres of land 






and buildings - 




55.74 


Value of buildings on the lands 


6.13 




Value of buildings on city and town 






lots - 


3.31 




Value of city and town lots, includ- 






ing buildings - 




5.77 


Total value of real estate and buildings, 






in 1850 - 




274.66 


Total value of the buildings only 


62.31 





Total Valuation of real estate and buildings : — 

In 1819. 
1st. Tide-water District - - $71.49 

2d. Piedmont District - - 78.16 

3d. The Valley District - - 41.17 

4th. The Trans-Alleghany District - 16.06 



Total valuation of real estate and buildings 



206.88 



In 1838. 

$60.V0 

69.02 

42.99 

39.22 



211.93 



PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



617 



IV. Summary statement in millions of dollars, of the value of 
the taxable property in the States of Ohio and Kentucky, ac- 
cording to the official valuations made for levying taxes for the 
year 1850 — 



Lands, buildings, and improvements - 
City and town lots, and buildings 
Slaves - 

Other personal property, stocks, 
moneys, and credits 

Total taxable property, 




Kentucky. 

$141,720 
32,124 
65,190 

60,348 

299,382 



The foregoing table shows that the average value of slaves in 
Kentucky was estimated in 1850 at about three hundred and ten 
dollars, including old, young, male and female. Table II. shows, 
that they were valued, in 1813, in Maryland, at about one hun- 
dred and thirty dollars, and in North Carolina, at about one hun- 
dred and ninety dollars. A comparison of valuations leaves no 
room to doubt, that lands in those States were assessed in 1813, 
at their full cash value, and the probability is, that slaves were 
also assessed at their full average value. Prior to 1790, the 
average value of slaves was less than one hundred dollars ; they 
have increased in value more than three fold since that time ; 
their average value in the United States at the present time (1852) 
being about three hundred and seventy dollars. Children a year 
old are generally valued in Virginia at about one hundred dollars 
each ; those five years old are valued at from two hundred to two 
hundred and fifty dollars ; and in the cotton planting States, they 
are more valuable than they are in the States bordering on the 
free States. 



V. Statement in millions of dollars, generally in accordance 
with the returns of the census of 1850, — 1st, of the value of farms 
and plantations in each of the States, including the wood and 
timbered lands thereon, or connected therewith ; 2d, of the value 
of agricultural tools, implements, and machinery ; 3d, of live 
stock ; 4th, of all the lands and real estate, according to the valu- 
ations made in assessing state and county taxes; 5th, of all the 
personal property and effects, except slaves ; 6th, the aggregate 
valuations of personal and real property ; 7th, estimate of the true 
valuations or real amount of personal and real estate, exclusive of 



618 



ON THE PROPERTY AND 



the value of Slaves ; and, lastly, the average amount of property 
to each person, of the whole population : — 





Farms. 


Agricul 
lools, 
&c. 


Live 

Stock. 


Real 

Estate. 


Personal 
Estate. 


Personal 
and 
ReaL 


Proper- 
ty esti- 
mated.^ 


Amount 
to each 
Person. 


♦Maine 


$54.8 


$2.28 


$9.7 






100.2 


$134. 


$230 


New Hampshire 


55.2 


2.31 


8.87 






92.2 


103.6 


326 


Vermont 


59.7 


2.79 


12.64 


57.2 


15.7 


72.9 


92.5 


294 


Massachusetts - 


109.1 


3-21 


9.64 






597.9 


597.9 


601 


Rhode Island - 


17.1 


.49 


1.53 


51.1 


26.6 


77.7 


80.5 


545 


Connecticut 


72.7 


1.89 


7.46 


96.4 


22.7 


119.1 


155.7 


420 


New York 


















Sn District 


136.3 


4.04 


13.72 


322.3 


111.4 


433.7 


557.2 


502 


♦Nn District 


418.2 


1S.04 


59.85 


249.4 


44.4 


293.8 


650. 


326 


*New Jersey 


120.2 


4.42 


10.68 


1531 






208. 


425 


♦Pennsylvania - 


407.9 


1472 


41.5 






497.0 


800. 


845 




1.451.2 


54.19 


175.59 




3,379.4 | 


Ohio 


35S.7 


12 75 


44.12 


337.5 


96.8 


433.8 


504.7 


254 


Indiana 


136 4 


6.7 


22.48 


112.9 


39.9 


152.9 


202.6 


205 


Illinois - 


96.1 


6.4 


24.21 


81.5 


83.8 


114.8 


156.3 


184 


♦Michigan 


519 


2.S9 


8. 






52.8 


85. 


212 


Wisconsin 


28.5 


1.64 


4.88 


21.2 


5.5 


26.7 


42. 


137 


;:< Iowa 


16.6 


1.17 


3.69 


16.9 


57 


22.6 


26. 


135 


Minnesota 


.2 




• .09 








.6 


100 




68S.4 


31.55 


107.47 








1,017.2 




♦Delaware 


1S.9 


.51 


1.85 








27.5 


300 


Maryland 


87.2 


2.46 


8. 






181.5 


192.2 


329 


District Columbia 


1.7 


.04 


.07 


12.5 


.4 


12.9 


13 5 


267 


♦Virginia 


216.4 


7.02 


33.65 


274.6 






355. 


250 


North Carolina - 


678 


3.93 


17.72 


71.7 


45.1 


116.8 


131.6 


152 


♦Tennessee 


97 8 


5.36 


30 


104.3 




185 5 


175. 


175 


Kentucky 


154.3 


5.17 


29.6 


173.9 


60.1 


234. 


234. 


238 


♦Missouri 


63. 


3.96 


19.77 


66.8 






120. 


175 


♦Arkansas 


15 3 


ie 


6.65 


17.2 


4.4 


21.6 


26. 


124 




722.4 
82 4 


30 05 


147.31 








1,274.8 




South Carolina - 


4.13 


15.06 


105.7 


434 


149.1 


153.5 


230 


Georgia - 


95.7 ! 


5.89 


25.73 


121.6 


60 8 


182.4 


182.7 


202 


♦Florida - 


6 3 1 


•66 


2.88 








10-9 


125 


♦Alabama 


64.3 


5.12 


21.69 








130. 


170 


Mississippi 


54.7 


5.76 


19.4 


65.2 


19.3 


84.5 


105; 


173 


Louisiana 


75.8 


11.57 


11.15 






122.2 


136.1 


263 


Texas 


16.4 


2.13 


10.27 






2717 


29.5 


139 


"- 


395.6 


35.26 


106.18 






747.7 




California 


3.9 


.1 


3.35 


16.4 


5.6 


22.0 


22.2 




Oregon - 




.18 


1.87 












♦Utah - 


.3 


•08 


.54 








.9 


79 


♦New Mexico - 


1.6 


.08 


1.49 








3.7 


60 




5.8 


.44 


7.25 








26.8 




United States - 


3,263.4 


151.49 


543.80 








3.445-9 


277 



* The estimated amounts of property in the northern district of New 
York, in the States of Maine, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Iowa, 
Delaware, Virginia, Tennessee, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida, and Alabama, 
and also in the Territories, are my estimates, — the other amounts of pro- 
perty stated, including all those in the first six columns of the table, are 
either official estimates, or official valuations. In every case, where I have 
made an estimate, I have made it higher than the official valuation. 



PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



619 



VI. Estimate of the average and aggregate value of the slaves 
in the several States ; the total valuation of property including 
slaves, according to the next preceding table, and the average 
amount to each free person : — 









Value of 


Total 






Value ob 


Slaves. 


other 


Value of 


Amount 








Property. 


Property. 


to each 
Free Per- 
son. 




Each. 


Aggregate 
in Millions. 


Millions. 


Millions. 


Delaware - 


$300 


$0.6S 


$27.5 


$2S.2 


$316 


Maryland 


do. 


27.01 


192.2 


219.2 


445 


District of Columbia 


do. 


11 


13.5 


14.6 


304 


Virscinia - 


310 


146.48 


355. 


501.5 


526 


North Carolina 


330 


95.17 


131.6 


226.8 


387 


Tennessee - 


330 


79.02 


175. 


254. 


333 


Kentucky - - - 


310 


65.4 


234 


299.4 


386 


Missouri - 


' do. 


27.1 


120. 


147.1 


247 


Arkansas - 


350 


16 44 


26. 


42.4 


260 






458.40 


1274.8 


1.733.2 




South Carolina 


350 


134.74 


153.5 


2SS.2 


1,016 


Georgia - 


400 


152.67 


1S2.7 


335.4 


647 


♦Florida - 


do. 


15.72 


10.9 


26.6 


553 


♦Alabama - 


do. 


137.15 


130. 


267.1 


623 


Mississippi 


do. 


123.96 


105. 


229. 


772 


Louisiana 


do. 


97.91 


136.1 


234. 


857 


Texas - 


do. 


23.26 


29.5 


52.8 


341 




6S5.41 


747.7 


1.433.1 




Total in the Slave States 




1,143,81 


2.022.5 


3,166,3 





The foregoing tables show that there has been a very great 
disparity in the relative increase of wealth of the people of the 
several States. The increase in Massachusetts and Rhode Island 
has been without parallel in the history of the world ; the increase 
in England and Wales from 1800 to 1815 came the nearest to it. 
— (See Ante Chapter XIV., Section 7.) 

A comparison of the valuations in Table II. with each other, and 
with the statements in the other tables, induces the belief, that 
property was generally estimated at its full cash value in 1813, 
and but little under its cash value in 1798. The restoration of 
peace in 1815 was succeeded by immense importations of foreign 
goods, which flooded the country, induced extensive sales on 
credit, and vast speculations, which inflated the price of lands, 
and made a false show of prosperity, when it was undermining the 
industry of the country. These causes produced the extravagant 
valuations in New Jersey and Pennsylvania in 1815, stated in the 
table. These causes continued to operate, until the passage of 
the tariff of 1824 ; the country became embarrassed, and property 
began to fall, and continued to fall until 1824. Table III. shows 
that the real estate in the eastern part of Virginia was estimated 



620 ON THE PROPERTY AND 

at about $20,000,000 less in 1838, than it was in 1819, and it 
must have been much less in 1824, than it was in 1838. Let the 
reader reflect upon the general fall of real estate from 1818 to 
1824, and satisfy himself of 'the causes. 

While the average amount of property to each person in Mas- 
sachusetts increased nearly fifty per cent, from 1840 to 1850, the 
average amount in the agricultural States increased very little. 
The per cent, of increase of the' population from 1840 to 1850, 
was greater in each of the manufacturing States of Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island, and New Jersey, than it was in either of the great 
States of New-York and Ohio. In 1798, the average wealth of 
the people of Vermont and the northern district of New York, 
was nearly as great as that of the inhabitants of Massachusetts ; 
at the present time, it is only about half as great. Why this great 
change in relative condition ? This question should excite the 
earnest inquiry of every reflecting man. The territory of Ver- 
mont is about a quarter greater than that of Massachusetts, and 
the soil much better, and yet the farming lands of the latter are 
valued at an amount nearly twice as great as those of the former. 
The rich lands of the north western States are of comparatively 
small value, for want of manufacturing, industry, and a large manu- 
facturing population, to create a demand for their products. 
The anticipated benefits of canals and railroads to agricultural 
communities, without manufacturing or mining industry, have, to a 
very great extent, proved delusive. 

The tables show that there is a much greater amount of wealth 
in the slave States, than the people of the free States have gene- 
rally supposed ; and that the cotton planting States are at present 
more prosperous than the agricultural States of the north and 
northwest. They show that the prosperty of a country depends 
less on the question between slavery and freedom, than it does on 
the spirit, habits, and pursuits of the people, and on a proper division 
of employments, in accordance with their wants, and with the re- 
sources of the country. It is idle and absurd for a people to 
produce what they do not need and cannot sell to advantage, and 
rely on purchasing of foreigners articles of necessity, which they 
might learn to produce themselves. 



PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



621 



Sec. 2. Improved Lands and Live Stock of the several States. 

Statement in thousands, of the number of acres of improved lands con- 
tained in farms and plantations, and of the number of horses, cattle, and other 
live stock in the several States, according to the Census of 1850 ; also the 
number in the United States according to the Census of 1840 : 





Improved 
Lands. 


Hor's. 


Mul's 


Milch 
Cows. 


Work 
Oxen. 


Other | c1 _ 
Cattle.) Sliee P' 


Swine. 


Maine, 


2,039 


42 




134 


84 


126 


452 


55 


New Hampshire, 


2,251 


34 




94 


59 


115 


385 


63 


Vermont, . 


2,591 


61 


.2 


146 


48 


154 


920 


66 


Massachusetts. . 


2,133 


42 




130 


47 


83 


189 


81 


Rhode Island, . 


356 


6 




29 


« 


9 


44 


20 


Connecticut, 


1,768 
11,138 


27 




85 


80 


174 


76 




212 


.3 


618 


293 


567 


2,164 


361 


S. District of N. York, 
N. District of N.York, 


2,124) 
10,285 \ 


447 


.9 


931 


179 


767 


3,453 


1,018 


New Jersey, 


1,768 


64 


4.1 


119 


12 


80 


161 


250 


Pennsylvania, . 


8,628 


350 


2.3 


530 


61 


562 


1,822 


1,040 




22,805 


861 


7.3 


1,580 


252 


1,409 


5,436 


2.308 


Ohio, 


9,851 


463 


3.4 


544 


65 


749 


3,943 


1,965 


Indiana, 


5,046 


314 


6.6 


285 


40 


390 


1,123 


2.264 


Illinois, 


5.039 


268 


10.6 


294 


76 


541 


894 


1,916 


Michigan, . 


1,929 


58 


.1 


100 


55 


119 


746 


206 


Wisconsin, 


1,045 


30 


.1 


64 


43 


76 


125 


159 


Iowa, 


824 


38 


.7 


46 


22 


69 


150 


323 


Minnesota, 


5 


4 




2 
3 


2 
3 


4 


i 

8 


1 




23,739 


1,172 


21.5 


1,334 


302 


1,945 


6,981 


6,834 


Delaware, 


581 


14 


.8 


19 


10 


24 


27 


56 


Maryland, 


2,798 


76 


5.6 


87 


34 


99 


178 


353 


District of Columbia, 


16 


4 




4 


8 


8 


8 


2 


Virginia, . 


10,361 


272 


21.5 


318 


89 


669 


1,310 


1.831 


North Carolina, 


5,454 


149 


25.3 


222 


37 


434 


595 


1.813 


Tennessee, 


5,175 


270 


75.3 


250 


86 


414 


812 


3,114 


Kentucky, 


6,068 


315 


65.6 


247 


62 


443 


1,102 


2,861 


Missouri, . 


2,925 


223 


41.5 


228 


111 


446 


756 


1,692 


Arkansas, . 


781 


60 


11.6 


93 


34 


165 


91 


837 




34,159 

4,072 


1,380 


247.2 


1,465 
193 


464 


2,695 


4,872 


12,559 


South Carolina, . 


97 


37.5 


20 


564 


286 


1,065 


Georgia, 


6,378 


151 


57.4 


334 


73 


690 


560 


2,169 


Florida, 


349 


11 


5.0 


73 


6 


182 


23 


209 


Alabama, . 


4,435 


128 


59.9 


228 


67 


433 


372 


1,904 


Mississippi, 


3,444 


115 


54.5 


214 


83 


436 


305 


1,583 


Louisiana, . 


1,590 


89 


44.8 


106 


55 


415 


110 


597 


Texas, 


639 


75 


12.4 
271.5 


215 
1,363 


50 
354 


637 


99 


684 




20,907 


666 


3,357 


1,755 


8.211 
3 


California, . 


62 


22 


1.6 


4 


5 


254 


17 


Oregon, 




8 


.4 


9 


8 


24 


15 


30 


Utah, 


16 


2 


.3 


5 


5 


2 


3 


1 


New Mexico, . 


166 


5 
37 

4,328 


8.6 


11 


12 
30 


10 


377 


7 




244 
112,992 


10.9 

558.7 


29 


290 


412 


41 


United States, . 


6,389 


1,695,' 10,263 


21,620 


30,314 


United States in 1840, 




4,3: 


55.6 




14,971 


L 


19.311 


26,301 



622 



ON THE PROPERTY AND 



Sec. 3. Agricultural Products of the several States in 1849. 

Statement in millions, of the number of bushels of wheat, rye, maize or 
Indian corn, oats, buckwheat, Irish potatoes and sweet potatoes, produced in 
the several States in 1849, according to the returns of the Census of 1850 : 





Wheat. 


Rye. 


Maize. 


Oats. 


Buck- 
wheat 


Irish 
potatos 


Sweet 
potatos 


Maine, .... 


.296 


.103 


1.75 


2.18 


.104 


3.436 




New Hampshire, 


.186 


.183 


1.57 


.97 


.065 


4.305 




Vermont, .... 


.526 


.176 


2.03 


2.31 


.209 


4.947 




Massachusetts, . 


.031 


.481 


2.34 


1.16 


.106 


3.585 




Rhode Island, 




.026 


.54 


.21 


.001 


.651 




Connecticut, 


.042 


.600 


1.93 


1.26 


.229 


2.689 






1.081 


1.569 


10.16 


8.09 


.714 


19.613 




New York, 


13.121 


4,148 


17.86 


26.55 


3.183 


15.398 


.005 


New Jersey, 


1.601 


1.255 


8.76 


3.38 


.879 


3.207 


.508 


Pennsylvania, . 


15.367 


4.805 


19.83 


21.54 


2.193 


5.980 


.062 




30.089 


10.208 


46 45 


51.47 


6.255 


24.585 


.575 


Ohio, . 


14.487 


.425 


59.07 


13.47 


.638 


5.057 


.188 


Indiana, . 


6.214 


.079 


52.96 


5.65 


.149 


2.083 


.202 


Illinois 


9.414 


.083 


57.64 


10.08 


.184 


2.515 


.157 


Michigan, . 


4.926 


.106 


5.64 


2.86 


.473 


2.36 


.001 


Wisconsin, .... 


4.286 


.081 


1.99 


3.41 


.079 


1.402 


.001 


Iowa, 


1.530 


.02 


8.65 


1.52 


.052 


.276 


.006 


Minnesota, . 


.001 




.02 


.03 


.001 

1.576 


.021 






40.858 


.794 


185.97 


37.02 


13.714 


.555 


Delaware, . 


.482 


.008 


3.14 


.6 


.008 


.240 


.065 


Maryland, . 


4.495 


.226 


11.10 


2.24 


.103 


.765 


.209 


District of Columbia, . 


.017 


.005 


.06 


.01 




.028 


.003 


Virginia, . 


11.232 


.459 


35.25 


10.18 


.214 


1.317 


1.813 


North Carolina, . 


2.130 


.229 


27.94 


4.05 


.016 


.620 


5.095 


Tennessee, . 


1.619 


.089 


52.27 


7.70 


.019 


1.061 


2.778 


Kentucky, . 


2.140 


.415 


58.67 


8.20 


.016 


1.492 


.998 


Missouri, . 


2.967 


.044 


36.07 


5.24 


.023 


.934 


.332 


Arkansas, . . . . 


.199 


.008 
1.483 


8.89 


.65 




.194 


.788 




25,281 


233.39 


38.87 


.399 


6.651 


12.081 


South Carolina, . 


1.066 


.044 


16.27 


2.32 




.136 


4.337 


Georgia, . 


1.088 


.054 


30.08 


3.82 




.227 


6.986 


Florida, . 


.001 


.001 


2. 


.06 




.007 


.757 


Alabama, . 


.294 


.017 


28.75 


2.96 




.246 


5.475 


Mississippi, 


.138 


.009 


22.44 


1.5 


.001 


.261 


4.741 


Louisiana, . 






10.22 


.09 




.095 


1.428 


Texas, . 


.042 


.003 


5.92 


.18 




.093 


1.323 




2.629 


.128 


115.68 


10.93 


.001 


1.065 


25.045 


California, . 


.017 




.01 






.009 


.001 


Oregon, . 


.212 






.06 




.091 




Utah, . 


.108 




.01 


.01 




.043 




New Mexico, 


.196 




.36 












.533 




.38 


.07 




.143 


.001 


United States, . 


100.471 
84.823 


14.182 
18.645 


592.03 


146.45 


8.945 
7.291 


65.771 


38.257 


United States in 1839, 


377.53 123.07 


108.2* 


)8.060 



PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



623 



Statement in millions, of the bushels of peas, beans and barley, the 
pounds of rice, tobacco, wool and sugar ; and the bales of cotton, of four hun- 
dred pounds each, stated in thousands, produced in 1849, according to the 
returns of the Census of 1850 : 





Peas, 
beans. 


Barley. 


Rice. 


Tobac'. 


Cotton. 


Wool. 


Sugar. 


Maine, .... 


.205 


.152 








1.364 


.093 


New Hampshire, . 


.071 


.070 








1.108 


1.295 


Vermont, 


.105 


.042 








3.411 


5.981 


Massachusetts, 


.044 


.112 




.14 




.585 


.795 


Rhode Island, 


.006 


.019 








.13 




Connecticut, . 


.019 


.019 




1.27 





.497 


.051 




.450 


.414 




1.41 


7.095 


8.215 


New York, . 


.742 


3.585 




.08 




10.071 


10.357 


New Jersey, . 


.014 


.006 








.375 


.002 


Pennsylvania, 


.055 
.811 
.060 


.166 




.91 




4.481 


2.326 




3.757 




.99 




14.927 


12.685 


Ohio, . 


.354 




10.45 




10.196 


4.588 


Indiana, 


.036 


.045 




1.04 




2.61 


2.922 


Illinois, 


.083 


.111 




.84 




2.15 


.249 


Michigan, 


.074 


.075 








2.043 


2.439 


Wisconsin, . 


.021 


.209 








.254 


.611 


Iowa, .... 


.005 


.025 




.01 




.374 


.078 


Minnesota, . 


.010 


.001 










.003 




.289 


.820 




12.34 




17.627 


10.890 


Delaware, 


.004 










.058 




Maryland, 


.013 


.001 




21.41 




.480 


.048 


District of Columbia, 


.008 






.01 








Virginia, 


.522 


.025 


.017 


56.8 


3.95 


2.861 


1.228 


North Carolina, 


1.5S4 


.003 


5.466 


11.98 


73.85 


.971 


.028 


Tennessee, . 


.369 


.003 


.259 


20.15 


194.53 


1.364 


.158 


Kentucky, 


.202 


.095 


.006 


55.5 


.76 


2.297 


.437 


Missouri, . . 


.046 


.009 




17.1 




1.616 


.179 


Arkansas, 


.286 




.063 


.22 


65.34 


.183 


.009 




3.034 


.136 


5.811 


183.17 


338.43 
300.9 


9.830 


2.087 


South Carolina, 


1.027 


.004 


159.93 


.07 


.487 


.671 


Georgia, 


1.142 


.011 


38.95 


.42 


499.09 


.990 


1.644 


Florida, 


.135 




1.075 


1. 


45.13 


.023 


2.752 


Alabama, 


.893 


.004 


2.311 


.16 


564.43 


.657 


8.243 


Mississippi, . 


1.073 




2.719 


.05 


484.29 


.559 


.388 


Louisiana, 


.162 




4.425 


.03 


178.74 


.110 


226.0 


Texas, . . . . 


.179 


.005 


.088 


.07 


57.59 


.131 


7.351 




4.611 


.024 


209.498 


1.80 


2,130.17 


2.957 


247.049 


California, 


.002 


.010 








.005 




Oregon, 


.006 










.03 




Utah, . 




.002 








.009 




New Mexico, 


.016 






.01 




.033 






.024 
9.219 


0.12 




.01 




0.77 




United States, 


5.163 


215.309 


199.72 


2,468.60 


52.513 


280 926 


United States in 1839, . 




4.161 


80.841 


21916 


1,976.2 


35.802 


155.111 



624 



ON THE PROPERTY AND 



Statement in thousands, of the gallons of molasses made, of the value of 
the products of orchards, market gardens, and home-made or domestic manu- 
factures, and, in millions, of the pounds of butter and cheese made, and the 
value of animals fattened for slaughter, during the year ending June 1, 1850, 
according to the returns of the Census - 





Molasses. 


T'ducts 
orch'ds 


Pro. mkt 
gardens. 


H. made 
manufs. 


Butter. 


Cheese. 


Animals 
Fattened. 


Maine, . 


3.1 


$343 


$122 


$514 


9.244 


2.434 


$1,647 


New Hampshire, . 


9.8 


248 


57 


393 


6.977 


3.196 


1,523 


Vermont, 


6. 


315 


19 


278 


11.871 


8.730 


1,871 


Massachusetts. 


4:7 


464 


600 


205 


8.071 


7.088 


2,501 


Rhode Island, 




64 


98 


26 


.995 


.316 


667 


Connecticut, . 


.7 


175 


197 


192 


6.498 
43.656 


5.363 


2,202 




24.3 


1,609 


1,093 


1,608 


.27.127 


10,411 


New York, . 


56.5 


1,762 


912 


1,280 


79.766 


49.741 


13,574 


New Jersey, 


.9 


607 


475 


113 


9.487 


.366 


2,638 


Pennsylvania, 


50.6 


723 


689 


749 


39.878 


2.505 


8,220 




108. 


3,092 


2,076 


2,142 
1,712 


129.131 


52.612 
20.819 


24,432 


Ohio, . 


308.3 


695 


214 


34.449 


7,439 


Indiana, 


180.3 


325 


73 


1.631 


12.881 


.624 


6,568 


Illinois, 


8.3 


446 


127 


1,156 


12.526 


1.278 


4,972 


Michigan, 


' 19.8 


133 


15 


341 


7.066 


1.011 


1,328 


Wisconsin, . 


9.9 


5 


32 


43 


3.634 


.4 


920 


Iowa, . 


3.2 


8 


9 


221 


2.171 


.21 


820 


Minnesota, . 










.001 




003 




529.8 


1,612 


470 


5,104 
38 


72.728 


24.342 


22,050 


Delaware, . 




46 


12 


1.055 


.003 


374 


Maryland, 


1.4 


164 


201 


112 


3.806 


.004 


1,955 


Dist. of Columbia, 




15 


67 


2 


.015 


.001 


9 


Virginia, 


40.3 


177 


183 


2,156 


11.089 


.436 


7,500 


North Carolina, . 


.7 


34 


39 


2,086 


4.146 


.096 


5,768 


Tennessee, . 


7.2 


53 


97 


3,138 


8.139 


.178 


6,402 


Kentucky, . 


40. 


106 


293 


2,457 


9.878 


.214 


6,459 


Missouri, 


5.6 


512 


99 


1,663 


7.792 


.202 


3,349 


Arkansas, 




40 


17 


638 


1.854 

"47.774 


.03 


1,163 




95.2 
15.9 


1,147 


1,008 


12,290 


1.164 


32,979 


South Carolina, . 


35 


47 


909 


2.982 


.005 


1,303 


Georgia, 


216.1 


93 


76 


1,839 


4.64 


.047 


6,340 


Florida, 


352.8 


1 


9 


76 


.371 


.018 


515 


Alabama, 


83.4 


15 


85 


1,934 


4.009 


.031 


4,823 


Mississippi, . 


18.3 


50 


46 


1,164 


4.346 


.021 


3.636 


Louisiana, 


10,931.2 


22 


148 


139 


.683 


.002 


1,459 


Texas, 


441.6 
12.059.3 


12 


12 


256 


2.326 


.091 


1,106 




228 


423 


6,317 


19.357 


.215 


19,182 


California, . 


17 


75 


7 


.001 




100 


Oregon, 




1 


90 




.211 


.037 


164 


Utah, . 






24 


1 


.083 


.031 


68 


New Mexico, 


4.2 


8 


7 


6 




.006 

.074 

105.534 


82 




4.2 


26 


196 


14 


.295 


414 


United States, 


12.820.8 


$7,714 


$5,266 


$27,475 312.941 


$109,469 


U. States in 1839, . 




$7,257, 


$2,601* 


$29,023 


val.$33 


787,008| 





* Nurseries and florists, in 1839, $593,534. 



PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



G25 



Statement of other agricultural products returned with the 
Census of 1S50, not included in the foregoing tables : 













Quantity. 


Estimated 
Value. 


Wine made, — gallons, 


221,248 


$221. .000 


Hay, — tons, .... 
Clover seed, — bushels, . 










12,839,141 
467,983 




Other grass seed, — bushels, . 










413,154 




Hops, — pounds, 
Flax, — pounds, 
Flax seed, — bushels, 










3,467,574 

13,391,415 

562,810 


346,000 

805,000 


Silk cocoons, — pounds, . 










14,763 


29,000 


Beeswax and honey, — pounds, 
Hemp, — tons, partly estimated, 










14,850.627 
70,000 


1,856,000 
5,600,000 



Millions. 

| '72.34 
8.39 



Estimated income of agriculturists in the United States, from 
labor and capital, employed during the year ending, June 1st, 
1850, including the value of improvements* : 

Wheat,* 90,424,000 bushels at an average price of 

80cts. 
Rye,* 16,781,000 bushels at 50ets. 
Indian Corn,f about 120,000,000 bushels used for food 

and sold to distil, export, and to use for other than 

agricultural purposes, at 40cts. 
Oats,* perhaps half, or 67,100,000 bushels sold and 

used for other than agricultural purposes, at 28ct?. 
Buckwheat,* 8,200,000 bushels, at 50cts. 
Potatoes,* 96,360,000 bushels, at 25cts. 
Peas and Beans,* 8,450,000 bushels, at SOcts. 
Barley,* 4,650,000 bushels, at oOcts. 
Rice, 215,000,000 lbs. at 3cts. 
Tobacco, 199,720,000lbs. at 4lcts. 
Cotton, 987,200,000lbs. at lOjcts. 
Wool, 52,513,000lbs. at 30cts. 
Cane Sugar, 247,778,0001bs. at 4jcts 
Maple Sugar, 33,980,000lbs. at 8cts. 
Molasses, 12,820,000gals. at 20cts. 
Products of Orchards, valued at 
Products of Market G-ardeners 
Value of home-made goods, less one-half for materials, 

&c. 



48.00 

18.79 
4.10 

24.09 
6.76 
2.33 
6.45 
9.00 
101. IS 

15.75 

11.15 
2.72 
2.56 
7.71 
5.26 

13.73 

* Note— One-tenth part of the wheat, barley and rye, and one-twelfth part 
of the oats, buckwheat, peas, beans and potatoes, have been deducted for 
seed ; and the remaining quantities stated at their estimated average values, 
at the places of production. 

| As to the disposition of the crop of Indian corn, see section 3, of chap, xi, 
and note on p?.ge 275. 



026 



ON THE PROPERTY AND 



Butter, 312,941,000lbs. at 14cts. 

Cheese, 105,534,000lbs. at 7cts. 

Value of animals fattened and slaughtered,* 

Value of wine, hops, flax, silk cocoons, bees-wax, and 
honey, heretofore estimated at, 

Hemp, 70,000 tons at $80 

One-fifth part of the Hay, estimated as sold, and not 
used by agriculturists, valued at 

Annual increase, of live stock, over and above thoso 
killed, 3 per cent, (being the same as the increase of 
the inhabitants), valued at 

Horses, Mules, &c, raised and sold for purposes other 
than agriculture, estimated at 

Clearing and Fencing 2,800,000 acres of land at $11 

Draining, and other agricultural improvements 

Milk and Cream consumed, estimated as worth one- 
third part as much as the butter and cheese, 

Products of domestic gardens, estimated at 

Eggs and poultry, estimated at 
Total 



Millions 

43.81 

7.38 

109.47 

3.26 
5.60 

25.00 



16.37 

5.00 
30.80 



17.00 
13.00 
15.00 



.00 



Sec. 4. — Manufacturing, Mechanical, and Mining Industry of the 
several States in 1850. 
Statement of the capital and number of persons employed in 
the United States, in manufactures of cotton, wool, and iron — the 
value of the raw materials used, including fuel, &c, and the gross 
value of the products, during the year ending, June 1st, 1850, 
according to the returns of the census ; also the average amount 
of capital employed, and the net value produced to each person : 





Cotton . 


Wool. 


Pig Iron. 


Castings. 


Wrought 
Iron. 


Capital invested (millions) 


$74.5 


$28.12 


$17.34 


$17.41 


$14.49 


Value of products in millions 


61.87 


43.2 


12.75 


25.1 


16.74 


Value of materials do. 


34.83 


25.7 


7- 


10.34 


9.69 


Net value produced do. 


27. 


17.5 


5.75 


14.76 


7.05 


Males employed 


33.150 


22.678 


20.298 


23.541 


13.178 


Females employed 


59.136 


16.574 


150 


48 


79 


Capital to each person 


$807 


$716 


$848 


$740 


$1,093 


Net value produced to each 












person. 


$293 


$444 


$280 


$625 


$531 



* The returns of the value of animals slaughtered agree substantially with 
the estimates of animal products consumed, contained in section 3, chap, xi , 
(page 278,) and show that the estimates of animal products, and the increase 
of animals contained on page 454, are greatly too high— perhaps too hi»h by 
forty millions of dollars, considering that the whole value of the corn an I 
oats is estimated in addition. 



HfSI 




Warn 

mama 






